essay on social heroes

Greater Good Science Center • Magazine • In Action • In Education

What Makes a Hero?

This month, Greater Good features videos of a presentation by Philip Zimbardo, the world-renowned psychologist perhaps best known for his infamous Stanford Prison Experiment. In his talk, Zimbardo discusses the psychology of evil and of heroism, exploring why good people sometimes turn bad and how we can encourage more people to perform heroic acts. In this excerpt from his talk, he zeroes in on his research and educational program designed to foster the “heroic imagination.”

More on Heroism

Watch the video of Philip Zimbardo's Greater Good talk on heroism.

Read his essay on " The Banality of Heroism ," which further explores the conditions that can promote heroism vs. evil.

Read this Greater Good essay on the "psychology of the bystander."

Learn more about Zimbardo's Heroic Imagination Project.

What makes us good? What makes us evil?

Research has uncovered many answers to the second question: Evil can be fostered by dehumanization, diffusion of responsibility, obedience to authority, unjust systems, group pressure, moral disengagement, and anonymity, to name a few.

But when we ask why people become heroic, research doesn’t yet have an answer. It could be that heroes have more compassion or empathy; maybe there’s a hero gene; maybe it’s because of their levels of oxytocin—research by neuroeconomist Paul Zak has shown that this “love hormone” in the brain increases the likelihood you’ll demonstrate altruism. We don’t know for sure.

I believe that heroism is different than altruism and compassion. For the last five years, my colleagues and I have been exploring the nature and roots of heroism, studying exemplary cases of heroism and surveying thousands of people about their choices to act (or not act) heroically. In that time, we’ve come to define heroism as an activity with several parts.

First, it’s performed in service to others in need—whether that’s a person, group, or community—or in defense of certain ideals. Second, it’s engaged in voluntarily, even in military contexts, as heroism remains an act that goes beyond something required by military duty. Third, a heroic act is one performed with recognition of possible risks and costs, be they to one’s physical health or personal reputation, in which the actor is willing to accept anticipated sacrifice. Finally, it is performed without external gain anticipated at the time of the act.

Simply put, then, the key to heroism is a concern for other people in need—a concern to defend a moral cause, knowing there is a personal risk, done without expectation of reward.

By that definition, then, altruism is heroism light—it doesn’t always involve a serious risk. Compassion is a virtue that may lead to heroism, but we don’t know that it does. We’re just now starting to scientifically distinguish heroism from these other concepts and zero in on what makes a hero.

My work on heroism follows 35 years of research in which I studied the psychology of evil, including my work on the infamous Stanford Prison Experiment . The two lines of research aren’t as different as they might seem; they’re actually two sides of the same coin.

A key insight from research on heroism so far is that the very same situations that inflame the hostile imagination in some people, making them villains, can also instill the heroic imagination in other people, prompting them to perform heroic deeds.

Take the Holocaust. Christians who helped Jews were in the same situation as other civilians who helped imprison or kill Jews, or ignored their suffering. The situation provided the impetus to act heroically or malevolently. Why did some people choose one path or the other?

Another key insight from my research has been that there’s no clear line between good and evil. Instead, the line is permeable; people can cross back and forth between it.

This is an idea wonderfully represented in an illusion by M. C. Escher, at left. When you squint and focus on the white as the figures and the black as the background, you see a world full of angels and tutus dancing around happily. But now focus on the black as the figures and the white as the background: Now it’s a world full of demons.

What Escher’s telling us is that the world is filled with angels and devils, goodness and badness, and these dark and light aspects of human nature are our basic yin and yang. That is, we all are born with the capacity to be anything. Because of our incredible brains, anything that is imaginable becomes possible, anything that becomes possible can get transformed into action, for better or for worse. 

Some people argue humans are born good or born bad; I think that’s nonsense. We are all born with this tremendous capacity to be anything, and we get shaped by our circumstances—by the family or the culture or the time period in which we happen to grow up, which are accidents of birth; whether we grow up in a war zone versus peace; if we grow up in poverty rather than prosperity.

George Bernard Shaw captured this point in the preface to his great play “Major Barbara”: “Every reasonable man and woman is a potential scoundrel and a potential good citizen. What a man is depends upon his character what’s inside. What he does and what we think of what he does depends on upon his circumstances.”

So each of us may possess the capacity to do terrible things. But we also posses an inner hero; if stirred to action, that inner hero is capable of performing tremendous goodness for others.

Another conclusion from my research is that few people do evil and fewer act heroically. Between these extremes in the bell curve of humanity are the masses—the general population who do nothing, who I call the “reluctant heroes”—those who refuse the call to action and, by doing nothing, often implicitly support the perpetrators of evil.

So on this bell curve of humanity, villains and heroes are the outliers. The reluctant heroes are the rest. What we need to discover is how to give a call to service to this general population. How do we make them aware of the evil that exists? How do we prevent them from getting seduced to the dark side?

We don’t yet have a recipe for creating heroes, but we have some clues, based on the stories of some inspiring heroes.

I love the story of a wonderful nine-year-old Chinese boy, who I call a dutiful hero. In 2008, there was a massive earthquake in China’s Szechuan province. The ceiling fell down on a school, killing almost all the kids in it. This kid escaped, and as he was running away he noticed two other kids struggling to get out. He ran back and saved them. He was later asked, “Why did you do that?” He replied, “I was the hall monitor! It was my duty, it was my job to look after my classmates!”

This perfectly illustrates what I call the “heroic imagination,” a focus on one’s duty to help and protect others. For him, it was cultivated by being assigned this role of hall monitor.

Another story: Irena Sendler was a Polish hero, a Catholic woman who saved at least 2,500 Jewish kids who were holed up in the Warsaw ghetto that the Nazis had erected. She was able to convince the parents of these kids to allow her to smuggle them out of the ghetto to safety. To do this, she organized a network.

That is a key principle of heroism: Heroes are most effective not alone but in a network. It’s through forming a network that people have the resources to bring their heroic impulses to life.

What these stories suggest is that every one of us can be a hero. Through my work on heroism, I’ve become even more convinced that acts of heroism don’t just arrive from truly exceptional people but from people placed in the right circumstance, given the necessary tools to transform compassion into heroic action.

Building on these insights, I have helped to start a program designed to learn more of heroism and to create the heroes of tomorrow.

The Heroic Imagination Project (HIP) is amplifying the voice of the world’s quiet heroes, using research and education networks to promote a heroic imagination in everyone, and then empower ordinary people of all ages and nations to engage in extraordinary acts of heroism. We want to democratize the notion of heroism, to emphasize that most heroes are ordinary people; it’s the act that’s extraordinary.

There are already a lot of great heroes projects out there, such as the Giraffe Heroes Project . The HIP is unique in that it’s the only one encouraging research into heroism, because there’s very little.

Here are a few key insights from research we’ve done surveying 4,000 Americans from across the country. Each of these statements is valid after controlling for all demographic variables, such as education and socioeconomic status.

Heroes surround us. One in five—20 percent—qualify as heroes, based on the definition of heroism I provide above. Seventy-two percent report helping another person in a dangerous emergency. Sixteen percent report whistle blowing on an injustice. Six percent report sacrificing for a non-relative or stranger. Fifteen percent report defying an unjust authority. And not one of these people has been formally recognized as a hero.

Opportunity matters. Most acts of heroism occur in urban areas, where there are more people and more people in need. You’re not going to be a hero if you live in the suburbs. No shit happens in the suburbs!

Education matters. The more educated you are, the more likely you are to be a hero, I think because you are more aware of situations.

Volunteering matters. One third of all the sample who were heroes also had volunteered significantly, up to 59 hours a week.

Gender matters. Males reported performing acts of heroism more than females. I think this is because women tend not to regard a lot of their heroic actions as heroic. It’s just what they think they’re supposed to do for their family or a friend.

Race matters. Blacks were eight times more likely than whites to qualify as heroes. We think that’s in part due to the rate of opportunity. (In our next survey, we’re going to track responses by area code to see if in fact these heroes are coming from inner cities.

Personal history matters. Having survived a disaster or personal trauma makes you three times more likely to be a hero and a volunteer.

Based on these insights into heroism, we’ve put together a toolkit for potential heroes, especially young heroes in training, who already have opportunities to act heroically when they’re kids, such as by opposing bullying.

A first step is to take the “hero pledge,” a public declaration on our website that says you’re willing to be a hero in waiting. It’s a pledge “to act when confronted with a situation where I feel something is wrong,” “to develop my heroic abilities,” and “to believe in the heroic capacities within myself and others, so I can build and refine them.”

You can also take our four-week “Hero Challenge” mini-course online to help you develop your heroic muscles. The challenge may not require you to do anything heroic, but it’s training you to be heroic. And we offer more rigorous, research-based education and training programs for middle and high schools, corporations, and the millitary that make people aware of the social factors that produce passivity, inspire them to take positive civic action, and encourage the skills needed to consistently translate heroic impulses into action.

We’re also in the process of creating an Encyclopedia of Heroes, a collection of hero stories from all over the world. Not just all the classic ones and fictional ones, but ones that people from around the world are going to send in, so they can nominate ordinary heroes with a picture and a story. It will be searchable, so you can find heroes by age, gender, city and country. These are the unsung, quiet heroes—they do their own thing, put themselves in danger, defend a moral cause, help someone in need. And we want to highlight them. We want them to be inspirational to other people just like them.

Essentially, we’re trying to build the social habits of heroes, to build a focus on the other, shifting away from the “me” and toward the “we.” As the poet John Donne wrote: “No man [or woman] is an island entire of itself; every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main; … any man’s death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind. And therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee.”

So every person is part of humanity. Each person’s pulse is part of humanity’s heartbeat. Heroes circulate the life force of goodness in our veins. And what the world needs now is more heroes—you. It’s time to take action against evil.

About the Author

Philip Zimbardo

Philip Zimbardo, Ph.D. , is a professor emeritus of psychology at Stanford University, a professor at Palo Alto University, a two-time past president of the Western Psychological Association, and a past president of the American Psychological Association. He is also the author of the best-selling book The Lucifer Effect and the president of the Heroic Imagination Project .

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The prison guard’s dilemma.

Very nice information. In this world this is the very difficult question that what makes people good or evil. This post has helped a lot to understand the difference. Actually in my point of it depends upon the individual that what he/she thinks. If he/she thinks negative all the time them they became evil and thinking vice versa makes them good.

Andrew | 2:31 am, January 19, 2011 | Link

I really like reading this article because there are many individuals in the world that are heroes but are not recognized.  Heroes that have help humanity progress and prosper have fought with the greatest weapons which are love, respect, sincerity, and peace.  The governments that have had the greatest fear of seeing people free have always use war for colonization, genocide, and false treaties.  However, love is much stronger than war, and thanks to the modern forms of communication and exchange of information, more people are united for peace and do not support or participate in colonization or human genocide.  Since the start of humanity most people have use peace to progress, few have participated in war and few are participating. May peace prevail on earth!

Victor | 7:48 pm, January 29, 2011 | Link

A son raising up against an evil father. A brother standing up to a bully attacking his sibling. A stranger rallying to the side of a woman being assaulted in the street.

My sons are my strength. My reason to help others, that they may find the help they need in their lives.

pops | 9:39 am, February 3, 2011 | Link

Of course religion and eduction has a big impact on a child. But once a child is trying to live a good life (earning good karma or call it whatever you want) good things will happen to that child and he or she will recognize this.

So I think you can definitely change from evil to good.. maybe you _can be changed_ from good to evil.

Massud Hosseini | 7:28 am, September 17, 2011 | Link

Actually in my point of it depends upon the individual that what he/she thinks

asalah | 9:41 pm, September 24, 2011 | Link

“Research has uncovered many answers to the second question: Evil can be fostered by dehumanization, diffusion of responsibility, obedience to authority, unjust systems, group pressure, moral disengagement, and anonymity, to name a few.”  <—What I find amazing about this statement is that anything is being branded “evil” at all.  Well, maybe not.  Relativism seems to be something that’s employed when convenient, disregarded when it’s not.

Kukri | 6:58 pm, November 6, 2011 | Link

This is a very comprehensive discussion on heroism. Victor makes a great point in his comment about how most heroes go unnoticed by the vast majority of people. I think that lack of notoriety is part of what it means to be a hero: doing that which is unexpected without the need for a pat on the back. quotes for facebook status

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When a sniper’s bullet hits one soldier and misses the person next to him, that alone does not make the wounded soldier more heroic.

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Unsung Heroes: Encouraging Students to Appreciate Those Who Fought for Social Justice

Teaching Activity. Essay by Howard Zinn and lesson by Bill Bigelow. Rethinking Schools. 17 pages. Students research and share stories about unsung heroes in U.S. history.

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You can no more win a war, than you can win an earthquake.” —Jeannette Rankin

Schools help teach students who “we” are. And as Howard Zinn points out in his essay “Unsung Heroes,” too often the curricular “we” are the great slaveholders, plunderers, imperialists, and captains of industry of yesteryear.

Thus when we teach about the genocide Columbus launched against the Taínos, or Washington’s scorched-earth war on the Iroquois, or even Abraham Lincoln’s promise in his first inaugural address to support a constitutional amendment making slavery permanent in Southern states, some students may experience this new information as a personal loss. In part, as Zinn suggests, this is because they’ve been denied a more honorable past with which to identify — one that acknowledges racism and exploitation, but also highlights courageous initiatives for social equality and justice.

The roles included are:

From the opening of the “Unsung Heroes” essay by Howard Zinn

A high school student recently confronted me: “I read in your book A People’s History of the United States about the massacres of Indians, the long history of racism, the persistence of poverty in the richest country in the world, the senseless wars. How can I keep from being thoroughly alienated and depressed?”

It’s a question I’ve heard many times before. Another question often put to me by students is: Don’t we need our national idols? You are taking down all our national heroes — the Founding Fathers, Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, John F. Kennedy. Granted, it is good to have historical figures we can admire and emulate. But why hold up as models the 55 rich white men who drafted the Constitution as a way of establishing a government that would protect the interests of their class — slaveholders, merchants, bondholders, land speculators?

Why not recall the humanitarianism of William Penn, an early colonist who made peace with the Delaware Indians instead of warring on them, as other colonial leaders were doing?”

Classroom Story

“ Unsung Heroes ” is a lesson I’ve used every year. It is always a hit with my students, who are engaged and ask important questions during this unit. When students embody those heroic figures I hope they emulate, it is also important identity work which is critical during the middle school years that my students find themselves in.

Students always say that they never knew there were so many people who had to struggle for equality in the U.S. It is edifying for me when students say, “She looks like me!” regarding one of the heroes, or otherwise find ways to relate their own lives to the lives of figures who helped in the struggle for equality.

This lesson was published by  Rethinking Schools  in Rethinking Our Classrooms, Volume 2: Teaching For Equity and Justice . For more lessons like “Unsung Heroes: Encouraging Students to Appreciate Those Who Fought for Social Justice,” order Rethinking Our Classrooms, Vol. 2 with a collection of from-the-classroom articles, curriculum ideas, lesson plans, poetry, and resources — all grounded in the realities of school life, edited by Bill Bigelow, Brenda Harvey, and Stan Karp.

A similar lesson is available from Teaching for Change called “ Resistance 101: A Lesson on Social Justice Activists and Strategies .”

Related Resources

Voices of a People’s History of the United States, 10th Anniversary Edition

Book — Non-fiction. Edited by Howard Zinn and Anthony Arnove. 2014. 704 pages. Speeches, letters, poems, and songs for each chapter of A People’s History of the United States .

How to — and How Not to — Teach Role Plays

Considerations regarding the planning and use of role plays for teaching people’s history.

4 comments on “ Unsung Heroes: Encouraging Students to Appreciate Those Who Fought for Social Justice ”

When are you going to add in the story of Catholic institution building, anti-Catholic bias in the 19th and twentieth centuries, and add the names of Catholic women, especially nuns and sisters, who worked to overcome barriers erected by the majority culture during this time? None of this is in textbooks I have read over the course of my college education: from freshman through the doctoral levels.

Teachers, let’s make sure we use this plan and even expand on it when helping students choose a topic for their National History Day 2017 project. This year’s theme is “Taking a Stand in History”…its begging our students to research those who have stood for justice.

Thank you for adding truth to the study of our past… When humans hide the imperfections and demons among us, truth loses and the injustices and imperfections in our past keep their un-warranted power.

Thank you for you enlightening work.

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Heroes Among Us: When Ordinary People Become Extraordinary

Laurel Dalrymple

Students and faculty pray together following a shooting on the campus of Seattle Pacific University on Thursday. Elaine Thompson/AP hide caption

Students and faculty pray together following a shooting on the campus of Seattle Pacific University on Thursday.

You can't identify a hero from the outside. You might not suspect that Jon Meis, the Seattle Pacific University student who has been described as private and gentle, would tackle and subdue a gunman Thursday, inspiring others to help hold down the attacker until police arrived. Would those other students have acted if Meis had not?

Also yesterday, a man in Pennsylvania ran from his house in pajamas and flip-flops, and pulled an unconscious woman from a car in flames. Why did he do this? He could have called 911. He could have knocked on a neighbor's door and debated what to do. But he simply acted. Why?

And a man in Minnesota jumped 30 feet from a cliff into the St. Croix River to save a drowning 11-year-old boy.

All of these situations, which happened within days of each other, required immediate action. For a life to be saved, there was no time to wait for rescuers. So these people stepped up, at the risk of their own lives, for people they did not know.

When questioned, recurring themes run through the answers of heroes. "I didn't really think about it," "I don't think of myself as a hero," "I was just focused on what needed to be done."

Their remarks are usually humble, usually speak of automatic reaction. Many, such as Meis, don't even want to speak to the media.

Researchers Selwyn Becker and Alice Eagly said in the journal American Psychologist that heroism is not only noble risk-taking, but also something selfish, a way to ensure status.

They are the scientific researchers, but my gut tells me that most heroes are not out for selfish glory or status. They just seem somehow wired differently. Furthermore, I believe that many people have a little bit of hero inside them, and sometimes all it takes is one person to get the ball rolling, as was the case in Seattle, where a gunman had already killed one person, wounded two others and was in the process of reloading.

I don't think heroes have time to weigh the morality of their actions at the time. I suspect their values are already so deep-seated that they automatically act on them when faced with a morally challenging situation.

Psychiatrist Deane Aikins says heroes often cultivate social bonds before and after the crisis. While this is true in organizations like the military or police, and exemplified many times in feats on the job, what about those everyday heroes — the ones who act for the benefit of strangers?

I love all heroes, because any time a human being does something good, I rejoice. But to me, these humans are the ones who give me faith in humanity, the world, God, the universe and everything.

The other day, I witnessed a bad motorcycle accident. For a second, the world just froze. People sat in their cars, stunned. Nothing happened for about 30 seconds. Then, one man got out of his car and rushed over to the motorcycle rider. Soon, a woman rushed over with her cellphone. Then another person ... and another. The rider was soon surrounded: one person down on the ground with him, one directing traffic, one on the phone.

That first man was a true hero. And then the woman became a hero because of the first man. And then they were all heroes.

By the time I was able to make it to the scene of the accident, I drove up next to the first man and asked how I could help. "We got it," he said, clearly shaken. "You're a hero," I said. He looked at me, confused. "Why?" And then he walked off to the task at hand.

Today is D-Day, and while we remember the lives of many heroes on that day, and read plenty of stories that honor them, and while we continue arguing about whether Bowe Bergdahl is a hero or a villain, I want to take a moment.

I want to honor the heroes for whom there are no days of honor, no ceremonies, no medals, no recognition. These heroes are all around you, and they are complete strangers. They won't reveal themselves until something very bad is happening. And then you will see something amazing. You will see the very definition of humanity.

Laurel Dalrymple is an editor and writer for NPR.org. You can follow her on Facebook at facebook.com/laurelmdalrymple

The Social Hero

Each of us inherits the traditions and opinions of society at birth, a process that we tend to take for granted, but which social heroes bravely try to bring to light. This act is heroic in itself because it requires a willingness to leave the comfort of the familiar in search of a new perspective. This is implied in the movie The Celebration, where the suicide of his twin sister gives Christian the courage to confront and expose his powerful father. We may wonder what it was that forced him to be silent for so many years, unable to move on with his life. Christian’s fear of his father, reinforced by a submissive mother and siblings, was impossible to overcome until the death of his sister. Another change in perspective is at work when the “compact majority” abandons Dr. Stockman in An Enemy of the People. His belief that the majority of the people would recognize and demand truth was replaced with the realization that he could only trust himself with that burden. The most dramatic shift in perspective is depicted in the final pages of A Doll’s House when Nora reveals to Torvald that she is no longer sure about anything. Nora comes to the startling realization that she no longer loves her husband, and is totally unfit to care for her own children. Each character chose to emerge from cognitive dissonance and embrace reality regardless of the consequences.

Upon reaching the new vantage point, these social heroes had to reject old ideas in favor of new, more genuine ones. In this way, the original problem or conflict becomes an opportunity to search for the truth. As Nora says to Torvald concerning religion, “I will see if what the clergyman said is true, or at all events if it is true for me (p. 68).” Christian goes so far as to reveal the truth in front of his extended family, maximizing its impact and sealing his determination to acknowledge what really happened. Dr. Stockman declares the error of the majority in the presence of the majority itself. In all three cases, a confrontation with society or a representation thereof is the natural consequence of new-found perspective. The heroics of doing so are readily apparent because of the ensuing fury: Christian is taken out and beaten, Dr. Stockman is harassed and declared an enemy of the people, and Nora is harshly criticized by her husband.

At this point, the characters are presented with the choice to abandon their cause or to persevere in spite of opposition. Christian returns three times before finally achieving his objective. He is rewarded with the ability to put the tyranny of his father behind him and move on with his life. The determination shown by Dr. Stockman was equally heroic, but without much in the way of closure. He decides to stay and fight the majority rather than abandon the cause. There is a sense of personal victory, not public, conveyed in his declaration that “the strongest man in the world is he who stands most alone (p. 82).” It is much more difficult to give wholesale heroic perseverance to Nora. There is a sense that she abandons her problems rather than solving them. She rightly states that she must learn a great deal of things before she can be a wife and a mother, but leaving her children seems to be denying reality rather than embracing it. It was, after all, middle class society that led her to have almost nothing to do with the rearing of her children. When she realizes that society has taken her children from her, it seems natural that she should desire to take them back. In the end, however, Nora cannot be accused of taking the easy way out of the situation even if I suggest she didn’t take the right one.

Each of the social heroes considered here, as well as many others found in literature and film, approach society with somewhat existential overtones. Whereas our legendary heroes spent much of their time living up to the expectations of others, the social heroes are engaged in a valiant struggle to live up to their own expectations in spite of society. In William Heinesen’s Laterna Magica, we are told of Hans, the deacon, who sees Old Tonnes fly from the upper window of his house. When nobody, not even the pastor, will believe his story, he asks “is the age of miracles gone forever then (p. 88)?” Later, the pastor tells him to forget about the whole thing, and to “put a blinder over your eyes, and a seal over your lips (p. 89).” We are not told the final outcome of this story, but if Hans is like other social heroes, he would probably cast off the “blinder,” and remain true to what he saw with his own eyes. What relevance is it to a true social hero that nobody else shared his belief? None whatsoever.

by Stuart Campbell

Major: Bioengineering Expected Graduation: December 2004 Hometown: Pullman, WA In this essay I tried draw out common themes found in An Enemy of the People , A Doll's House , and The Celebration . I then attempted to use these as a basis on which to judge the heroic qualities of the main character in each story. The result was to form a working definition of the term 'social hero.'

Hero in Modern Society Essay

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Does the modern society admire and follow appropriate heroes or contemporary heroes are only shallow persons with the attractive appearance? To answer this question, it is important to focus on defining a hero in the modern world. Today, people do not need their heroes to fight with evil gods and perform the feat, but they need someone to follow when the real life seems to be cruel (Dubose 916).

Many people view a hero as a man who has no fears, whose qualities are prominent, and whose virtues are remarkable. This person is strong physically and mentally, and he is ready to sacrifice his life to other people (Alexander 2).

The modern hero should be discussed as a person who has the same attributes and proclaiming the same values, but who uses the other means to achieve his goals. A hero can be defined as a person who is just and self-sacrificing because he can serve his life for protecting the principles of justice in the world; however, this hero needs to focus on patience and tolerance rather than on force and fight.

One of the main attributes in heroes is their feeling and understanding of justice. Heroes are often chosen by the audience for protecting the people’s interests. When the society cannot oppose the unfairness and oppression, they choose heroes who can protect their values and interests.

According to Mike Dubose, a researcher specializing in American Culture Studies, heroes reflect other people’s fears and make their “quest for justice”, ensuring that every barrier can be overcome successfully (Dubose 925). In this context, heroes become the reflections of the society’s hopes and expectations. Those virtues that are attributed to heroes by the public are expected to be the main social values during the certain period of time.

Real heroes are self-sacrificing, and the social status can mean nothing for them. The problem of the social status is discussed by Quinonez in his book Bodega Dreams . The characters of this book act like heroes, while opposing the life challenges daily, but their status is not high enough to speak about them as heroes from the traditional perspective (Quinonez 178).

The public prefers to find heroes among famous people, but not all of them are prominent to be regarded as heroes. The intention to serve and protect the other people is not typical for ordinary people in spite of their status in the society.

People admire heroes’ actions and judgments because these men are often tolerate and virtuous. Such virtues as patience and wisdom are typical for mature heroes. In his essay “The Train from Hate”, Franklin discusses the example of such a patient female hero who succeeded in teaching her children how to live according to such values as respect, integrity, and fairness; how to view the life situations with wisdom; how treat oneself with dignity; and how to be tolerant toward other people.

Thus, Franklin cites the words of a woman who became a hero for her children and taught them how to consider the racial separation. Franklin notes in the essay, “Under no circumstances, she said, should I be upset or distressed because someone sought to demean me. It took too much energy to hate or even to fight intolerance with one’s emotions” (Franklin 224). These words can change the man’s life more significantly than any other words spoken by authorities and prominent people.

It is important to state that heroes reflect the values of the society in which they appear and act, attracting the attention of the public or serving the other people’s needs. The image of Hard Rock from Knight’s poem “Hard Rock Returns to Prison from the Hospital for the Criminal Insane” is illustrative in terms of demonstrating how actions of a hero, even if he is not accepted, can influence the vision of other people.

When ordinary people only dream about changing something in their perception and behaviors, the heroes change and motivate other people to follow them, as is it is reflected in the words by Knight’s character, “We dreamed of doing but could not bring ourselves to do, / The fears of years, like a biting whip, / Had cut deep bloody grooves / Across our backs” (Knight 194). Heroes are usually respected because of their firm position and worldview, according to which there is no place for injustice, discrimination, and pain.

However, there is also an opinion that modern heroes are those celebrities who are familiar almost to everyone because modern generations live in the era of media impacts. The image of celebrities is often associated with the idea of triumph, and this image is usually misinterpreted with the focus on classical heroes’ feats.

Following Alexander, a researcher from Fordham University, a celebrity is not a hero because he is “distinguished by his lack of identifiable qualities”, and he is “a fabrication” (Alexander 6). If people hear about the courage of a person who saved the life of another person or protected someone from the danger, this person become treated like a hero because of demonstrated sacrifice, virtue, and fearlessness.

This hero can also become the media person, but this popularity is reasonable. In cases when celebrities are treated as heroes only because they are famous, it is almost impossible to speak about the true heroism. In contrast to celebrities, heroes do not need the public’s admiration.

Heroes in the modern society can be discussed as persons who are expected to embody all virtues that are meaningful for people at the certain stage of the social development. Therefore, real heroes are not always fearless and powerful, and they can also be just, patient, and self-sacrificing.

If a person wants to be treated like a hero, he or she should ask a question for reflection on what origins of this desire can be. The reason is that real heroes do not strive for publicity and fame because they choose to suffer for someone instead of being promoted with the help of the media.

Works Cited

Alexander, Cuthbert. “Community Journalism: Hope for a Society without Heroes.” Proceedings of the Media Ecology Association 6.1 (2005): 1-9. Print.

Dubose, Mike. “Holding Out for a Hero: Reaganism, Comic Book Vigilantes, and Captain America.” The Journal of Popular Culture 40.6 (2007): 915-935. Print.

Franklin, John Hope. “The Train from Hate.” Reading Literature and Writing Argument . Ed. Missy James and Alan Merickel. New York: Longman, 2013. 223-224. Print.

Knight, Etheridge. “Hard Rock Returns to Prison from the Hospital for the Criminal Insane.” Reading Literature and Writing Argument . Ed. Missy James and Alan Merickel. New York: Longman, 2013. 194. Print.

Quinonez, Ernesto, “Bodega Dreams.” Reading Literature and Writing Argument . Ed. Missy James and Alan Merickel. New York: Longman, 2013. 178-180. Print.

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Social Representations of Heroes: Triggers from the Past, Values in the Present, Patterns for the Future

• Arena of Values
• Open access
• Published: 23 September 2021
• Volume 6 , pages 830–854, ( 2023 )

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• Sára Bigazzi 1 ,
• Fanni Csernus 1 ,
• Anna Siegler   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6679-3806 1 ,
• Ildikó Bokrétás 1 ,
• Sára Serdült 1 ,
• Izabella Ilea 1 ,
• Afroditi Giourga 1 ,
• Melike Kahraman 1 &
• Bálint Takács 1  

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The representations of heroes and the heroic acts point to social values, norms, and morality of the present, creating a bridge between the past and a potential future. In this paper, a cross-cultural explorative study of heroes is presented aiming to explore general tendencies and possible patterns related to the different social contexts. Participants were reached from seven countries via social media ( N  = 974) for corpus construction. We asked by their choice of hero, national hero, and desired heroic action in their respective countries. A thematic analysis was conducted. Results show that there is a high rate of no choice, while among the chosen the prototypical hero is a lone moral man acting in the private (family) or public sphere (political actors). Both spheres offer the naturalization of the hero. There is a dialogical frame between the exceptional and the ordinary. Chosen heroes are dominantly contemporary males’ family members or political figures. While the purpose attributed to the personal hero is to maintain stability, the purpose attributed to the heroic actions of the public sphere is to obtain change. Similarities and differences between the seven subcorpuses are also described.

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From a social-psychological perspective, the increasing freedom followed by the economic crisis caused uncertainty of the last decades created space for collective anxieties. The spread of right-wing populism—creating differences both horizontally and vertically, ignores knowledge and elite, degrades institutions, creates common enemies for the nation to justify itself (Staerklé & Green, 2018 ) as a morally superior group of “ordinary people” (Mols & Jetten, 2016 ; Mudde, 2004 ; Vossen, 2010 )—can be seen as the political sphere’s answer to the “social demand” for feelings of safety and order while giving easily accessible form to fears stemming from otherwise elusive and complex social-economic problems. While refugees, ethnic minorities, other vulnerable social groups (LGBTQ, women) are targeted as scape-goats of societal problems, a renewal of human-rights movements and civil action is also on the rise. There is a strong ideological struggle (Jovchelovitch, 1997 ) to cope with the social and economic uncertainty of nowadays. While people have similar normative reference frames of knowledge (about social reality, values, identity, ideologies) which permits communication, their positioning on it is pluralistic, to create consent or dissent (Staerklé, 2011 , 2013 ). There is a crescent antagonism of reference frames about social reality as responding to “threat, people may refer to such knowledge in order to interpret the threatening situation and to take action on the basis of culturally available strategies and discursive resources” (Staerklé, 2011 :89) between the demand of highly structured social order with authoritarian leaders, secure structure, definite norms, traditional values, stable borders which competes with more dynamic demands of social order. In the last decades, a new split arises and become more and more visible between these more dynamic social orders: la realité de liberté (Charrue, 2005 )—based on the norms of self-interest, free will, autonomy, individual responsibility, and self-regulating economy and the la realité de fraternité —based on the norms of horizontal democratic processes, interdependence, solidarity, cooperation, the experiencing and managing diversity for an equitable, and inclusive society (Brown, 2011 ; Graham, 1992 ; Hepburn, 2003 ). People anchored to these different norms are seeking for ideals, moral compasses, heroes to look up to and follow their lead in congruence to their own reference frame. In this paper, we look at how different cultural contexts emphasize different aspects of heroic representations and what can we infer from these regarding the social norms, values, and participatory intentions in different collective action.

Choosing Heroes

The word hero comes from the Greek ἥρως (hērōs) meaning protector. In the field of social psychology, heroes are a relatively understudied area, which has attracted growing interest over the past decades. The relevant literature offers diverse conceptualizations of a hero, each focusing on a different aspect, such as someone with a moral will, doing good for others (Schwartz, 2012 ); one who makes sacrifices for others in their community (Becker & Eagly, 2004 ); one protecting and helping the well-being of future generations (Gash & Conway, 1997 ; Kinsella et al., 2017 ); one who refuses to conform to unjust norms and does not obey to unfair authorities (Zimbardo, 2008 ); and one who persists even when facing obstacles or failures (Halmburger et al., 2017 ). Heroes can be divided into small and big heroism (Farley, 2012 ) or multiple categories of heroism (Franco et al., 2011 ; Goethals & Allison, 2012 ). While the hero in general represents the extraordinary through abstract values such as brave, self-sacrificing, strong, helpful, and everyday hero is contextualized, anchored to concrete situations of everyday life “present in Heroic Roles, Ordinary Heroism and Everyday Context” (Keczer et al., 2016 :14). These theoretical definitions naturalize the hero, as being or becoming heroic is a moral choice, personality, behavior of the individual. Boulanger describe this twofolded process in his concept of CHARACTERisation (Boulanger & Christenson, 2018 ; Boulanger, 2019 ); there is the process of translation from “the immanent and immediate life to the transcendent” and than “people invent new ways of relating with the object in the practical life constructing new needs” (Boulanger, 2019 :17).

Adapting the approach of social representations, a hero is not a hero by his/her inner characteristics, but by the normative reference frame adopted by those judging him/her as a hero. The choice of a hero is embedded in the historical and social context of the one who judges, such as the cultural and communicative aspects of the collective memory (Assman, 2011 ), the dominant and alternative cultural narratives providing a context for heroic characters and actions (László, 2013 ), the accepted and contested norms, and the system of competing values (Jayawickreme & Di Stefano, 2012 ; Kinsella et al., 2015 ) as the existence or emergence of counter-normative sources of active minorities in dialogical relation with the majorities (Markova, 2011 ).

Value Permeated Dialogical Knowledge

As Allison and Goethals ( 2014 ) point out in their conceptualization of the Heroic Leadership Dynamic , narratives about heroes offer psychological benefits. These characters can fulfill cognitive and emotional needs by providing wisdom, meaning, hope, inspiration, and growth. As these needs are unstable and change over time, the choices of heroes also change depending on the individual’s developmental stage and current life situation (Allison & Goethals, 2014 ).

The dynamic evolution of the heroic image does not only depend on individual change and circumstances. Since the concept of hero is value-based (Jayawickreme & Di Stefano, 2012 ) and radically ambivalent (Csikszentmihalyi et al., 2017 ; Franco et al., 2011 ), it implicitly defines what is considered good and bad in the present society. However, the meaning of good/bad, unjust/just, at a social level changes over time, and it is continuously negotiated between parties or imposed by those with power upon communication fields. As Foucault points out in his debate with Chomsky on human nature (1971) that justice is “an idea invented and applied in different types of society as an instrument of a certain political and economic power, or as a weapon against this power” (Chomsky & Foucault, 2015 :69). The inherent ambivalence of the hero belongs to the continuously changing intersection between the concrete (heroic) “action” and the contextual features of what is considered good or bad. In this intersection, the potential interpretations of the “action” can forge the heroic interpretations. These potential interpretations of the hero are grounded into the value system of the position of those individuals and groups which participate in these direct (about the hero) and indirect (about values) negotiation processes. For this reason, the “creation” of a hero, as a moral character embedded in a narrative, is a prospective and retrospective process at the same time, orients the future, stabilizes the present, and reinterprets the past.

Moscovici abandons the durkheimian collective representation as too much static and normatively coercive and adopts a more dynamic approach not just because of the different belongings of the individual in modern societies, but also to take into account “the representational diversity, tension and even conflict in modern life” (Rose et al., 1995 :3). Moscovici ( 1988 ) distinguished among the coercive and widely consensual hegemonic , the differentiated but not incompatible emancipated and the conflict or tension based polemical representations. In this way, social representational fields does not construct a fully consensual reifying universe, the degree of consensuality, which permits to understand each other, reflects the power of social reality upon the individuals, while there is the agency of the individuals, or (active) minorities to question that reality or act for change. Representational diversity, ambivalent thoughts, inconsistent ideas, and tension are embedded in the very structure of social representations. This cognitive polyphasia reflects both how knowledge is intrinsically bound to communities and social contexts, thus changing social conditions knowledge changes as well (Moscovici, 1961 / 2008 ; Jovchelovitch, 2002 , 2007 ), and the agency of the individuals to act in a context with competing representations, which means also the ability to adapt or to resist to social change (Batel, 2012 ).

Societies and communities offer identifications to the individuals (Elcheroth et al., 2011 ; Tajfel, 1981 ); these belongings as anchoring points become the interpretative lens of the world around (Breakwell, 2001 ; Jovchelovitch, 1997 ; Lloyd & Duveen, 1991 ; Wagner, 1998 ). A few of these socially constructed categories, like nation (Anderson, 1991 ; Reicher & Hopkins, 2001 ) and gender (Duveen & Lloyd,  1986 ), class (Elcheroth, 2006 ), can become relevant in specific times even through identity politics offering a wide range of representations to their members (Dogra, 2012 ; Howart et al., 2014 ). For example, a glorifying national identity not only offer a glorious re-interpretation of the past and the role of collective victimhood (Bar-Tal et al, 2009 ; Rimé et al., 2015 ; László, 2013 ) or the perception of the different outgroups and minorities as threatening the unity of the nation (Cohen, 1979 ; Elcheroth & Spini, 2011 ), but also how this position thinks about gender, religion, or not thinks about class differences. Thus, identities and representational fields are strictly interwoven, more possibilities have the individuals to belong and act, more an internal dialogical work among the different roles, and their respective representational fields will arise to diminish incongruencies.

Behind the construction of heroic narratives, we find embedded morality, norms, and values of the present. Values are concepts of the desirable ways of action, which serve as cross-situational guiding principles (Ingelhart, 2000 ; Schwartz, 2012 ). Furthermore, values provide standards and criteria for the evaluation of actions and their consequences, for the justification of opinions, and they are guidelines for possible behaviors, interactions, decisions, and interpretations of the self and others (Bigazzi & Nencini, 2008 ). Yet, according to social representation theory, values and morality are not separated entities, but each knowledge that groups and societies accumulated in and through culture over generations are value-loaded (Markova, 2017 :363), as Moscovici states arguing on specific about Human Sciences, in general about societies, by “ascribing a value to each of the possibilities perceived” people create a reference framework, “by which all else is judged” (Moscivici, 1993 :362). Thus, the theory looks at the human as an “ethical being” (Markova, 2013 ) and question the idea of a superior and inferior knowledge permeated in human and social sciences, according to which there is a superior knowledge based on facts, science, and logics, and an inferior one based on imagination, values, and believes. These distinctions between facts and values construct an idea of neutrality and neglect the ethical choices of scientific questions as well.

The Potential of Heroes on Action

According to the theory of social representations, two processes— anchoring and objectification —underlie the emergence of new social objects that represent something previously unknown or unfamiliar. Anchoring relates the unknown to existing knowledge—inserting it “into a hierarchy of values and into its operation” (Moscovici, 1961 / 2008 :104). Objectification is the process as a result of which the “invisible” becomes “perceptible” (Farr, 1984 : 386), or something that is abstract becomes material and concrete, “integrated into social reality” (Moscovici, 1961 / 2008 :106,  1984 ; Farr, 1984 ; Abric, 1996 ; Billig, 1988 ).

We assume that individuals’ choices of their heroes objectify their value systems and its potentialities for the future, thus they use the past, reconstructing it according to move forward the ethically chosen potential future. In this way, heroes as role models offer to the individual's potential behaviors to imitate. Imitation process from an ontogenetic perspective—that of persistent imitation (Baldwin, 1894 ), by copying constructively experimenting and reproducing into a novel form—creates the zone of proximal development (Vygotsky,  1933 / 1984 in Valsiner & van der Veer,  1993 ), where the child participating to joint activities of still comfortable but challenging tasks, and with the socially constructed constraints and supports reflected by the socially available others explores the potentially near future (Rogoff, 2003 ). Valsiner concept of zones ( 1987 ) proposes the intersection between the constraining and supporting context and the individual as free as possible activity in it. The “bounded indeterminacy” of transition from the present to the next future includes potentials that will or will not become (Valsiner, 1997 ; Valsiner & van der Veer, 1993 ). The implicit ambivalence of heroic choices inherently holds these potentials of becoming from the present to the future through creative imitation of past figures, moral exemplars. The concept of time is relevant here and concerns two of the four layers defined by Tateo and Valsiner ( 2015 ). At a psychological level, time is understood as irreversible, shared, and communicated at intersubjective level, leading to a coordination that becomes socially constraining. This irreversible time justify the heroic choice coming from the past. However, time is also a cultural construct here, containing shared historical heritage and historical characters that constitutes the context of future experiences (Tateo & Valsiner, 2015 :360). The stories about heroes serve the social representations of moral codes; thus, they justify potential actions while inhibiting others. Their specific story is re-interpreted in the holder’s mind, however, bounding the quality of potential future actions.

Meanwhile, for some individuals, the hero is activating, serves as a moral example to imitate in a creative way, we assume that for others heroes can be passivating as well. In these cases, individuals can outsource the moral commitment and responsibility to the hero, he or she still sacrificed her/himself to the cause, with or without obtaining results, but the price, the sacrifice was enough. In these cases, probably the (social) cause or the action interpreted as more futile, there is nothing worse that much. Another case of passivating heroic representation, when the heroic act is assumed to be accomplished because of the supreme and unachievable inner and innate qualities of the hero, with an implicit comparison and too much psychological distance, or superiority of the heroic figure leading to block the imitation process. The same psychological distancing is assumed when people choose heroes from distant contexts, for example, from a remote past, not from the ambivalence and moral choices of the more recent communicative memories, but from the dominant and institutionalized representations of cultural memories (Assman, 2011 ). As Assman states, the remote past is “highly formalized and institutionalized” by specialists and power (Assman, 2011 :18), similar to the Durkheiman concept of collective or to Moscovici’s hegemonic representations. As these memories are less debated and diffused, they allow less possibilities of interpretation and inner tension. To choose a hero from the remote past, without that tension and ambivalence, can be seen as a moral disengagement, or a choice of neutrality and leaving out present moral dilemmas (Touraine, 1985 ; Turner & Hamilton, 1994 ).

The Heroic Imagination Project, led by Zimbardo, encourages ordinary people of all nationalities and ages to commit acts of heroism. Zimbardo points out the potentially heroic quality of passivity as well: “we often think of heroics as a valiant activity, something that is clearly observable. But some forms of heroism involve passive resistance or an unwillingness to be moved” (Franco & Zimbardo, 2006 :32). Thus, between potential actions based on heroes, we can identify passivity as well, as the action itself of opposing, not acting as expected. As potential actions, potential passivities can also be offered by the choice of the figure of a hero.

Heroic Actions as Narratives

Narratives (Bruner, 2004 ) are social constructions relating historical events to current ones, at the same time report the collective experiences of a community, embody values and belief-systems, and represent the shared identity of the collective. Heroic actions are represented in schematic narratives which include a goal and a plan (the moral will), a performed action, the cost to pay for pursuing the specific goal (sacrifice), and the outcome of that action (Bar-Tal et al., 2009 ; Čehajić-Clancy & Bilewicz, 2017 ; Labov, 2010 ). The specific part on which the narrator focuses gives account of the narrator’s present state and potential performance (Bruner, 2004 ; László et al., 2013 ; Liu & László, 2007 ). According to the narrative social psychology (László, 2013 ; Murray, 2017 ), the collective experiences behind the moral order of societies and groups are organized in narrative structures; thus, the social identities of the individuals and the culturally available heroic narratives create differences in the potential directions of action in the social arena. While thinking about moral actions, focusing on the plans or the actions and outcomes rather than on the potential barriers and costs creates cognitive perspective for potentialities and stimulates action out of the ordinary. As Collins states, “there are classes of behavior that escapes from cost/benefit analysis. These include emotional behavior, altruism, and morally or value-motivated behavior generally” (Collins, 1993 :203), instead of being rational decision-makers, individuals tend to focus on those information that underline their own position and motivation (Collins, 1993 ). When individuals describe an action as heroic, taking the perspective, the values, the motivation of the hero, or his/her actions or the achieved results they are more willing to activate similar actions, while when they create the heroic of the action through the sacrifices. Focusing on the cost/benefits of an action belongs to the decision-making of the rational man model, while individuals are more able to engage in actions of bravery when they do not focus on possible obstacles and barriers.

Neither social movements nor heroic actions, due to their dialogical nature, are always aimed at changing the political system or struggling against the prevailing social norms; they can also serve the prevailing social order with its values, norms, and ideologies. These latter actions serve restorative and protective purposes rather than innovation (Yadav, 2015 ). Questioning the existent normative system, due to the rise of cognitive alternatives based on the perception of the social system as unjust and/or unstable, enables the development of movements aimed at changing the current political and social order (Tajfel, 1981 ). However, participation in such movements not only includes the expression of alternative views on social order but also the engagement in the symbolic struggle for power, in which these particular views must overcome others (Bigazzi et al., 2019 ; Howarth et al., 2014 ; Jovchelovitch, 1997 ).

The last decades, we see the spread of collective actions and changes in its regulation (Nagy, 2019 ), the strengthening of participation to the social arena and to the communities, while there is also a strong polarization (Campbell, 2006 , Down & Wilson  2008 ; Baldassarri & Park,  2020 ) all around the world fueled by identity politics (Mintchev & Moore,  2019 ; Tsatsanis et al.,  2020 ; McNeil-Willson et al., 2019 ). Manifest is the dialogical nature of value based knowledge related to dynamic identifications and available representations in the context, information becomes fake news between social network bubbles, and values tried to be re- and renegotiated on the surface, values concerning nature-human relation, ways of co-living, boundaries, leadership, etc. As heroes are figures from the past reinterpreted according to moral positions of the present with the aim to create potential actions in the future, their explorative analysis can highlight the persistent ethical dilemmas and potential future actions in their context.

Data were collected from 974 participants recruited with convenience sampling online in 2019. We chose European countries divergent in relation to the eight units based on traditional/secular and survival/self-expression values described by the cultural map of the world value survey of Inglehart-Welzel World Cultural Map ( 2020 ): from Orthodox Europe unit Greece ( N  = 106); from the Catholic Europe unit Italy ( N  = 103), Hungary ( N  = 215), France ( N  = 178); from the Protestant Europe unit Germany ( N  = 172); from the English speaking unit UK ( N  = 115); and from the African-Islamic unit Turkey ( N  = 85); In the other 3 units (Latin American, Confusian, and West and South Asian), no European countries were find. 429 males and 540 females aged between 18 to 82 years ( M  = 34.6, SD  = 14.2) constituted our sample. Descriptive data of the national subsamples are summarized in Table 1 .

The national subsamples differed both in size and in mean age. The French and the Hungarian subsamples were the youngest on average, while the oldest were the British, the Italians, and the Turkish. Apart from the Greek subsample, female participants were in majority in all cases.

Instruments

The online questionnaire included the following open-ended questions: (1) who is your personal hero? (personal hero) and (2) why? (personal action); (3) who is your national hero? (national hero) and (4) why? (national action); and finally (5) what do you think that a heroic act could be in your country nowadays? (desired action). The open-ended questions were followed by general demographic questions (gender, age, education).

For the open-ended questions, an inductive coding scheme was developed in team-work with the 8 researchers involved (Krippendorf, 1980 ; Bauer, 2000 ; Marks & Yardley, 2004 ; Smith & Joffe  2013 , Liu et al., 2005 ). The coding system applied according to the purposes of a thematic analysis based on the theoretical considerations discussed. The coding process proceeded manually in team work, while each researcher involved coded into an excel sheet with the answers of one subsample (except for the Hungarian data, splitted between two researchers), ambiguity or hesitations concerning categorisations of the answers were discussed in the team. For the heroic figures (personal and national), the same codes were applied. For their explanations, as well as the desired heroic action same codes were applied (Table 2 .)

Thematic Analysis

Concerning the (1) type of character (Table 2 ), the following codes were used both for the personal and national heroes: chosen from religion , family , fiction , sport , science , art , media , the participant himself/herself , military , healthcare , ordinary people , politics , history . The distinction between the latter two categories was chronological. The political actor code was used for contemporary actors active during the twentieth or twenty-first century, whereas heroes from an earlier period were coded as historical figures . This differentiation was based on Jan Assman’s distinction between communicative and cultural memory (Assman, 2011 ). The heroes’ (2) gender (woman or man) and (3) number (lone individual or collective actors, such as “firemen” and “nurses”) were also coded.

The thematic analysis of heroic actions (Table 2 ) revealed in participants’ explanations for their choices of personal and national heroes and in their choices of desired collective actions was aimed at identifying the types of action considered heroic from different (personal, national, desired) perspectives in the involved nationalities. Responses to the three questions were consistently sorted into the same set of thematic categories:

Type of action : (a) fight for something (e.g., “fought for his country”), (b) support for something (e.g., “She was who in all conditions stood up for me and for the whole family. She is who gives me directions in difficult situations still today”), (c) political act (e.g., “She has undertaken to carry out the British Referendum choice to leave the European Union against the wishes of her political party”), (d) creation of something (e.g., “he made simplicity brilliant and he was able to create”), (e) effort (e.g., “Because he built a very successful advertising agency for over 50 years with no college education and in troubled economic times”), (f) self-sacrifice (e.g., “He gave his all to make me and our family happy and successful, he worked hard and gave his life to his family”) (g) selflessness (e.g., “She has not had an easy life and faces challenges every day, but remains positive, caring, and selfless”), (h) inner qualities (e.g., “For his self control and determination”).

Focus of narrative: In this case, we coded the respondents to focus on the episodic structure of the heroic action. The narrative focus can be (a) on the plan of the hero (e.g., “for the purity of his motivation”), (b) focus on the action (e.g., “Cross the ocean to explore the unknown.”), (c) focus on the cost of the action (e.g., “because she sacrificed her appearance and her lifestyle without being sure about the success”), (d) focus on the outcome (e.g., “Because risking his life he proved the Hungarian virtue in the space”).

Purpose of the hero : we also distinguished according to the purpose attributed to the heroic action, if the hero’s action is interpreted as to provide (a) stability (e.g., “Because he stood by the traditions, the old, customary practices, which are important to me as well.”), (b) gradual change (e.g., “She devoted her time to helping people and preaching tolerance”), or (c) a radical change (e.g.,”Real revolution, to concretely change the status quo.”).

The Choice of Heroic Figures

The majority of both personal and national heroes were men (52.88% and 54.03%, respectively). The proportion of female personal heroes (22.30%) was significantly larger than that of female national heroes (7.54%). The remaining percentage are related to collective characters (e.g., healthcare workers).

For a personal hero , 27.43% of the overall sample chose a family member , while 18.64% chose a political actor . The third most frequent category was anyone (10.26%). The most frequently chosen national heroes were political actors (22.72%), anyone (22.30%), historical Figs.  (12.88%), and ordinary people (11.52%).

Significant differences were found with one-way ANOVA in mean age (Table 3 ) across different types of personal heroes ( F (14,794) = 3.218; p  = 0.000). Those who chose religious figures for a personal hero were significantly older ( M  = 43.95) than those who chose family members ( M  = 32.16; post hoc Tukey HSD p  = 0,000), fictional characters ( M  = 32.87; post hoc Tukey HSD p  = 0,009), ordinary people ( M  = 33.11; post hoc Tukey HSD p  = 0.015), or no one ( M  = 34.11; post hoc Tukey HSD p  = 0.033). Those who chose political actors ( M  = 38.83) were older than those who chose family members ( M  = 32.16) (post hoc Tukey HSD p  = 0.000). No age differences were found related to the choice of national hero .

The frequency distributions of various types of character revealed that all subsamples showed one of the highest preferences (between the 3 most chosen categories) for political actors both as personal and as national heroes (only Hungarians and Germans did not choose political actors as personal hero) (see Table 4 ). This preference was the most pronounced among Turkish participants, about half of them named a political actor both at the national (47%) and personal level (52%). As members of their respective national groups, participants tended to name popular public figures, anchoring themselves to political representatives and their ideologies (e.g., Margaret Thatcher , Barack Obama , Angela Merkel , Viktor Orbán , Marie Curie , Roger Federer ).

At the personal level, family members (e.g., father, mother, aunt) were chosen by a relatively high proportion of participants in each subsample; among British, German, and Hungarian participants, this category was the most relevant. Historical figures were named in the Greek and Hungarian subsamples, and only Greek participants chose such figures the more as a personal hero too. German participants showed the highest (within group) preference for family members at the personal level and at both the personal and national levels this subsample chose the more ordinary people . Ordinary people were also frequently chosen as national heroes by Hungarian participants, who showed the highest preference among the subsamples for religious figures as personal heroes. Fictional figures were chosen as personal heroes by a considerable proportion of French participants. Among Italian participants, no choice was the highest both for personal and national hero. At the level of within-group choices, German, Hungarian, and French participants mostly preferred to not choose a national hero.

According to the gender of the chosen personal heroes, Greek and Turkish participants show the highest percentage of male figure choices (92.58% and 76.47%), other subgroups are all around 50%, Hungarian choose the less male heroes (43.2%). The most female personal heroes are chosen among British and Hungarian participants (41.96% and 31.07%), while only the 7.41% of Greeks and 8.24% of Turkish participants choose women. Collective characters are chosen by 21.19% of the whole sample, with Italians who choose the most (30.39%) and Greeks who do not choose collective heroes (0%) (Fig.  1 ).

Gender of personal heroes in the different subsamples (%)

According to the gender of the chosen national heroes, both the preference of “lone” male heroes (63.18%) and collective characters (27.97%) increased for the whole population. The pattern of the different subpopulations is similar to the personal hero choice. Greeks (98.67%) and Turkish (70.59%) choose the most male figures, while in this case Italians the least (51.96%). British (18.45%), German (13.14%), French (12.59%) respondents choose above average (8.87%) female heroes. Italians choose the most collective characters (45.10%) and Greeks did not choose collective characters (0%) (Fig.  2 ).

Gender of national heroes in the different subsamples (%)

The choice of collective characters (e.g., firemen, doctors, nurses ) increases from personal heroes (21.19%) to their choice as national heroes (27.95%,). Italians are those who choose them more at both levels, but nearly 1/3 of the German, Hungarian, French subsamples also prefer collectivities as heroes, while Greeks did not consider them as heroes at all (0%).

Heroic Actions: Types of Action

Of the overall sample, 22.58% explained their choices of personal heroes by an inner quality attributed to them (e.g., courage, intelligence, values, selflessness, honesty, strength), 13.09% by the support they provided for someone , 12.15% by their willingness to fight for a cause , and 11.62% by the efforts they made . A relatively high proportion of participants (18.53%) did not explain their choices (Fig.  3 ).

Heroic action explanation for the whole sample (%)

At the national level , a high proportion (31.62%) of the overall sample chose not to explain their choices. Those who gave an explanation primarily referred to their national heroes’ inner qualities (16.07%), political acts (12.61%), or willingness to fight for a cause (12.18%) (Fig.  3 ).

Regarding the desired actions chosen in a national context, the highest proportions of participants in the overall sample chose political actions (28.99%), support (17.02%), and fight (15.44%). These results suggest that many people in the involved nationalities have a need for political change and mutual support, and they or someone else should fight for the desired change (Fig.  3 ).

Table 5 shows the differences in the explanations between the different subsamples. Apart from the German subsample, fight appears at least as a desired action in all subsamples. Participants in most subsamples chose political acts at the desired level, some of them at the national and personal level too, Italians, French, and Hungarians are those who choose the least and only at the desired action level. Support also appeared in all subsamples, among Greeks and French only at a desired level, and among Turkish participants only at the personal level. Finally, only Hungarians referred to self-sacrifice (when explaining their choices of personal heroes) Table 6 .

Heroic Actions: Narrative Focus

The explanations for the choices of personal and national heroes and the descriptions of the desired actions were more frequently focused on the heroic action itself and on the outcome rather than on the plan or on the cost to pay. However, this focus showed differences across the three levels. The descriptions of the desired heroic actions were the most action-oriented , while the importance of the sacrifice and the outcome was most pronounced in the personal heroic stories , and these stories were the least frequently focused on the plan (Fig.  4 ).

Narrative focus of the heroic actions in the overall sample

Participants focusing on different components of the personal heroic story significantly differed in age ( F (3,599) = 3.802, p  = 0.010). Those who focused on the plan were significantly older ( M  = 38.213) than those who focused on the sacrifice ( M  = 30.943) (post hoc Tukey HSD p  = 0.008).

A comparison of the subsamples for the narrative focus of the personal heroic story revealed that the British sample was mainly plan- and action- oriented. French, German, Italian, Turkish samples were action- and outcome- oriented, while Hungarians, and less the Greeks sacrifice and outcome oriented (Fig.  5 ).

Narrative focus by subsamples concerning the personal heroic choice

Regarding the national heroic story (Fig.  6 ), British, French, Italian, and Turkish samples appear all as plan- and action- oriented. Germans as before and Hungarians focus mainly on action and outcome , while Greeks focus mainly only on action . Still, Hungarians are those who focus the most on the cost as well.

Narrative focus by subsamples concerning the national heroic choice

Narrative focus by subsamples concerning the desired action

Relative frequencies of the purposes of personal, national, and desired heroic actions

There were no significant differences in the narrative focus of the national heroic story concerning age.

Regarding the desired heroic story, the Turkish and the Italian subsamples placed focus on plan and action ; Germans as before on action and outcome ; British, Hungarians, and Greeks mainly only on the action , while French surprisingly on the sacrifice and the action  (Fig. 7 ).

Participants focusing on different components of the desired heroic story show tendencial differences in age ( F (3,725) = 2.634, p  = 0.049). Those who focus on the action of the desired heroic story are older ( M  = 35.855) than those who are focusing on the sacrifice ( M  = 30.65) (post hoc Tukey HSD p  = 0.031). 

Heroic Action: Purpose of the Hero

The purpose of the heroic actions showed differences across the personal, national, and desired levels. The purpose most frequently assigned to personal heroes was maintaining stability (30.47%), while national heroe s were primarily associated with achieving gradual change (27.43%), and the most important desired actions included both gradual (37.83%) and radical change (31.08%).

Participants assigning different purposes to personal heroic actions (i.e., stability, gradual change, or radical change) showed significant differences in age ( F (3,766) = 3.911, p  = 0.009). Those who expressed a need for stability were significantly younger ( M  = 32.159) than those who believed that heroic actions should serve either gradual change ( M  = 35.331) or radical change ( M  = 35.750).

The subsamples showed different tendencies in their preferences for different purposes of heroic actions. German participants primarily endorsed heroic actions aimed at maintaining stability , while British participants preferred actions for gradual change . The French subsamples showed a heterogeneous picture in terms of purposes: no particular preference was found at the personal level, while the most preferred purpose was gradual change at the national level, and gradual and radical change at the desired level. A similar pattern was shown by the Italian subsample, apart from the desired actions, which they primarily associated with gradual rather than radical change . Hungarian participants most frequently chose stability at the personal level, while their responses pointed out gradual and radical change both at the national and desired level. Greek and Turkish participants consistently preferred radical change at each level (Fig. 8 ).

As a hero, a value-based, radically ambivalent concept that at the same time objectifies and personifies power managed good and bad in present polarized societies and contextualize into potential (in)action (Boulanger, 2019 ), their choice and the explanation of that choice are not an easy task (high rate of no choice ). However, according to the choices and explanations made by our sample, we can find prototypically the contemporary lone moral man acting on the private ( family members ) and public sphere ( political actors ) of the individuals. While individuals have experiences of morally judged women only in the private sphere, the public sphere beside political actors, offers as valorous the institutionalized (Assman, 2011 ) remote past (historical figures) and the everyday no name heroes (ordinary people), valuing the exceptional and the ordinary in a dialogical frame. Another similar dialogical frame is captured at the private sphere of the imagined morality; the generational gap between the sacred (religious figures) and the fictive. There is also a changing intensity and broadness of moral commitment with age, a result that could be hypothetically explained as a developmental shift or a result of generational gap. While in comparison, elders choose with the purpose of representing change from a more wider public sphere (religion and the political arena) and focus on plan and action, youngsters seeking for stability do not choose, choose ordinary people or the narrow family for moral compass and focus on the sacrifice of the heroic.

More the personal than the public, but both spheres (Jovchelovitch, 1995 ) offer the naturalization of the hero similarly to the mainstream theoretical definitions, which means at least two implicit psychological assumptions: the exceptionality of certain individuals (inner qualities ) and a supreme and constant value-system according to which the exceptionality can be defined (Moscovici, 1993 ).

The personal sphere offers support , advocation ( fighting for ), motivation ( efforts ) creating that constraining ( costs ), and supporting context of that “bounded indeterminacy” of transition (Valsiner, 1987 ) from the present ( action ) to the next future ( results ); however, the aim seems to be mainly to maintain stability . In contrast, in the public sphere, change is a request (both at the national existent and national desired level), embedded in political acts , fight , and solidarity ( support ). Heroes in the public sphere are people in action. While the present public sphere offers actions aimed at gradual change, the request regarding the next future is more radical.

Patterns of the subsamples

As the inherent ambivalence of the hero belongs to the changing intersection between the concrete action and the competing values of a given socio-cultural context, we can infer from the patterns of data differences and similarities (Fig. 9 ). The choices of the British subsample clearly separate private (heroes: family members, heroic actions: support ) and public sphere (heroes: political actors, heroic actions: inner qualities and fight ) of morality. Both are activated for a gradual change, not only the action (at each level), but also the motivation of the chosen hero (personal and national) is viewed as part of the heroic act. The choices of the French subsample are much more heterogeneous and reflect the above mentioned dialogical contrasts, the extraordinary (Political actors, fictive characters ) versus the ordinary ( ordinary people, family members ), or between the imagined (fictive) and the real ( political ). While the purpose is change at each level, the cognitive polyphasia characterizes more the present (heterogeneity of the narrative focus, actions, personal, and national heroic choices) than the potential next future based on activating solidarity (because potential actions of selflessness and fight justified by a narrative of sacrifice and action ). The choices of the Italian subsample reflect quite similar patterns to the French, but with a less visible next future. The German subsample seems very pragmatic to maintain stability , supported by the schematic narrative focus on action and outcome . They separate the private ( family members for their inner qualities as personal heroes) and the public sphere ( acting political actors ) and value the efforts of the ordinary men ( collective characters). Greek and Turkish subsamples’ hero is a lone man (from the family or the political arena) seeking for radical change and the desired action is political. However, the dialogical nature of the public sphere differs between the two subsamples: for the Turkish anchored to present moral dilemmas political actors and ordinary men are in competition, and their motivation ( plan ) becomes important, Greeks anchoring is more stable between political actors and remote historical characters . While their personal choice fights , self-sacrifices ( cost ), and obtains results , their national choice just acts . At least, the specificity of the Hungarian subsample is the representation of the hero based on his/her sacrifice and paid costs and an anchor to remote past or religion . For their private choices, family members and religious figures are chosen the most; heroism is based on their inner quality and the presented sacrifice with the aim to maintain stability . For the public sphere (national and desired action), the purpose become change ( gradual or radical ), however in a chaotic field of competing extraordinary individuals from cultural ( historical figures ) to communicative memories ( political figures ) as well as ordinary people too, with their actions , exhibited sacrifices ( cost ) and obtained results (outcome). And then the next future: visualized as a change, imagined at a level of the political arena ( political acts ), somehow seems a resolution from the outside.

Limitations

Qualitative analysis of data asks for decisions to take by the researcher. The first decision we made was to make an explorative study about heroes. Contributing to the wide research paradigm on the effects of moral exemplars on intergroup relations, we used the story of a Hungarian hero saving Jewish lives to diminish today’s prejudice and to take collective responsibility about past events, without success. Then, we understood that the hero is a hero for us, but not for our subjects. This is why we decided to explore what the hero could mean.

We asked a few simple open-ended questions to people of different contexts, to which they answered in a very heterogeneous way using their own concepts and words, their own representations about heroes and heroic actions. We used corpus construction of “signifiers of social life” (Bauer & Aarts, 2000 :23), focusing more on content analysis and less on the selection. In this way, the results are content-explorative and do not try to be representative of populations.

In our interpretation of data, we used the percentage of appearances of different thematic categories, to find out shared and differentiated patterns that could indicate potentialities in competing and sharing of content dimensions concerning heroes. The coded thematic categories are just a few of the possible infinite, we coded other categories as well (from the more simple of holder’s gender-hero’s gender, to the applicable Schwartz values, if the action involve an object, the direction of the action, etc.), but we made a choice based on presentability with the analyzed dimensions more relevant to explore the potential of (heroic) actions in their context.

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Bigazzi, S., Csernus, F., Siegler, A. et al. Social Representations of Heroes: Triggers from the Past, Values in the Present, Patterns for the Future. Hu Arenas 6 , 830–854 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s42087-021-00248-5

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Essays About Heroes: 5 Examples And Topic Ideas

Here, we’ll look at examples of essays about heroes and questions that can be used as topics for essays about an imagined or real hero.

A few different images likely come to mind when you hear the word hero. You may imagine Superman flying above the world with his superpower of flight. You may imagine a personal hero, a real person who has made a significant impact on your life for the better. You might think of a true hero as someone who has shown heroic qualities in the public eye, working to help ordinary people through difficult situations.

When writing an essay about your life hero, it’s important to consider the qualities of that person that make them stand out to you. Whether you choose to write an essay about how your mom got you through tough times and became your role model or about a political figure who made a difference in the lives of people in history, it’s key to not just focus on the person’s actions—you’ll also want to focus on the qualities that allowed them to act heroically.

Here, we’ll explore examples of hero essays and potential topics to consider when writing about a hero.

For help with your essays, check out our round-up of the best essay checkers

Examples Of Essays About Heroes

• 1. These Are The Heroes Of The Coronavirus Pandemic By Ruth Marcus
• 2. Why Teachers Are My Heroes By Joshua Muskin
• 3. Martin Luther King Jr.—Civil Rights Activist & Hero By Kathy Weiser-Alexander

4. Steve Prefontaine: The Track Of A Hero By Bill O’Brian

5. forget hamilton, burr is the real hero by carey wallace, topic ideas for essays about heroes, 1. what makes a hero, 2. what are the most important characteristics of heroes in literature, 3. what constitutes a heroic act, 4. is selflessness required for heroism.

1.  These Are The Heroes Of The Coronavirus Pandemic  By Ruth Marcus

“Is this what they signed up for? There is some danger inherent in the ordinary practice of medicine, but not this much. I confess: I do not know that I would do the same in their circumstances; I am not sure I am so generous or so brave. If my child were graduating from medical school, how would I deal with her being sent, inadequately protected, into an emergency room? If my husband were a physician, would I send him off to the hospital — or let him back into the house in the interim?” Ruth Marcus

Healthcare workers have had no choice but to go above and beyond in recent years. In this essay, Marcus discusses the heroism of those in the healthcare field. He delves into the traits (including selflessness and courage) that make doctors, nurses, and other healthcare workers heroes.

2.  Why Teachers Are My Heroes   By Joshua Muskin

“Teachers are my heroes because they accept this responsibility and try extremely hard to do this well even when the conditions in which they work are far from ideal; at least most do. Our jobs as society, education systems, and parents is to do our best to be strong allies to teachers, since their success is essential to ours.” Joshua Muskin

In this essay, Dr. Muskin discusses the many challenges teachers face and what parents, administrators, and education researchers can do to help teachers support students. Muskin explains that most teachers go above and beyond the call of duty to serve their classrooms.

3.  Martin Luther King Jr.—Civil Rights Activist & Hero   By Kathy Weiser-Alexander

“During this nonviolent protest, activists used boycotts, sit-ins, and marches to protest segregation and unfair hiring practices that caught the attention of the entire world. However, his tactics were put to the test when police brutality was used against the marchers, and King was arrested. But, his voice was not silenced, as he wrote his “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” to refute his critics.” Kathy Weiser-Alexander

In this essay, Weiser-Alexander details both the traits and the actions of Dr. King before and during the civil rights movement. The author touches on King’s commitment to justice, persistence, and willingness to stand for his beliefs despite difficult circumstances.

“I remember this so vividly because Prefontaine was a hero to me, a hero in a way that no one was before, or really has been since. A British commentator once called him “an athletic Beatle.” If so, his persona was much more Lennon than McCartney. Actually, I thought of him more as Mick Jagger — or ultimately James Dean.” Bill O’Brian

A hero to many in the running world, Prefontaine’s confidence, unique style, and unmatched athletic ability have been heralded for decades. In this essay, O’Brian shares how he, as a distance runner during the era of Pre, related to his struggles and ambition.

“Burr fought against an ugly tide of anti-immigrant sentiment in the young republic, led by Hamilton’s Federalist party, which suggested that anyone without English heritage was a second-class citizen, and even challenged the rights of non-Anglos to hold office. In response, Burr insisted that anyone who contributed to society deserved all the rights of any other citizen, no matter their background.” Carey Wallace

In this essay, Wallace explains why Aaron Burr, the lifelong nemesis of founding father Alexander Hamilton, should be considered a historical hero. This essay exposes someone seen as a villain but much of society with a different take on their history. 

It can be interesting to think about your definition of a hero. When describing what the term hero means to you, you may want to choose a person (or a few people) you look up to as a hero to solidify your point. You might want to include fictional characters (such as those in the Marvel universe) and real-life brave souls, such as police officers and firefighters.

A word of caution: stay away from the cliche opening of describing how the dictionary defines a hero. Instead, lead-in with a personal story about a hero who has affected your life. While talking about a public figure as a hero is acceptable, you may find it easier to write about someone close to you who you feel has displayed heroic qualities. Writing about a family member or friend who has shown up as a heroic main character in your life can be just as exciting as writing about a real or imagined superhero.

From Beowulf to Marvel comics, heroes in literature take on many different traits. When writing an essay on what trait makes a hero come alive in a short story, novel, or comic, choose a few of your favorite heroes and find common themes that they share.

Perhaps your favorite heroes are selfless and are willing to put themselves last in the name of sacrifice for others. Perhaps they’re able to dig deep into the truth, being honest even when it’s hard, for the greater good. There’s no need to list endless heroes to make your point—choosing three or four heroes from literature can be a great way to support your argument about what characteristics define heroism in literature.

When someone is named a hero in real life, we often picture them saving people from a burning building or performing a difficult surgical operation. It can be difficult to pin down exactly what constitutes a heroic act. When writing about what constitutes a heroic act, think about people who go above and beyond, performing feats of courage, honesty, and bravery to support themselves or others. When writing about what constitutes a heroic act, discuss real-life or literary examples of heroes at work.

To many people, being a hero means giving back to others. While giving something away or trading in one’s well-being for others can certainly be seen as a heroic act, many people wonder if selflessness is required for heroism or if a hero can serve the greater good in a way that also supports their happiness. When writing about whether selflessness is required for heroism, choose examples from literature and real-life to support your point.

Tip: If writing an essay sounds like a lot of work, simplify it. Write a simple 5 paragraph essay instead.

If you’re still stuck, check out our available resource of essay writing topics .

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The Psychology of Heroism

Are Heroes Born or Made?

Caven Images / Getty Images

• Bystander Effect

Heroes touch our hearts, fill us with admiration, and make us reconsider our views of the world . Just look at the plethora of superhero movies that are made and it's easy to see how much our society values and loves heroes. 

But what makes real-life people take heroic actions in the face of great danger? This question is at the heart of hero psychology and requires that we first define what heroism is.

Defining Heroism

In a strict dictionary sense, heroism is defined as taking a courageous action . An example would be running into a burning building to save children inside. Yet, in the field of psychology, the definition of heroism can vary from one psychologist or researcher to the next.

According to one review of the literature, researchers from various departments of psychology indicate that a hero is someone who:

• Uplifts and enhances other people's lives
• Models societal morals , values, and virtues
• Protects others

Others suggest that the definition of heroism is more subjective and "in the eye of the beholder." They contend that how heroism is defined varies based on a person's values, personal preferences, stage of life, and even their level of maturity.

Examples of Heroism

Perhaps the best way to understand heroism is to see it in action. When looking around, we can find many examples of heroism in everyday life.

• On November 6, 2023, a police officer in the Lincoln, Nebraska area was called a hero for risking his own life to save a kayaker who had flipped over in dangerously cold water and crying for help. Upon hearing her cries, Officer Pierce Krouse removed his gear, swam to the woman, put her on the kayak, and returned them both to shore.
• In March 2023, 5-year-old Easton Spann was awarded the American Red Cross's Acts of Courage award and declared a hero for taking action when his grandmother was having a seizure. Spann is on the autism spectrum and, with his grandfather's instruction, was able to unlock the home, open the door, and watch for rescuers to arrive.
• Tescha Hawley was declared one of CNN's 2023 Heroes of the Year for using her own fight with cancer to help others in her Native American community who are battling this disease. Hawley does this through the Day Eagle Hope Project which she founded in 2017. This project not only provides individuals with much-needed support but also offers access to fresh food, help with chemical addiction , and equine therapy as a form of suicide prevention for at-risk youth .

Why do people like those mentioned above become heroes? Are there any characteristics of heroism that these individuals seem to share? These are the types of questions that the psychology of heroism attempts to answer. Here are a few theories related to hero psychology.

"Big H Heroism" vs. "Small h Heroism"

Psychology professor Frank Farley makes a distinction between what he calls "big H heroism" and "small h heroism." Big H heroism involves a potentially big risk such as getting hurt, going to jail, or even death. Small h heroism, on the other hand, involves things many of us do every day: helping someone out, being kind, and standing up for justice. These things don't typically involve personal risk on our part.

Farley suggests that there are two key factors underlying the grand acts of heroism that involve a risk of personal harm: risk-taking behavior and generosity. People who risk their lives in the service of another are naturally more likely to take greater risks and they also possess a great deal of compassion, kindness, empathy, and altruism.

Nature vs. Nurture

One of the biggest questions researchers face comes down to the age-old debate over nature versus nurture . Is heroism something we are born with or is heroism something that can be learned?

Researchers have long theorized that both people and animals are more likely to help those to whom they are genetically related, a concept known as kin selection. By helping those who share our genes, we help ensure the likelihood that those genes will be passed on to future generations.

Others suggest that heroism can be learned. The Heroic Imagination Project operates on this notion, seeking to "create everyday heroes" through strategies that combine psychological research, education, and social activism.

Reciprocal Altruism

Another theory as to why some people commit heroic acts for others is based on the concept of reciprocity . More specifically, it involves reciprocal altruism. According to reciprocal altruism, we help others with the expectation that someday they might help us in return.

Other Influential Factors

What about the kinds of altruism that don't hinge on helping relatives or expecting some type of payback? In such cases, situational, cultural, and personality variables can play pivotal roles.

After people take heroic actions, they often claim that they don't see themselves as heroes. They were simply doing what anyone in that situation would have done.

In a study published in 2016, researchers suggested that those who have a particular mindset that leads them to behave confidently and morally in difficult situations tend to act immediately and unconsciously when an emergency occurs.

What Causes Someone to Not Be Heroic?

The same situational forces that galvanize some individuals to heroic acts can actually impede others from helping. When a crisis arises in the presence of many people, we can fall into a trap of inaction by assuming that someone else will offer assistance, a phenomenon known as the bystander effect .

Because personal responsibility is diffused by the presence of others, we believe that someone else will take on the role of the hero. Some people may also have personality traits that predispose them to not behave in altruistic and heroic ways.

Dictionary.com. Heroism .

Kinsella EL, Ritchie TD, Igou ER. Lay perspectives on the social and psychological functions of heroes . Front Psychol . 2015;6:130. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00130

Allison ST, Goethals GR. Defining heroism: Objectively possible or in the eye of the beholder? University of Richmond School of Arts & Sciences.

Fergeson S. Local hero saves a woman's life . Nebraska TV - ABC

American Red Cross. 2023 Acts of Courage Awards honor local heroes .

Torgan A. This CNN Hero's battle with cancer inspired her lifesaving work helping families in her Native American community . CNN Heroes.

O'Connor MI. Equity360: Gender, race, and ethnicity: Heroes, Rep. John R. Lewis, and orthopaedics . Clin Orthop Relat Res . 2021;479(2):233-235. doi:10.1097/CORR.0000000000001586

Birch J, Okasha S. Kin selection and its critics . Biosci . 2015;65(1):22-32. doi:10.1093/biosci.biu196

Heroic Imagination Project. Our mission .

Feigin S, Owens G, Goodyear-Smith F. Theories of human altruism: a systematic review . Ann Neurosci Psychol . 2014;1(1):5. doi:10.7243/2055-3447-1-5

Keczer Z, File B, Orosz G, Zimbardo PG. Social Representations of Hero and Everyday Hero: A Network Study from Representative Samples . PLoS ONE. 2016;11(8):e0159354. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0159354

Liebst LS, Philpot R, Bernasco W, et al. Social relations and presence of others predict bystander intervention: Evidence from violent incidents captured on CCTV . Aggress Behav. 2019;45(6):598-609. doi:10.1002/ab.21853

By Kendra Cherry, MSEd Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

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Research Article

Social Representations of Hero and Everyday Hero: A Network Study from Representative Samples

Affiliation University of Szeged, Institute of Psychology, Szeged, Hungary

Affiliations MTA Research Centre for Natural Sciences, Institute of Cognitive Neuroscience and Psychology, Budapest, Hungary, Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Faculty of Information Technology and Bionics, Budapest, Hungary

* E-mail: [email protected]

Affiliations Eötvös Loránd University, Faculty of Education and Psychology, Institute of Psychology, Budapest, Hungary, MTA Research Centre for Natural Sciences, Institute of Cognitive Neuroscience and Psychology, Budapest, Hungary

Affiliation Stanford University, Department of Psychology, Stanford, CA, United States of America

• Zsolt Keczer, 
• Bálint File, 
• Gábor Orosz, 
• Philip G. Zimbardo

• Published: August 15, 2016
• https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354
• Reader Comments

The psychological investigation of heroism is relatively new. At this stage, inductive methods can shed light on its main aspects. Therefore, we examined the social representations of Hero and Everyday Hero by collecting word associations from two separate representative samples in Hungary. We constructed two networks from these word associations. The results show that the social representation of Hero is more centralized and it cannot be divided into smaller units. The network of Everyday Hero is divided into five units and the significance moves from abstract hero characteristics to concrete social roles and occupations exhibiting pro-social values. We also created networks from the common associations of Hero and Everyday Hero. The structures of these networks show a moderate similarity and the connections are more balanced in case of Everyday Hero. While heroism in general can be the source of inspiration, the promotion of everyday heroism can be more successful in encouraging ordinary people to recognize their own potential for heroic behavior.

Citation: Keczer Z, File B, Orosz G, Zimbardo PG (2016) Social Representations of Hero and Everyday Hero: A Network Study from Representative Samples. PLoS ONE 11(8): e0159354. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354

Editor: Attila Gursoy, Koc Universitesi, TURKEY

Received: July 15, 2015; Accepted: July 1, 2016; Published: August 15, 2016

Copyright: © 2016 Keczer et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: All relevant data are within the paper and its Supporting Information files.

Funding: Györgyi Orosz gave a personal donation for data gathering 500 USD. The third author (GO) was supported by the Hungarian Research Fund (NKFI PD 106027, 116686) and Momentum (0183-13 502) during the period of time he was working on this study. There was no additional funding received for this study.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

Social psychology has relatively few empirical studies on heroism [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 ]. Recently, Kinsella et al. [ 4 ] have applied versatile methodologies on comprehensive samples to converge heroism into a scientific concept. To broaden previous analyses on heroism, we apply network theory. This approach is capable of finding patterns in the connections among elements in social representations.

The present study maps the social representations of Hero and Everyday Hero in Hungary by representing them as networks constructed from free associations. We identify modules of the networks and categorize the associations based on their topological positions in the association networks. In order to do that, we define global hubs as the most dominant associations of the whole social representation and modular hubs as the characteristic associations in the different modules. After assessing the two social representations, we analyze the overlapping set of associations.

We emphasize that our aim is not to rigorously define concepts like Hero and Everyday Hero (for such work see Kinsella et al. [ 4 ]). What we are after is to observe how the perception of heroism changes when we make this distinction. In order to do that, we combine three theoretical perspectives: heroism as a social construct, social representation theory and network theory. In the following three subsections, we provide a short overview of these approaches.

As we investigate heroism inductively, we concentrate on studies with a similar approach [ 2 , 4 , 5 , 6 ]. Goethals and Allison [ 2 ] constructed the “Great Eight” of heroism based on bottom-up categorization by independent coders. Sullivan and Venter [ 6 ] presented a list of hero characteristics sorted by the frequencies of occurrence in survey results. Rankin and Eagly [ 5 ] provided a list containing components of hero definitions gathered from study participants’ responses. Kinsella et al. [ 3 , 4 ] explored the social representation of heroism combining multiple methodologies, such as open-ended surveys, reaction-time tasks, surprise recall tasks and ratings scales. They also constructed the hero functions framework which consists of three hero functions: enhancement, moral modeling and protection [ 3 ].

Inductive studies are exposed to several biases. The concept of heroism is shaped by larger cultural and historical contexts as well [ 1 ]. Furthermore, different social groups can have different heroes even in the same culture [ 6 ]. In addition to the cultural and social relativity, Sullivan and Venter [ 6 , 7 ] showed evidence that study participants relate differently to heroes identified by themselves than to heroes identified by others, which highlights the functional significance of the “my hero” concept instead of heroes in general. Kinsella et al. [ 4 ] collected several hero-related concepts that are often merged with heroic narrative in the general discourse: leaders, role models, sport stars and celebrities. Franco, Blau and Zimbardo [ 1 ] also argued that the meaning of heroism might be overloaded with political and media influences. [ 1 , 2 ].

Farley [ 8 ] suggested a distinction between Big H Heroism and Small h Heroism on a theoretical basis. Big H heroism refers to outstanding acts that display prototypical heroism. They are possible only in rare circumstances and they require a high level of moral character or competence. Therefore, they are only accessible to a few people. Farley [ 8 ] suggested categories of Big H Heroism, such as Situational Heroism (once in a lifetime situations), Life-Long Heroism (constant effort in social issues) and Professional/“911” (as part of the job/career/duty). Small h Heroism refers to small but challenging good deeds. Small h Heroism does not necessarily imply grand or exceptional moral character or abilities. It usually happens in everyday circumstances and goes unnoticed by the public. Thus, the possibility of experiencing such situations is much higher. Farley’s distinction has already been applied in research but only in terms of Big H Heroism [ 9 ]. Other researchers created comprehensive taxonomies on heroism empirically [ 1 , 2 ].

Recently, social psychologists have highlighted the everyday aspects of heroism. Goethals and Allison [ 2 ] created a taxonomy based on the hero’s social-influence that resulted in 10 types of heroes. One type is called Transparent Hero. These heroes are everyday heroes such as nurses, teachers, fire fighters and first respondents in emergency situations. Their achievements often remain unnoticed. Staats et al. [ 10 ] defined heroism by a set of traits that are measurable in everyday phenomena. In their study, the students who scored higher on personality measures related to heroic traits such as bravery, honesty and empathy also reported less intention to cheat in tests. This behavior benefits the community by accepting the rules and challenges of honest competition. Therefore, they considered these students as academic heroes. Davis, Brunette, Allison and Stone [ 11 ] also promoted a heroic narrative to help students overcome academic challenges. Zimbardo [ 12 ] has popularized the concept of everyday heroes. The educational program of the Heroic Imagination Project ( http://heroicimagination.org ) trains ordinary people to perform extraordinary acts in challenging situations.

Social representations

Social representations are ideas, opinions and attitudes shared by a social group regarding a social object [ 13 , 14 ]. Inductive social representation studies frequently apply free associations [ 15 , 16 ]. Moscovici [ 13 , 14 ] identified the figurative core of a social representation, based on which Abric [ 15 , 17 , 18 , 19 ] developed the central core vs. periphery hypothesis.

The central core of a social representation consists of only a few and relatively abstract associations and has a pervasively influential role by defining the meaning of the whole social representation. The central core has three main functions, namely generating the meaning of the representation, influencing connections between other less important associations and stabilizing the representation under altering environments. Furthermore, the central core provides relevant norms, behavioral action plans and stereotypes in certain situations. Two representations differ if their central cores contain different associations.

In contrast with the central core, periphery associations constitute the largest part of the representation. Their meanings are relatively concrete. The periphery operates as an interface between the environment and the central core. The periphery is responsible for the concretization of the representation and gradual changes of the social representation start on the periphery.

Networks are used for exploring underlying relations in various datasets (e.g., innovation processes [ 20 ], metabolic relations [ 21 ], brain functional interactions [ 22 ]). Every network consists of a set of objects, in which some pairs of objects are connected to each other. The objects are called nodes and the link between two nodes is called an edge. A network is undirected if the edges represent symmetric relations between the nodes. A network is weighted if values are assigned to the edges. The weight or even the existence of an edge between two nodes is determined by a predefined logical system [ 22 , 23 ]. The node strength is the sum of weights attached to the edges of a given node.

Steyvers and Tenenebaum [ 24 ] showed that large semantic and association networks are scale-free. Scale-free networks have a small number of hubs (we refer to these hubs as global hubs). Hubs are nodes with outstanding number of edges in the network. Hubs are often defined based on an arbitrarily chosen threshold value considering the order of magnitude of node strengths in the given network [ 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 ]. The rest of the nodes are peripheral nodes with significantly lower number of edges.

Many real world networks can be divided into modules. Modules are subunits of the system with much denser connectivity within themselves than between other regions of the network. The elements constituting a given module probably share similar properties regarding the analyzed phenomenon. [ 25 , 29 , 30 ]. Palla et al. [ 31 ] provided an example for a modular network of word associations starting from the word “bright”. The network was divided into four modules: Intelligence, Astronomy, Light, and Colors. The word “bright” was connected to all of them but the modules revealed alternative meanings.

Material and Methods

Participants.

This research employed two nationally representative probability samples of 506 (in case of Hero) and 503 (in case of Everyday Hero) Hungarians aged between 15 and 75 years. The participants were selected randomly from an internet-enabled panel including 15,000 members with the help of a research market company in March 2014. For the preparation of the sample, a multiple-step, proportionally stratified, probabilistic sampling method was employed.

Members of this panel used the Internet at least once a week. The panel demography is permanently filtered. More specifically, individuals are removed from the panel if they give responses too quickly (i.e., without paying attention to their response,) and/or have fake (or not used) e-mail addresses. The sample is nationally representative in terms of gender, age, level of education, and type of residence for those Hungarians who use the Internet at least once a week.

The final samples comprised N H = 502 and N EH = 502 respondents who gave valid answers (M H = 239, F H = 263; M EH = 238, F EH = 264) aged between 15 and 75 years (M Hage = 44.4 years; SD Hage = 16.2 years; M EHage = 44.0 years; SD EHage = 16.2 years). Regarding the highest completed level of education, 22.9%/23.1% (Hero/Everyday Hero) of the respondents had primary level of education, 24.9%/24.9% had vocational school degree, 31.5%/30.7% graduated from high school and 20.1%/21.3% had higher education degree. Regarding the place of residence, 18.9%/18.7% of the respondents lived in the capital city, 19.5%/18.5% lived in the county capitals, 31.7%/32.2% lived in towns and 29.9%/30.6% lived in villages.

The Research Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Education and Psychology of Eötvös Loránd University approved this study. All participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study through a check-box on the online platform. In case of underage participants, parents (passive consent) were informed about the topic of the research. The ethics committee approved this consent procedure. Respondents volunteered for the study and they did not receive compensation for the participation. Furthermore, they were assured of their anonymity. Data was collected via an online questionnaire. Participants were informed about the content of the questionnaire (e.g., Hero, Everyday Hero).

We used an associative task based on Abric’s [ 15 , 19 ] theoretical underpinnings and on Vergès’ [ 32 ] methodological (data gathering) assumptions. A respondent had to associate five words or expressions to one of the cues resulting in an individual representation. The cues were Hero or Everyday Hero. They can be differentiated on the following dimensions: range, publicity, challenge, prevalence and accessibility. These are described in Table 1 .

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.t001

The instruction was: “Please, write 5 words which first come into your mind about Hero/Everyday hero. Evaluate them on the following scale: negative, neutral, positive”. The associations were not categorized. We followed Flament and Rouquette’s [ 40 ] lemmatization criteria.

Setting up the networks

We algorithmically set up two networks which stand for the social representations of Hero and Everyday Hero in Hungary. To create such networks, we had to determine the nodes and the edges. We listed the different associations from the total set of associations to a given cue. The nodes represented these different associations. There was an edge between two associations if they were mentioned together by at least one study participant. The weight of an edge between two associations was equal to the number of times they were mentioned together. Therefore, the construction of networks was only directed by the co-occurrences of associations in the individual representations. More sophisticated methods are also available besides this relatively simple procedure. For example, it is possible to consider the rank order of the associations for each participant [ 15 , 18 ]. In the present case, edge weights based on rank order would result in an arbitrary effect on our networks.

The method is similar to item-based recommendation algorithms [ 41 ], in which an item (product, movie, book, etc.) is recommended to a user based on the general pattern of other users’ preferences. When a user buys an item, the algorithm recommends other products that were purchased by previous users who were also interested in the same item [ 42 ]. Therefore, products frequently purchased together are strongly linked and often recommended, while weakly tied items are not. In our networks, the associations played the role of products.

The construction of the networks can be summarized in three steps:

• Participants who mentioned the same association at least twice were deleted.
• We determined the nodes. We ignored associations which occurred only once. According to Abric [ 15 , 18 ] they belong to the far periphery and are not necessarily stable parts of the social representation. However, these elements constitute the major part of the representation. From a network perspective, these associations typically have only one connection, thus removing these links ensures a higher robustness of the network. These sparsely connected nodes can easily result in disconnected subnetworks which make the modular analysis more difficult. The removal of these nodes has no effect on the scale-free properties of the networks.
• We determined the edge weight between every pair of associations, which was equal to the number of times the two associations were mentioned together. A strong edge between two associations meant that they were frequently mentioned together in the individual representations, while the absence of an edge referred to the complete separation of the two associations on the individual level.

The above-described process was applied to the Hero and Everyday Hero associations separately, thereby resulting in two weighted and undirected networks. After removing subjects mentioning the same association more than once, the number of subjects was 474 in case of Hero and 481 in case of Everyday Hero. After removing associations that occurred only once, the number of different associations was 222 in case of Hero and 210 in case of Everyday Hero. The total number of associations was 2006 in case of Hero and 1899 in the case of Everyday Hero. Further analyses (calculating scale-free properties, calculating modularity, finding global and modular hubs) were carried out on these reduced datasets.

We constructed common association networks for the two social representations. In this case, the nodes are the associations present in both the Hero and Everyday Hero networks. The edges and the edge weights are determined with the same method as in case of the social representation networks. Therefore, the common association networks are subnetworks extracted from the social representation networks.

Scale-free topology and modularity

The power-law distribution of the normalized node strengths were tested separately for the Hero and Everyday Hero networks. The Maximum Likelihood Estimation fitting model determined the scaling parameter ( α ) of the power-law function and the minimum node strength ( X min ) for which the power law holds. For statistical comparison, datasets were generated with the same parameters ( X min and α ) as the empirical datasets. According to the null hypothesis of the Kolmogorov-Smirnoff test, the generated dataset has the same distribution as the empirical dataset. Following Clauset et al. [ 44 ] we determined the significance level as .1. This means that we considered our networks scale-free if p>.1 (for the applied toolbox and a more detailed description see: http://tuvalu.santafe.edu/~aaronc/powerlaws/ [ 44 ]).

In this formula, N is the number of modules, L is the total sum of edge weights in the network, k s is the sum of edge weights in module s , and d s is the sum of the node strengths (the sum of edge weights belonging to a certain node) in module s [ 45 ]. A modular structure of a network with a high value of Q must comprise many within-module links and as few as possible between-module links. The Louvain algorithm [ 46 ] with fine-tuning [ 47 ] was applied to identify the modular partition with the highest possible modularity. The resulting modular structure can change run by run [ 46 ]. Therefore, we applied the algorithm for 10,000 independent iterations and we chose the partition with the highest modularity value.

We examined the hierarchical relationship between the resulting modules by applying a hierarchical agglomerative clustering technique. Two clusters are merged in each iteration based on the maximal modularity criteria between the i th and (i-1) th community structure of the network (for details see [ 45 ]). The construction of the complete dendogram can mark the cohesive modules of the social representation even if the difference between the modularity values of the i th and (i-1) th partitions is negative.

Degree-, weight-, and strength-preserving randomization [ 48 ] was applied to generate 4999 independent null models (random networks) for the social representations of both Hero and Everyday Hero. The modular organizations of the two social representation networks were tested by comparing their maximal modularity values to the corresponding random networks. We applied a nonparametric statistics (one-sided) to test whether the modularity value of the social representation networks differed from that of the random networks (for detailed description see: [ 49 ]). The significance level was defined strictly, which means we rejected the null hypothesis if the social representation network’s modularity value was always higher than the corresponding random networks’ modularity value.

Normalization of node strengths

The network construction and analysis were carried out in Matlab 7.9.1 software. All of the applied network parameters are available at https://sites.google.com/site/bctnet/ . ForceAtlas2 layout algorithm [ 50 ] (Implemented in Gephi 0.8.2) was used for visualizing the networks.

The number of negative associations in both social representations was negligible. It was 100 out of 2510 in case of Hero and 81 out of 2510 in case of Everyday Hero. Most of them occurred only once and thus they were removed from the networks. We ignored the valences of the remaining associations.

Scale-free properties (scaling parameter ( α ), minimal normalized node strength ( X min ), p-value of the line fitting) were determined for the Hero and Everyday Hero networks. In case of Hero, we found α = 2.15 from X min = .312. In case of Everyday Hero, we found α = 2.21 from X min = .8. In the range determined by X min , the normalized node strength distributions showed a power law distribution (p(Hero) = .11, p(Everyday Hero) = .5). The log-log plots of the scale-free properties can be seen in Fig 1 .

The plots show the cumulative distribution functions of the normalized node strengths on log-log scales. The dashed, straight lines represent the Maximum Likelihood Estimation fitting of the data points. The power law exponents ( α ) for the Hero and Everyday Hero networks are 2.15 and 2.21, respectively.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.g001

The modularity value of the Hero network ( Q = .19) was not significantly higher than the corresponding modularity values of the null (random) models (p = .19; mean = .17; standard deviation = .027). In case of Everyday Hero, the modularity value of every (4999) independent null model was lower (p < .001; mean(random) = .15; standard deviation(random) = .013) than the modularity value calculated for the social representation network ( Q = .26). These results showed that the Hero network was non-modular and the Everyday Hero network was modular. The visualization of the networks can be seen in Fig 2

The association networks are visualized with the ForceAtlas 2 layout [ 50 ]. The size of a node denotes the node strength and the thickness of an edge refers to the edge weight. The networks were thresholded (edges below the value of 1 were deleted) for a better visualization. In case of Everyday Hero, nodes with the same color belong to the same module. The hierarchy and descriptive labels of the modules are presented on the dendrogram.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.g002

We identified the global hubs of the Hero and Everyday Hero networks ( Table 2 ). Hero is a network in which “brave” has an outstanding number of connections and it is followed by a couple of weaker global hubs. The global hubs of Hero are predominantly abstract values (“brave”, “self-sacrificing”, “strong”, “helpful”, “selfless”, “endurance”, “honest”, “daring” and “sacrifice”). Among the global hubs of Hero, three concrete nodes appear: “warrior”, “role-model” and “savior”. Everyday Hero also has both abstract and concrete global hubs. The concrete global hubs (“fireman”, “ambulance man”, “mother” and “doctor”) are roles and occupations associated with heroism. The abstract global hubs (“helpful”, “brave”, “selfless”, “self-sacrificing”, “endurance”, “modest”, “modest”, “honest”, “mindful”, “love”, “kind” and “emphatic”) are associations expressing heroic values.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.t002

In case of Everyday Hero, we identified five modules. We labeled each of them based on their modular hubs resulting in the following: Prototypical Hero module, Everyday Context module, Pro-social Heroism module, Ordinary Heroism module and Heroic Roles module ( Table 3 ). Prototypical Hero and Pro-social Heroism belong to a superordinate group while Everyday Context, Ordinary Heroism, and Heroic Roles form another group (see the dendogram in Fig 2 ). Ordinary Heroism is a homogenous subnetwork and its nodes are relatively weakly tied. The only association that has node strength close to the threshold is “mere”.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.t003

We calculated how many concrete social roles and contexts are present in the social representation of Hero. We found that 38 out the 222 nodes (17.1%) were occupations (e.g., doctor, fireman, etc.), social roles (e.g., warrior, savior, etc.) or concrete characters (e.g., superheroes, historical figures, etc.).

Structural differences of the common associations

We gathered the common associations of the two social representations and created two networks from them representing either Hero or Everyday Hero ( Fig 3 ). The number of common associations was 85. The list of common associations is available in S4 File . A moderate correlation (r < .58, p < .001) was determined for the edge weights connecting the same nodes in the common association networks. In case of Hero, the majority of the edges are connected to “brave” with dominant links to “strong” and “self-sacrificing” (see in Fig 3A ). In case of Everyday Hero, the dominant edges are more balanced between “helpful”, “selfless”, “self-sacrificing” and “brave” and even the less important edges seem to be more homogenously distributed (see in Fig 3B ). All modules of Everyday Hero were present among the common associations (the quotient of the number of participating nodes from a module and all nodes of the module expressed in percentage) as follows: Prototypical Hero module: 55%; Everyday Context module: 32%; Pro-social Heroism module: 40%, Ordinary Heroism module: 40%; Heroic Roles module: 26%. The global hubs of the original networks were among the nodes of the common association networks except for “warrior” in Hero and “empathic” in Everyday Hero. Prototypical Hero module, Pro-social Heroism module and Ordinary Heroism module overlap to the highest degree with the social representation of Hero. These modules contain abstract heroic values and characteristics. Everyday Context module and Heroic Roles module are present in lower proportion among common associations. They are more concrete in terms of content. They contain social roles, occupations and social contexts.

The associations are arranged in a circular alphabetic order. The size of a node denotes the node strength and the thickness of an edge refers to the edge weight. The network was thresholded (edges below the value of 1 were deleted) for a better visualization.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.g003

Both social representations consist of only positive associations, which means that both Hero and Everyday Hero generate positive first impressions. The uniformity of valences also supports our assumption that a cue activates one cognitive schema and the first five associations are derived from it.

In case of both networks, we identified their global hubs. We applied Abric’s [ 15 , 18 ] central core vs. periphery approach as a theoretical framework which is consistent with our knowledge of hubs in scale-free networks [ 43 , 51 ]. Beyond the network interpretation of the classical Abric [ 18 ] model (central core of the social representation = the set of global hubs), we determined the modules and their modular hubs, which represent socio-cognitive patterns in the social representations based on Wachelke’s theoretical assumptions [ 52 ].

Global hubs in the Hero and Everyday Hero networks

In case of Hero, our findings are in accordance with central and peripheral features provided by Kinsella et al. [ 4 ]. The social representation of Hero can be summarized as a collection of abstract values and characteristics. Although certain situations lead us to develop a heroic narrative [ 2 , 53 ], our findings imply that it is difficult to determine what exactly makes someone a hero. This is present in the lack of well-defined boundaries with other related terms, such as celebrities, sport stars, role models and martyrs [ 1 , 4 , 53 , 54 ]. The three concrete elements, “warrior”, “role model” and “savior” fit into the heroic prototype of several studies (altruism plus risk, rescuers) [ 35 , 36 , 55 ] but they are still not well-defined social roles or occupations. These concrete nodes can be associated with Farley’s [ 8 ] Situational Heroism and Goethals and Allison’s [ 2 ] Traditional Hero type. They can be also interpreted in terms of Franco et al.’s [ 1 ] physical risk-taking categories.

In the present data, the social representations of Hero and Everyday Hero cannot be divided in the same manner as Farley separated Small h and Big H Heroism [ 8 ]. The social representation of Everyday Hero shares some of the prototypical heroic characteristics (“brave”, “self-sacrificing”, “endurance”) with Hero, which relates it to Big H Heroism. Even its concrete elements can be associated with subcategories of Big H Heroism [ 8 ] such as Life-Long Heroism (“mother”) and Professional/”911” Heroism (“fireman”, “ambulance man”, “doctor”). However, the emphasis moves from the Big H Heroism theme (“brave”, “self-sacrificing”, “endurance”) to the Small h Heroism theme (“helpful”, “selfless”, “modest”, “mindful”, “love”, “kind”).

Both social representations have global hubs that refer to accessibility and prevalence. The global hubs of Hero express less specific expectations, which stems from the more abstract contents. Among the global hubs of Everyday Hero, there are more specific ordinary social roles and occupations, which refer to high accessibility and common prevalence. The “everyday” context also restricts the interpretation of heroism by concretizing it, which makes Everyday Hero more distinctive from other hero-related concepts, such as celebrities, sport stars, role models and martyrs [ 1 , 4 , 53 , 54 ].

Concerning the publicity dimension, several global hubs of Everyday Hero are occupations or ordinary roles that imply the lack of publicity, which is in line with Goethals and Allison’s [ 2 ] Transparent Hero type. The Hero network does not have global hubs expressing that publicity is a necessary characteristic.

The global hubs of Hero are too abstract to apply the range dimension. The ordinary social roles and occupations in Everyday Hero imply actions that have only a local effect. However, numerous roles and occupations are present and they often refer to Life-Long Heroism and Professional/”911” Heroism [ 8 ]. Therefore, it is important to consider their cumulative impact on society.

Hero and Everyday Hero cannot be differentiated on the dimension of challenge. Both have “self-sacrificing” as a global hub. None of them have other global hubs that define the magnitude of the physical risk or social sacrifice more precisely.

In sum, the abstract elements in the Hero network have a broad range of interpretations. Therefore, it is difficult to compare them to the concrete, social role and occupation-related connotations in the Everyday Hero network.

Modular hubs in the Everyday Hero network

Several scholars suggested multiple categories for heroism [ 1 , 2 , 8 ]. Hence, we expected that Hero would have a modular structure that could be interpreted in accordance with prior categorizations. However, the Hero network is non-modular. Contrary to Hero, the social representation of Everyday Hero includes five modules: Pro-social Heroism, Prototypical Hero, Heroic Roles, Everyday Context and Ordinary Heroism ( Fig 2 ). In the Hero network, a large proportion of the nodes express social roles, occupations or social contexts. However, they are not organized into modules. This means that the presence of similar elements does not guarantee that they will form coherent units in the structure of the social representation. Next, we describe the modules of the Everyday Hero network.

The modular hubs of Pro-social Heroism are “helpful”, “selfless”, “self-sacrificing”, “modest”, “kind”, “mindful” and “love” ( Table 3 ). The hubs of this module vary in a broad spectrum from simply being kind to being ready for self-sacrifice. This module emphasizes the sociocentric mindset behind everyday heroism instead of an egocentric one [ 1 ]. Furthermore, this module shows high resemblance with the moral modeling function defined by Kinsella et al. [ 3 ].

The modular hubs of Prototypical Hero are “brave”, “endurance”, “honest” and “strong” ( Table 3 ). This module contains internal, personality-related characteristics that are genuinely heroic. They refer to high competences or abilities [ 2 ]. This module overlaps to the largest extent with the social representation of Hero (see the details below). This module is in line with the enhancement function defined by Kinsella et al [ 3 ].

The modular hubs of Heroic Roles are “fireman”, “ambulance man”, “doctor”, “policeman” and “mother” ( Table 3 ). The hubs of this module can be interpreted in the light of the protection function in the hero functions framework [ 3 ]. However, in this case the protection function is embedded in predefined social roles. On the basis of Franco et al. [ 1 ], these elements can be differentiated regarding the type of social sacrifice or physical risk.

The modular hubs of Everyday Context are “work”, “successful” and “family” ( Table 3 ). This module can highlight the local contexts in which everyday heroism is exhibited. It seems that family and work might be strongly connected themes in the social representation of everyday heroism, which is in line with Goethals and Allison [ 2 ] and Allison and Goethals [ 53 ].

Ordinary Heroism does not have any modular hubs ( Table 3 ). This facet of heroism can grasp the ordinary nature of heroic acts, which is related to accessibility, transparency and reward-independency revealed in previous research [ 1 , 2 , 8 ].

Common associations in the Hero and Everyday Hero networks

Numerous common associations imply a similar meaning in social representations [ 16 , 17 ]. The common associations can reflect the most important heroic contents that do not change even if the context is altered. However, we can also use them to capture differences in social representations as the common associations can have different structural positions in the two social representations. The correlation of edge weights in the common association networks shows that there is indeed a difference in the patterns of connections.

Abric [ 15 , 17 , 18 , 19 ] argued that the central core elements are the stable parts of the social representations in altering environment. We found that most of the global hubs of both association networks are among the common associations. However, the global hubs of one association network do not necessarily have the same importance in the other one, which shows that a change in the context (like adding “everyday”) can significantly overwrite the hierarchy.

These findings point out the relevance of connections in understanding how the meaning emerges from the elements of the social representation. For example, we argue that bravery in connection with strength and self-sacrifice refers to a different connotation than bravery in connection with helpfulness, selflessness and self-sacrifice. While the first version implies a rescuer behavior, the other one implies a milder form of heroism such as standing up for someone in an offending situation.

Limitations

In case of continuous associations, a couple of problems emerge such as retrieval inhibition or response chaining [ 56 , 57 ]. Retrieval inhibition happens when subsequent associations are produced with the same cue and retrieved information blocks new information. Response chaining happens when participants produce associations based on a previous response instead of the cue. It is not entirely presumable how strong the effect of a given response is on the next one. Association chaining and retrieval inhibition might influence the association process in individual cases but we hope that in a large dataset all significant layers of a given social representation eventually appear. Furthermore, chaining effect and retrieval inhibition can be reduced if the number of associated words is limited, which is the case in our study [ 56 , 57 ].

Previous studies demonstrated that the order of associations matters: first associations tend to be stronger than the next ones [ 56 , 57 ]. In the present study, we rejected the integration of the order into the network analysis, because we could not determine a non-arbitrary network weighting solution for the phenomenon. Therefore, we have considered all associations equal.

We supposed that our cues activated complete cognitive schemas. Hence, we considered a person’s associations as a coherent unit. It is also possible that a person’s associations are derived from different cognitive schemas. Nonetheless, a person’s associations are definitely connected by the fact that they are produced by the same person, so the construction of a network in itself is a valid step. However, the exact relations of a person’s associations are yet to be clarified.

It is also important to note that there are many algorithms for detecting modules in a network (for a review see [ 58 ]). It is also possible that there are algorithms that suit social representations better. For example, free association networks could be analyzed using overlapping modules [ 31 ].

Future research

In Abric’s [ 15 ] central core vs. periphery hypothesis, the mean rank is also an important factor. The mean rank depends on the order of an individual’s associations. Several studies on associations argued that the order of associations matters [ 15 , 52 , 56 , 57 , 59 ]. The order is in connection with response chaining and retrieval inhibition as well. In the future, it would be interesting to develop a more refined edge weighting system that incorporates the order of associations.

Abric [ 15 , 17 , 18 , 19 ] argued that changes start from the periphery of the social representation and they gradually reach the central core. However, the propagation of information in complex networks is determined by the central nodes rather than the peripheral ones [ 60 , 61 ]. A future study could observe how new information is incorporated into social representations from a network perspective.

Free associations provide a limited insight into social representations. With this method, we do not have knowledge about the context of a given association, which means that we do not know how it relates exactly to the social representation. A solution to this problem could be to extract data with better consideration of the context using data-mining techniques [ 62 ]. For example, short texts can be processed and the key expressions can be transformed into a network. This provides more freedom for study participants to express themselves.

The sizes of the present datasets might not show the real power of network analysis. Algorithms can be employed efficiently even in case of millions of data points, which enables us to enlarge the data virtually without limits.

In this study, we explored the social representations of Hero and Everyday Hero in Hungary. This research is a starting point of a long-term research project which aims to provide guidelines for motivating everyday heroic acts in communities. Everyday Hero has more concrete contents which are mainly present in Heroic Roles, Ordinary Heroism and Everyday Context modules. In case of both Hero and Everyday Hero, the abstract values and characteristics are in accordance with previous inductive studies [ 2 , 4 , 5 , 6 ]. Changing the topic from “hero” to “everyday hero” resulted in not only a different content but it created an entirely new network structure i.e., different global hubs (central cores), modular organization and more balanced connections of heroic contents. While heroism depicts doing something extraordinary in an abstract manner, everyday heroism implies just doing the right thing and it points out the ordinary roles, occupations and contexts in which the heroic values can be exhibited. Great heroes are truly inspirational. However, we suppose that encouraging individuals to behave heroically in their everyday lives can be more efficient if we approach heroism in a concrete and realistic manner.

Supporting Information

S1 file. hero normalized node strengths..

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.s001

S2 File. Everyday Hero normalized node strength.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.s002

S3 File. Everyday Hero normalized intra-modular node strength.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.s003

S4 File. Common associations.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.s004

S5 File. Minimal data set for Hero.

This is the English translation of the raw data. We translated from Hungarian to English only those associations which occurred at least twice.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.s005

S6 File. Minimal data set for Everyday Hero.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159354.s006

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank Mónika Éva Fekete for the fruitful discussions which significantly improved the paper. We are also grateful to Zoltán Somogyvári for carefully reading the manuscript. We also thank Elaine L. Kinsella and a second anonymous referee for all their corrections and suggestions. We thank Györgyi Orosz for the financial support. The third author (GO) was supported by the Hungarian Research Fund (NKFI PD 106027, 116686) and Momentum (0183–13 502).

Author Contributions

• Conceived and designed the experiments: ZK BF GO PGZ.
• Performed the experiments: GO.
• Analyzed the data: ZK BF.
• Contributed reagents/materials/analysis tools: ZK BF GO.
• Wrote the paper: ZK BF GO PGZ.
• Designed the codes and implemented the algorithms for the network analysis: BF.
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Definition of a Hero Essay

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Related Essays on Heroes

The concept of heroism is deeply ingrained in human culture and society, serving as a source of inspiration and admiration. This essay delves into the multifaceted nature of heroism, offering insights into how it can be defined [...]

The 1920s was a transformative decade in American history, marked by a series of cultural, social, and political shifts. One significant aspect of this era was the emergence of new heroes who embodied the spirit of the times. [...]

Christopher Columbus, an Italian explorer under the auspices of the Spanish crown, remains an enigmatic figure in history. His voyages in the late 15th century are frequently celebrated as pioneering endeavors that opened up the [...]

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Essay on My Favourite National Hero

Students are often asked to write an essay on My Favourite National Hero in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on My Favourite National Hero

Introduction.

My favourite national hero is Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the nation of India.

Gandhi’s Life

Born in 1869, Gandhi was a lawyer who believed in non-violence. He fought against the British rule in India using peaceful methods.

Gandhi’s Contribution

Gandhi led the Salt March, a non-violent protest against the salt tax imposed by the British. His actions inspired millions.

Gandhi’s principles of truth and non-violence influenced the world. His life teaches us to stand for what is right, making him my favourite national hero.

250 Words Essay on My Favourite National Hero

Gandhi’s early life.

Born in Porbandar, Gujarat, in 1869, Gandhi’s early life was shaped by the religious and moral values of his family. His experiences in South Africa, where he faced racial discrimination, catalysed his political activism. He developed ‘Satyagraha’ or ‘the force of truth’, a non-violent resistance method that became instrumental in challenging unjust systems.

Leader of India’s Freedom Struggle

Gandhi’s leadership during India’s struggle for independence was marked by his unwavering commitment to non-violence. His iconic Salt March in 1930 was a powerful act of civil disobedience against the British salt tax, demonstrating the strength of peaceful resistance.

Non-violence: A Global Influence

Gandhi’s philosophy of non-violence transcended India’s borders, inspiring global figures such as Martin Luther King Jr. and Nelson Mandela. His ideas continue to resonate in movements for social and political change worldwide.

Mahatma Gandhi, my favourite national hero, was a beacon of hope and resilience. His life and philosophy continue to inspire millions around the globe, making him a timeless hero. His message of peace and non-violence is more relevant today than ever, reminding us that change can be effected without resorting to violence. His legacy is a testament to the power of truth, love, and non-violence.

500 Words Essay on My Favourite National Hero

A national hero is a person who has made significant contributions to the country’s development and progress. These heroes can be found in various fields, including politics, science, arts, and sports. Among the many national heroes that have shaped the world, my favourite is Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the Indian nation.

Mahatma Gandhi: The Man of the Hour

Non-violence: a tool for change.

Gandhi’s philosophy of non-violence, or ‘Ahimsa’, is one of the reasons why he is my favourite national hero. He believed that violence only breeds more violence, and the only way to achieve true peace and justice is through non-violence. This philosophy was not only theoretical but also practical. He applied it in his struggle for India’s independence, leading peaceful protests and strikes, the most famous of which are the Salt March and Quit India Movement.

Champion of Equality

Gandhi was a champion of equality, another reason why he is my favourite national hero. He fought against the social evils of untouchability and caste discrimination that plagued Indian society. His vision of an egalitarian society where everyone is treated equally irrespective of their caste, creed, religion, or gender is a testament to his greatness.

The Legacy of Gandhi

Gandhi’s teachings continue to be relevant today. In a world where violence and hatred seem to be escalating, his philosophy of peace, tolerance, and non-violence serves as a beacon of hope.

In conclusion, Mahatma Gandhi, with his unwavering commitment to non-violence and equality, is my favourite national hero. His life and teachings have left an indelible mark on the world, inspiring millions to stand up for their rights peacefully and with dignity. His legacy continues to guide us, reminding us of the power of peace and the importance of treating everyone with respect and fairness.

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New PlayStation FPS Concord was in development for about 8 years - starting almost exactly when 2016's Overwatch got hero shooters trending

A Firewalk developer celebrates the launch with a tidbit

PlayStation's new hero shooter rival Concord has apparently been in development for around eight years, which would trace production back to 2016, the year Overwatch first released.

After a round of beta playtests, Concord officially comes out on PC and PS5 tomorrow (there's a slightly more expensive edition that gives you early access to the shooter now) and developer Firewalk's lead character designer Jon Weisnewski jumped onto social media to celebrate the launch.

"Today Firewalk Studios launched Concord," the developer tweeted . "The game has been in development for around 8 years and I've been there for almost 5 of them. We don't get a lot of Launch Days in our careers so today is special for a ton of reasons. Oblige me some good vibes today."

Blizzard obviously kickstarted the short lived hero shooter craze with 2016's Overwatch, which was followed up by Gearbox 's Battleborn, Hi-Rez's Paladins, and other games that were never quite able to recapture that same lightning in a bottle. That makes 2024 somewhat of an anomaly since both Marvel Rivals and Concord - to say nothing of Valve's mysterious Deadlock - are aiming for a piece of the hero shooter pie, in an era where it seemed developers had largely given up on the trend because, well, it's not trending anymore.

Marvel Rivals is another free-to-play shooter, this time starring some of the most iconic comic book characters around and very Overwatchy movesets , which is of course attracting tons of attention ahead of its December 8 launch. Concord is instead gunning in a different direction, as the studio recently announced that it wouldn't include battle passes because "you own concord, Concord doesn't own you."

Get the competitive edge with our best Concord characters guide.

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Kaan freelances for various websites including Rock Paper Shotgun, Eurogamer, and this one, Gamesradar. He particularly enjoys writing about spooky indies, throwback RPGs, and anything that's vaguely silly. Also has an English Literature and Film Studies degree that he'll soon forget.

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