what is a thesis statement about social justice

16 Social Justice Examples

Pernilla Stammler Jaliff (MSSc)

Pernilla Stammler Jaliff has a master’s degree in Political Science and in Investigative Journalism. She has published several academic articles, and reports on human rights and sustainability for different NGOs. She also works independently as an investigative journalist writing articles on environmental issues such as the lithium and oil industry.

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Chris Drew (PhD)

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Social Justice is a type of justice and political philosophy that refers to a fair and equal division of resources, opportunities, access to wealth and social privileges in a society.  

The concept first surfaced in the Western world in the aftermath of the industrial revolution. It emerged as a protest to what was seen as the capitalist exploitation of labor, and as an important moment in time to improve the human condition (United Nations, 2006).

Definition of Social Justice

Social Justice is a concept of fairness in relations between human beings in a society and their fair and equal rights.

It was first developed during the industrial revolution, but the idea of social justice received more attention due to John Rawls’ publication A Theory of Social Justice in 1971.

John Rawls was an American political philosopher; his ideas included the guiding principle that people have “an equal right to the most extensive system of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar system of liberty for all”. (Rawls, 2005)

The ideas of John Rawls have continued to be an important factor in world economics and politics. According to the United Nations’ statement on World Day of Social Justice:

“Social justice is based on the values of fairness, equality, respect for diversity, access to social protection, and the application of human rights in all spheres of life, including in the workplace.” (Ban Ki-moon, 2010)

Social Justice involves several aspects to create a fair and equal society such as access to economic resources, equity, participation, diversity, climate justice, and human rights.

The concept of social justice must therefore integrate various dimensions, starting with the right of all human beings to benefit from a safe and pleasant environment (United Nations, 2006).

“This entails the fair distribution among countries and social groups of the cost of protecting the environment and of developing safe technologies for production and safe products for consumption” (p. 7)

Social Justice Examples

Social justice includes:

• Human Rights – Everyone is entitled to their natural rights and freedoms , without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth, or other status. (UDHR, 1948)
• Right to participation – Create opportunities and political platforms for individuals to participate in decision-making procedures that affect their well-being.
• Intergenerational justice – This refers to the obligations of older generations to younger generations. Today, this has a lot to do with cleaning up the environmental damage done by generations past (see: environmental injustice examples ).
• Indigenous justice – Oppressed indigenous populations seek social justice in the form of fair access to social services and fair treatment.
• Economic participation – This refers to the right for people to participate in the economy, start a business, sell their goods, or get a job.
• Access to resources – Fair division of economic benefits and services, sometimes referred to as “ distributive justice .” (Center for Economic and Social Justice, 2019)
• Gender equality – Refers to equal rights, responsibilities, and opportunities for women and men and girls and boys.
• Child welfare – Ensure physical, social, and psychological well-being of children.
• Access to education – Close the education gap between male, female, poor and rich students. For example, in some areas of the world girls never set foot into a classroom. More than nine million girls never go to school, compared to only six million boys in areas of Africa. (UNESCO, 2019)
• Food security – End hunger and ensure sustainable agriculture for all.
• Access to healthcare – Ensure healthy lives, access to hospitals and clinics, and promoting well-being at all ages.
• Right to be different (aka Diversity) – Implement policies, embrace cultural differences, and put an end to discriminatory practices based on social identities like race, gender, ethnicity, gender, disabilities, age etc.
• Climate justice – Recognize the climate crisis as a social and political problem. It is about intersectional equity, ensuring everyone’s access to clean air, food, and water.
• Right to a family – It is socially just to allow all people the right to reproduction as well as the right to not have a family.
• Right to fair trial – A just society gives all people – guilty or not – to a fair and unimpeded trial in the court of law.
• Environmental justice – This refers to the importance of ensuring poor, disenfranchised, and minority communities do not face the economic consequences of wealthy people and corporations’ pollution byproducts. For example, rising seawater from climate change is likely going to impact poor low-lying Pacific nations most, despite their very minimal contribution to the issue.

What Does Social Justice Look Like?

1. human rights.

The United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) ensures that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and in rights. They are provided with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. (Article 1, UDHR, 1948)

The United Nations (UN) is an international organization founded in 1945, whose stated purposes are to maintain international peace and security.

Today, the UN consists of 193 Member States. The Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, universal respect for and fulfil the international human rights and fundamental freedoms.

According to the UDHR everyone is entitled to their rights and freedoms, without distinction due to race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth, or other status. (UDHR, 1948)

Human Rights thus includes the right to life and liberty, freedom from slavery and torture, freedom of opinion and expression and the right to work and education. Moreover, The International Labour Organisation (ILO) has defined a living wage as a basic human right under their conventions and recommendations to the UDHR.

A living wage means that the wage a worker earns in a standard working week is enough to provide for them and their family’s basic needs – including housing, food, education, and healthcare as well as some savings for when the unexpected happens. (Clean Clothes Campaign, 2014)

2. Right to Participation

Participation refers to how the people is given a voice and opportunity to express their opinions and concerns. Individuals needs to be able to participate in any decision-making that affects their livelihood and standard of living. (Corporate Finance Institute, 2022)

Social injustice occurs when a small group of individuals makes decisions for a larger group, without considering the people’s voice and opinion. (Corporate Finance Institute, 2022)

To achieve social justice the society needs to ensure equal opportunities, regardless of gender, age, sexual orientation, disabilities etc. Moreover, guarantee access to political platforms and institutions for individuals to participate in decision-makings that affect their well-being.

3. Access to Resources

Access to resources is a key principle of social justice and refers to how different groups in society receive equal access to services such as healthcare, food, work, electricity, education and so forth.

To achieve social justice societies must offer a multitude of resources and services for their citizens, so that everyone gets an equal start in life. (Corporate Finance Institute, 2022)

However, unequal access to resources often exists, and the gap between high-income countries and low-income countries is still big.

According to the UN more than 700 million people, or 10 per cent of the world population, live in extreme poverty, struggling to fulfil the most basic needs like health, education, and access to water and sanitation. Moreover, the economic gap between rural and urban areas is significant. Worldwide, the poverty rate is three times higher in rural areas than in urban areas. (United Nations, 2019)

4. Gender Equality

Gender equality refers to equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities of women and men and girls and boys.

Gender equality is not only a fundamental human right, but a necessary foundation for a peaceful, wealthy, and sustainable world. 

According to the United Nations there has been progress over the last decades regarding gender equality:

“Fewer girls are forced into early marriage; more women are serving in parliament and positions of leadership; and laws are being reformed to advance gender equality”. (United Nations, 2019, p. 32)

However, many challenges still exist. Discriminatory laws and norms are still applied, and women continue to be underrepresented at all levels of political leadership.

According to the organization UN Women , 30 percent of women worldwide who have ever been in a relationship have experienced physical and/or sexual abuse from an intimate partner. (p. 176)

Moreover, Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is a deeply troubling human-rights violation that affects at least 200 million women in the 30 countries where this is practiced (half of them in West Africa). (United Nations, 2019)

5. Food security

End hunger and ensure food security is a key factor for social justice. According to the World Food Programme, 135 million people suffer from acute hunger mainly due to man-made conflicts, climate change and economic downturns. (FSIN, 2020)

Despite earlier extensive progress, the number of people suffering from hunger has been increasing since 2014. Around 821 million people were undernourished in 2017, the same number as in 2010. (United Nations, 2019)

To create social justice worldwide attention needs to be given to increase sustainable agricultural productivity and guarantee incomes for small-scale food producers, implementing resilient agricultural practices.

Social Justice is a political theory that refers to a fair and equal division of resources, opportunities, human rights, and social privileges in a society.

Based on the ideas of the American political philosopher John Rawls, the international community has implemented social justice in its institutions, declarations, statements, and practices. The idea of people having equal rights and liberties is key to create social justice.

Human rights, right to participation, access to resources, gender equality and food security are all examples of important principles to achieve social justice.

An important step to create social justice worldwide is the actions of the United Nations and its Member States. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals, governments and civil society all play a key role in monitoring and implementing practices for social justice.

Reference list

United Nations, (2006). Department of Economic and Social Affairs. Social Justice in an Open World: The Role of the United Nations, ST/ESA/305, United Nations Publication, New York.

Rawls, J. (2005). A theory of justice . Chicago: Belknap Press.

Ban Ki-moon (2010), UN statement on the World Day of Social Justice.

UNESCO (2019), Institute of Statistics, Education in Africa.

UDHR (1948), United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. New York: United Nations.

United Nations (2019), The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2019, United Nations Publication, New York

UN Women (2019), Progress of the World’s Women 2019-2020 , ISBN: 978-1-63214-156-9, United States.

FSIN (2020), 2020 Global Report on Food Crises: Joint Analysis for Better Decisions.

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Social Justice - Essay Samples And Topic Ideas For Free

Social justice is the view that everyone deserves equal economic, political, and social rights and opportunities. Essays could explore the various theories of social justice, historical and contemporary social justice movements, and the ongoing challenges in achieving social justice globally. They might also discuss the role of individuals, communities, and nations in promoting social justice and addressing systemic inequalities. We’ve gathered an extensive assortment of free essay samples on the topic of Social Justice you can find at Papersowl. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

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How to Write an Essay About Social Justice

Understanding social justice.

Before you start writing an essay about social justice, it's essential to have a clear understanding of what social justice entails. Social justice refers to the fair and just relation between the individual and society, measured by the distribution of wealth, opportunities for personal activity, and social privileges. It involves a focus on the idea of creating a society or institution that is based on the principles of equality and solidarity, that understands and values human rights, and that recognizes the dignity of every human being. Begin your essay by defining social justice and its importance in modern society. Discuss the various dimensions of social justice, which may include issues like racial equality, gender equity, economic fairness, LGBTQ rights, and more.

Developing a Thesis Statement

Your essay on social justice should be centered around a clear, concise thesis statement. This statement should present a specific viewpoint or argument about social justice. For instance, you might explore the effectiveness of current social justice movements, analyze historical social justice issues and their resolution, or argue the need for a specific approach to achieve social justice in a particular context. Your thesis will guide the direction of your essay and provide a structured approach to your analysis.

Gathering Supporting Evidence

To support your thesis, gather evidence from a range of sources, including academic research, case studies, historical examples, or current events. This might include data on social inequality, examples of successful social justice initiatives, or testimonies from individuals or groups affected by social injustice. Use this evidence to support your thesis and build a persuasive argument. It's important to consider different perspectives and address potential counterarguments to your thesis.

Analyzing Social Justice Issues

Dedicate a section of your essay to analyzing specific social justice issues. Discuss the causes and impacts of these issues, the challenges in addressing them, and the strategies employed to overcome these challenges. Consider both the successes and the ongoing struggles in the realm of social justice. This analysis will help illustrate the complexities involved in achieving social justice and the various factors that influence it.

Concluding the Essay

Conclude your essay by summarizing the main points of your discussion and restating your thesis in light of the evidence provided. Your conclusion should tie together your analysis and emphasize the importance of striving for social justice. You might also want to reflect on the broader implications of your findings or suggest future directions for social justice activism or policy.

Reviewing and Refining Your Essay

After completing your essay, take time to review and refine it. Ensure that your arguments are clearly articulated and supported by evidence. Check for grammatical accuracy and ensure that your essay flows logically from one point to the next. Consider seeking feedback from peers, educators, or experts in social justice to further improve your essay. A well-written essay on social justice will not only demonstrate your understanding of the topic but also your ability to engage critically with complex ethical and societal issues.

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Theories of justice

Social justice movements.

social justice

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• Humanities LibreTexts - Social Justice
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social justice , in contemporary politics, social science , and political philosophy , the fair treatment and equitable status of all individuals and social groups within a state or society. The term also is used to refer to social, political, and economic institutions, laws, or policies that collectively afford such fairness and equity and is commonly applied to movements that seek fairness, equity, inclusion, self-determination , or other goals for currently or historically oppressed, exploited, or marginalized populations.

In theoretical terms, social justice is often understood to be equivalent to justice itself, however that concept is defined. Many somewhat narrower interpretations conceive of social justice as being equivalent to or partly constitutive of distributive justice—that is, the fair and equitable distribution of social, political, and economic benefits and burdens. According to some interpretations, social justice also encompasses , among other conditions, the equal opportunity to contribute to and to benefit from the common good , including by holding public office (such readings are sometimes referred to as “contributive justice”). Other interpretations promote the stronger goal of equal participation by all individuals and groups in all major social, political, and economic institutions.

Another set of definitions of social justice emphasizes the institutional conditions that encourage individual self-development and self-determination—the former being understood as the opposite of oppression and the latter as the opposite of domination. A related concept of justice, suggested by the American philosopher Martha Nussbaum , is that a just society fosters the capabilities of individuals to engage in activities that are essential to a truly “human” life—including, among others, the capabilities to live a life of normal length, to use one’s mind in ways “protected by guarantees of freedom of expression,” and to meaningfully participate in political decision-making. Still other accounts define social justice, or justice itself, in terms of broad categories of human rights , including the entire range of civil and political rights (such as the rights to personal liberty and to participation in government), economic and social rights (such as the rights to employment and to education), and solidarity or group rights (such as the rights to political independence and to economic development ).

Social justice is both a theoretical concept and a practical ideal—an object of social-scientific and philosophical understanding and debate as well as a real-world goal of social and political reform movements. In general, practical ideals of social justice represent an attempt to realize a certain conception of social justice in a particular state or society. Accordingly, such ideals tend to vary with the historical and cultural circumstances in which they are pursued; they may also depend upon current social-scientific understandings of the institutions to be reformed, abolished, or created.

However the notion of social justice is understood, it is naturally grounded in the concept of justice itself. Indeed, the notion of social justice originated as an application of a historical theory of justice to current social problems. Later understandings of social justice have also drawn upon historical theories. Accordingly, this article will discuss the major historical theories of justice and consider their influence upon modern and contemporary social-justice movements.

The first philosophical studies of justice and political authority in the West were undertaken in ancient Greece and Rome by thinkers whose works combined theoretical speculation with generally insightful empirical observations. Arguably the most influential of these works was Plato ’s Republic , a lengthy examination, in dialogue form, of justice as both an individual virtue and a defining characteristic of the ideal political community . For Plato, justice in the individual soul and in the city-state consists of the harmonious operation of the major elements out of which each is constituted: reason, spirit, and appetite in the soul; and rulers, guardians (or soldiers), and producers (e.g., farmers and craftsmen) in the city-state. Harmonious operation in both cases is realized when each element pursues or performs the object or function appropriate to it and does not intrude upon the proper pursuits or functions of other elements. Although Plato’s vision of the just society is strikingly undemocratic and class-based, his emphasis on service to the common good through the integrated functioning of social classes became a salient feature of many later theories. (Notably, Plato held that women were just as capable as men and therefore just as deserving of opportunities to contribute to the common good. Women as well as men, he insisted, would be among the rulers of a just republic.)

Like Plato, Aristotle conceived of justice as both an individual virtue and a characteristic of an ideal (or well functioning) city-state. Aristotle’s theory of political justice has been variously interpreted but is generally understood to encompass the rule of law , the pursuit of the common good (the purpose of the state being to realize the communal basis of the good life for all citizens), the equitable distribution of benefits and burdens among equally deserving or meritorious individuals (distributive justice), and fairness in dealings between individuals (corrective, commutative, or reciprocal justice). Political desert and merit, however, are achieved only by those virtuous citizens who contribute significantly to the common good. Thus, the just society, though based on the competent promotion of the common good, involves a hierarchical social order and an equitable distribution of political rights and responsibilities among ranking members of that hierarchy ( see also Aristotle: Political theory ). Aristotle’s understanding of political justice is to this extent aristocratic .

Aristotle’s view of justice greatly influenced the medieval Christian philosopher St. Thomas Aquinas , who followed Aristotle in holding that the purpose of political authority is to promote the good of the community and that in a just society benefits would be distributed by social rank, with “more prominent” community members receiving correspondingly greater benefits. Aquinas’s philosophy and theology became official doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church in the 16th century, and his vision of justice eventually inspired the measured social reforms advocated by the church in the late 19th and early 20th centuries ( see below ).

In the 17th and 18th centuries the English philosophers Thomas Hobbes and John Locke and the French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau developed influential conceptions of justice based on the notion of a social contract . In primeval times, according to social-contract theory, individuals were born into an anarchic “state of nature,” which they eventually sought to escape because of the danger and misery it entailed or because they wished to experience the advantages of social order. To do so, they formed a society by means of a compact or agreement that defined a set of rights and duties of individuals and a set of powers to be exercised by a central government. Social-contract theories thus attempt to legitimate and delimit political authority on the grounds of individual self-interest and rational consent. Conceptions of justice based on social-contract theory were significantly different from earlier understandings, because they viewed justice as a human creation or social construct rather than as an ideal rooted in objective features of human nature and society. Locke’s particular version of the social contract, which recognized a set of natural individual rights that the social contract obliged the ruling authority to protect, became the philosophical basis of political liberalism .

In the 19th century the English utilitarian philosophers John Stuart Mill and Henry Sidgwick addressed issues of social justice made prominent by the extreme economic inequalities created by the growth of industrial capitalism in Europe and the United States during the Industrial Revolution . Following the utilitarian jurist Jeremy Bentham , who propounded a principle whereby actions are considered morally right or wrong in proportion to the balance of happiness or unhappiness they produce, Mill advanced a theory designed to explain and justify on utilitarian grounds what he understood to be the chief principles of justice, as reflected in the common usage of just , unjust , and related terms. The principles include, among others, the ideas that justice requires respect for the legal and moral rights of individuals and for the right of individuals to possess or receive that which they deserve. Such principles are valid, according to Mill, because a society that consistently observes them (as laws or moral conventions) would in the long run experience a greater level of happiness for a greater number of people than would a society that did not. Broadly speaking, Mill’s vision of a just society encompasses the liberal ideals of individual rights (e.g., to life, liberty, and property), democracy , and free enterprise.

Although utilitarianism was a major current of social thought in the 19th and 20th centuries and thus a major intellectual vehicle of social-justice reform, its explanation of the nature of justice eventually proved vulnerable to serious objections, some of which recall the basic difficulties raised against utilitarian accounts of the rightness or wrongness of individual actions. Some critics of utilitarianism , for example, remained unconvinced that Mill’s conception of justice would rule out any conceivable social order in which the enslavement or exploitation of a minority of the population is accepted on the grounds that it facilitates the happiness of the majority.

Interest in social-contract theories was revived in the second half of the 20th century by the American political philosopher John Rawls . In his A Theory of Justice (1971) Rawls rejects utilitarian accounts of justice (on the basis of the criticism mentioned above) and defends a conception of “justice as fairness.” Rawls argues that justice consists of the basic principles of government that free and rational individuals would agree to in a hypothetical situation of perfect equality . In order to ensure that the principles chosen would be fair, Rawls imagines a group of individuals who have been made ignorant of the social, economic, and historical circumstances from which they come, as well as their basic values and goals, including their conception of what constitutes a “good life.” Situated behind this “veil of ignorance,” any group of individuals would be led by reason and self-interest to agree that (1) each person should have an equal right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with a similar liberty for others and (2) social and economic inequalities should be arranged so that they are to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged and are attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity.

Rawls’s first principle ensures most of the basic rights and liberties traditionally associated with modern liberalism and democracy , and his second principle prevents detrimental inequalities of wealth and income and provides for meaningful equality of opportunity to compete for public offices. Rawls’s work is widely interpreted as providing an intellectual model for the modern capitalist welfare state or a market-oriented social democracy .

Despite its wide appeal, Rawls’s liberal egalitarianism was soon challenged by advocates of conservative libertarianism , who charged that the society Rawls envisioned is unjust because it would allow (indeed, require) the state to redistribute social and economic goods without the consent of their owners, in violation of the owners’ private property rights . Some libertarians, following the American philosopher Robert Nozick , argued that a validly derived social contract would justify only a “minimal state,” with powers limited to those necessary to protect citizens against violence, theft, and fraud. Other critics argued that Rawls’s theory does not take sufficient account of a community’s shared understanding of how it is appropriate to live ( see communitarianism ).

As noted earlier, movements for social justice have been guided and inspired by intellectual understandings of the nature of justice. An early and important example of such influence is the work of the 19th-century Jesuit scholar Luigi Taparelli, who coined the term social justice in the 1840s. Inspired by Aquinas, Taparelli propounded a conservative vision of justice that legitimates aristocratic rule by grounding it in supposedly natural inequalities between individuals. Later in the 19th century, justice became a central theme of Roman Catholic social teaching, which emerged in response to the dire societal consequences of the Industrial Revolution. The church generally accepted economic inequality and social stratification as the products of natural inequalities of ability between individuals but emphasized the ideally harmonious interworking of socioeconomic classes and the moral obligation of civil society and the state to protect the weak and vulnerable and to promote the common good. The church’s approach to social justice thus represented a course midway between laissez-faire capitalism, which would reject any state intervention in the economy on behalf of impoverished and exploited industrial workers, and socialism , which would impose state ownership or control of the economy to meet the basic needs of workers and to ensure their material equality. Taparelli’s contention that the state is obliged to intervene on behalf of distressed individuals only in situations where smaller social units, including the family, are unable to address the relevant social problems was embraced by Pope Leo XIII (a former student of Taparelli) in his 1891 encyclical Rerum novarum (Latin: “Of New Things”; English title On Capital and Labor ) and reaffirmed in Pope Pius XI ’s 1931 encyclical Quadragesimo anno (Latin: “In the Fortieth Year”; English title Reconstruction of the Social Order ).

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, legal reformers in England and the United States, some of whom were inspired by utilitarianism, began to apply the notion of social justice to issues of legal, economic, and political inequality, including women’s rights , the rights of workers, and the exploitation of immigrants and children. In the mid-20th century, racial discrimination and the civil rights of minorities in the United States, particularly African Americans , came to be recognized as a major problem of social justice, as reflected in the nationwide civil rights movement of the 1950s and ’60s. From the 1960s and ’70s, women’s rights and the rights of sexual minorities were also major focuses of activists who conceived of their goals in terms of social justice. Later social-justice movements in the United States and Europe were concerned with uncovering and dismantling systemic forms of racial discrimination ( see critical race theory ) and, more broadly, with identifying the various political, economic, and social mechanisms by which members of racial, ethnic, and cultural minorities were—in the estimation of social-justice advocates—oppressed, excluded, and exploited, particularly by white majorities.

These developments reflect the gradual broadening of social justice as a practical ideal, now encompassing a number of themes and issues beyond basic rights and economic equality. In general terms, the ideal that activists aimed for was a society that values fairness and equity for all individuals and social groups in all areas of life; that recognizes and respects differing ethnic, cultural, gender, and other identities among citizens; and, most importantly, that affords a dignified and fulfilling existence for all individuals.

Social Work and Social Justice: What Role Do Social Workers Play?

Social workers support individuals, families and communities in countless ways. But how can they make society more just?

Many people may not realize the affinities between social work and social justice — the condition of fair and equitable access to resources, wealth, opportunities and social privileges in a society. Social justice goals include:

• Improving social mobility
• Strengthening social safety nets
• Advancing racial equity and equality
• Creating opportunities for each person to have a creative, productive and dignified life

Social workers’ advocacy for social justice can range from client-focused actions designed to support individuals to macro-focused actions around unjust social policies and structures. For example, a social worker can assist a client in accessing mental health resources, and social workers can also advocate to protect and extend access to mental health services for tens of millions of people through policy development.

Social workers stand at the vanguard of advancing social justice aims, playing a key role in making society fair and equitable for all.

Social Justice as a Core Value

Social justice is a pillar of the social work profession. The National Association of Social Workers (NASW) lists social justice as one of the profession’s core values, stating that all social workers should challenge social injustice in their work. That means taking action to expand choice and opportunities for people who suffer from exploitation, oppression, discrimination or financial vulnerability.

The NASW Code of Ethics states that as agents of social change, social workers must work alongside and on behalf of vulnerable and oppressed individuals and groups to address issues of unemployment, poverty and discrimination. Through social justice advocacy, social workers “strive to ensure access to needed information, services, and resources; equality of opportunity; and meaningful participation in decision making for all people,” per the code.

In practice, social workers take action to improve social conditions for their clients, expanding access to social services, employment opportunities, health care and basic resources.

How Social Workers Fight Injustice by Supporting Clients

Social workers can alleviate the impacts of social injustice by assisting vulnerable individuals, ensuring they have access to needed information and resources, and providing mental and emotional support.

Working one on one with clients, social workers help them navigate challenges brought on and exacerbated by an unjust society, such as poverty, prolonged unemployment, substance misuse, neglect and domestic violence.

The roles and responsibilities of social workers aiming for social justice vary depending on their area of practice and licensure.

Fighting Ageism as a Gerontological Social Worker

Gerontological social workers directly support older individuals and communities. They coordinate care; assess the social, emotional and mental needs of their clients; and connect them with resources.

Social workers specializing in gerontology are uniquely positioned to combat ageism. Working alongside and advocating for their older clients, social workers play an important part in challenging ageist discrimination and other forms of systemic oppression experienced by older individuals. They can also help older adults identify and process the chronic stress that comes from ageist discrimination, improving the overall health and well-being of their clients.

Promoting Access to Education as a School Social Worker

Societal inequities are also found in the nation’s school systems. Inequality and discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender identity, religion, immigrant status and social class all affect the quality of education students receive.

Social work and social justice can look different depending on the unique individuals and populations attending school. Some of the many ways that school social workers can support disadvantaged groups include:

• Promoting an education system that teaches students about cultural diversity and the oppression experienced by different groups
• Encouraging cultural sensitivity among school staff
• Advocating for greater representation of marginalized voices in school curricula
• Supporting students with disabilities and combating ableism in schools
• Supporting students who are immigrants or are from immigrant families by ensuring access to resources
• Providing outreach and education opportunities for students’ caregivers and school staff about gender identity, cultural diversity and ways to promote inclusivity and acceptance

Supporting Children and Families as a Social Worker

Injustice can also be present in family life. Domestic violence, juvenile delinquency, and child abuse and neglect are among the many challenges that a child and family social worker can help individuals and families overcome.

When social workers engage with children, they can promote social justice by treating them with respect and dignity. Children’s needs are often overlooked, so social workers have the responsibility of listening to children and empowering them. Age-appropriate support that a child and family social worker may help provide to a younger client includes:

• Access to health care, including mental health care, for both the child and caregivers
• Access to quality education
• A standard of living that promotes safety and dignity
• Protection of personal privacy
• Access to support services related to child welfare and human services

Child and family social workers can also help families navigate complex circumstances, such as poverty, unemployment or underemployment, immigration, foster care and adoption.

How Social Workers Fight Injustice Through Advocacy and Policy Reform

How do social workers combat social injustice through advocacy? They can share their knowledge of social services, legal support resources, health care services and educational support services with clients, empowering them to self-advocate. But in addition to working directly with clients, social workers can promote social justice and social equity through political action and policy reform.

Social workers can also lend their expertise to co-author policy briefs informing lawmakers, news outlets and the general public of issues that underrepresented people face in their communities. Advocacy work involves listening — learning what specific problems a group needs support for and how that community wants to ameliorate the issue.

Social workers engaged in the research aspect of policy development strive to involve individuals who will be impacted by services or whose lived experience is the subject of research. This approach, known as participatory research, allows social workers to forge connections with the populations they’re aiming to serve and ultimately yields policies that will better serve those populations.

Through deep listening and drawing from skills in cultural sensitivity and awareness, social workers can facilitate dialogue between diverse stakeholders — from politicians to businesses, community members and nonprofit organizations.

Community social workers, for example, focus on building coalitions to advance structural changes to address issues such as:

• Inadequate public transportation
• Barriers to voter registration and participation
• Unsafe and/or insufficient affordable housing
• Underfunded child care services
• Insufficient resources for marginalized and disenfranchised groups
• Violations of human rights and other forms of humanitarian crises

Promoting Social Work and Social Justice

Social workers of any specialization can promote social justice. Whether through direct action with vulnerable clients or political advocacy — or both — social workers can make our world more equitable and fair in myriad ways.

Do you want to pursue social work with a focus on social justice, diversity and cultural competence? Explore the  Master of Social Work online format  at Virginia Commonwealth University. Social work experts designed the program to provide students with a diversity of direct learning experiences to understand how to improve the lives of individuals, families and communities.

If you’re drawn to supporting social justice from a policy advocacy perspective, learn about the new M.S.W. specialization in  social work administration, planning and policy practice (SWAPPP) . *

Social Work Specializations and How to Choose the Right One

5 Benefits of Being a Social Worker

The Importance of Interdisciplinary Collaboration in Social Work

Austrian Journal of Sociology, “Participatory Research in Social Work Between Aspiration and Reality”

Forbes Advisor , “What Are the Different Types of Social Workers?”

National Association of Social Workers, Read the Code of Ethics

National Association of Social Workers, Social Justice

National Association of Social Workers, “Social Workers Must Help Dismantle Systems of Oppression and Fight Racism Within Social Work Profession”

The New Social Worker , “Social Workers: Allies for Justice?”

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Social Justice Essay | Essay on Social Justice for Students and Children in English

February 14, 2024 by Prasanna

Social Justice Essay: A discussion of social justice should start with a definition of the term. It is said that this task can be difficult. If you do a Google search about social justice, the primary outcome offers a meaning of social justice.

It would define social justice as the reasonable and appropriate organization of laws adjusting to the customary law that all people, independent of ethnic birthplace, gender assets, race, religion, and so forth, are to be dealt with similarly and without bias. Social justice is an idea of a general public where each individual is dealt with fairly, without segregation dependent on budgetary status, race, gender, nationality, and so forth.

You can also find more  Essay Writing  articles on events, persons, sports, technology and many more.

Long and Short Essays on Social Justice for Students and Kids in English

We provide students with essay samples on a long essay of 500 words and a short essay of 150 words on Social Justice for reference.

Long Essay on Social Justice 500 Words in English

Long Essay on Social Justice is usually given to classes 7, 8, 9, and 10.

Social justice is an idea of reasonable or adjusted relations between the individual and society as estimated by the conveyance of abundance that incorporates individual action and social advantage openings. In Western as well as in more established Asian societies, the idea of social justice has regularly alluded to the way toward guaranteeing that people satisfy their cultural jobs and get what was their due from society.

Social justice isn’t an “us versus them” mindset; rather, it is a “we are in it together” attitude where the amazing and weak work together.

A Jesuit priest named Luigi Taparelli coined the term first in the 1780s and spread during the revolutions of 1848. In the late industrial revolution, innovative American legal scholars started to use the term more, especially Louis Brandeis and Roscoe Pound. The various ideas of social justice, as examined in the old Western way of thinking, were normally focused upon the community. Plato believed that rights existed only between free people. During the middle Ages, some religious scholars discussion of justice in various ways,

After the Renaissance and Reformation, the advanced idea of social justice, as creating human potential, started to arise through crafted by a progression of creators.

Today, the idea of social justice frequently alludes to basic liberties, revolved around improving the lives of gatherings minimized dependent on race, identity, ethnicity, gender, sexual direction, age, religion and handicap. The five principles of social justice are Equity, Access, Diversity, Participation, Human Rights. Social justice is based on the concepts of human rights and equality.

For example, income inequality is one significant issue that is encompassed within the umbrella of social justice. The data shows that income inequality has been increasing for the past thirty years. Social justice can comprehend many issues, but ultimately, it is a crucial component of healing many of the deep divisions that the world is experiencing. While some people may criticize the idea of social justice or the need for swift action to solve some serious economic and racial issues, a proactive approach on social justice, like voting or protesting will lead to a better, brighter country.

While several global groups are looking to provide equal rights to all, racial discrimination is nonetheless a hot topic. There are laws in the area around the world, but many incidents occur to illustrate that racial discrimination has not been irradiated. Discrimination comes in all shapes. The number of birthdays that you have accrued is another example.

Ageism, where the aged are discriminated against, creates negative stereotypes of the aged being weak, feeble, or unable to change. Beyond discrimination based on age, other hot topics are gender and sexuality. In recent years, gender has morphed into a complicated topic that goes beyond the binary designations of male and female.

Social justice allocates the rights and duties in the institutions of our society, which enables people to receive the basic benefits and burdens of cooperation. It helps us work toward celebrating diversity in our communities and country.

Short Essay on Social Justice 150 Words in English

Short Essay on Social Justice is usually given to classes 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6.

Social justice is a hypothesis of nondiscriminatory and unbiased relations between an individual and society. Observable but unspoken terms determine it for the distribution of wealth, opportunities for personal activity and social privileges.

Luigi Taparelli coined the term first in the 1780s and spread during the revolutions of 1848. Socrates is credited with developing the idea of a social contract. After the Renaissance and Reformation, the advanced idea of social justice, as creating human potential, started to arise through crafted by a progression of creators.

With the modern era, the face of social justice has changed. While rallies and marches are still prevalent, the Internet is also used to bring social justice issues to light. This can be seen through movements like #blacklivesmatter and the #metoo movement against sexual harassment. These campaigns work to expand issues into bigger movements that rally activists together. Other than that voting, campaigning is the basic approaches of social justice.

10 Lines on Social Justice in English

• Luigi Taparelli coined the term first in 1780s.
• The term social justice is spread during the revolutions of 1848.
• The #metoo movement had an impact all over the world.
• Social justice can organize with others to accomplish ends that benefit the whole community.
• Income inequality is one of the biggest social problems now.
• Social justice helps us work toward celebrating diversity in our communities and country.
• One of the most useful thing in social justice is the vote.
• Twenty-three nations around the world currently allow same-sex marriage through social justice.
• Nepal is one of at least five countries where your gender can now appear as “other” on official statements.
• 20th February is the world day of social justice.

FAQ’s on Social Justice Essay

Question 1. What is an example of social justice?

Answer:  The #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter movements are two examples of social justice in action in the United States,

Question 2. What are now important five social problems?

Answer: Poverty, Drug abuse, Prostitution, Racial discrimination are examples of social problems.

Question 3.  Is social justice good?

Answer: Social justice can organize with others to accomplish ends that benefit the whole community.

Question 4. To what extent does power or the lack of power affect individuals?

Answer: power or the lack of power can affect individuals in a bad way and a good way. For example, power can make you corrupted, and lack of power can make you ambitious.

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Theses and dissertation titles on social justice and social inequality.

Samples of student theses titles:

Racializing Midwifery: An Ethnography of Blackness, Gender, and Birth Care in Atlanta, Georgia Ayodele Foster-McCray     AN ARMFUL OF GROCERIES. An ethnography on H Mart, traditional medicine, and the power of food in Korean communities Jennifer ‘Jaein’ Jung   Community Comes First: Recognizing the Past and Reimagining the Future After Hurricane María in Barrio Mariana Gabriela Elizabeth Bergan Rivera

“In the end, we’re neither here nor there. And yet we’re almost there”: Disidentification Among Ethiopian Jewish Israelis Talia Dina Anisfeld

“So Near Yet So Far” Isolationism and the Cultural Future of a Globalising World David G. Bewicke-Copley

HIGHER EDUCATION AND SOCIETY: THE ROLE OF ACCESS, PRIVILEGE, AND MERITOCRACY AT ELITE INSTITUTIONS Jessica Lauren Nelson

Asian, Butch, and Queer: An Internet Landscaping Diana Li     Privileging Personhood Over Politics: Experiences of African Diaspora Communities in China Alison Chang

The Neglected: Black Workers in Modern-Day Brazil Maximo J. De La Cruz

The School-to-Soup-Kitchen LifeLine: Reimagining the Problem of Hunger in the Age of Colorblindness Naimah I. Hakim   Implicit Bias Training and Servicio Social. A Comparative Analysis of Medical School Curricula in the United States and Mexico    Katya A. Vera

SPEAKING FROM THE HOLLERS: An Ethnographic Study of Place and Generational Cultural Change Lauren Elcan

Ballet’s Approach to Relevance Through Racial Diversity Marisa Seline Remez

Black Women, White Women: Racial Consciousness, Racial Identity and Community Lori Clark

Click here to view and search for more senior theses.

Samples of student dissertation titles:

The Carceral Outside: How Privatized Land Produces Racialized Labor in an American Prison Town Heath Pearson

Floods and Fountains:  Water Politics and Black Ecologies in Newark, NJ Kessie Alexandre

Carcerality in Transition: The Productive Relations of Reentry Governance in New Orleans Shreya Subramani

Hip hop is Islam : race, self-making and young muslims in Chicago Su’ad Khabeer

A body on drugs : methamphetamine and the making of a new criminal type in the rural United States William Garriott

Biomedical ambiguity : race, asthma, and the contested meaning of genetic research in the Caribbean Ian Whitmarsh

Click here to view and search for more dissertation titles.

Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Social Justice — A Definition Of Social Justice

A Definition of Social Justice

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Social Values: Freedom and Justice Essay

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Freedom occurs when people are given an opportunity to do what they want without any interference or influence. Generally, a society enhances freedom by providing opportunities that people desire for action and enjoyment. On the other hand, justice entails a commitment to respect equality claim of each individual that leads to happiness. It is evident that freedom and justice are mutually exclusive, as “the theory of justice signifies its implications in regards to freedom as a key ingredient to happiness” (Rawls, 2009). Mills theory appeals to considerations of justice to mark off the rightful domain of individual liberty regarding individual freedom. In light of this view, the goal of extending freedom to all members of the society is integrally linked to achieving social justice (Baum, 2010). In this paper, the discussion will be on how freedom and justice are mutually exclusive when it comes to social values.

In the past, colonialists used freedom as a tool of enslaving African Americans who later gained their freedom through social justice. The use of freedom as a tool to inhibit empowerment in individuals has been found to impact justice. For many years, racial discrimination was defined as a way of living, especially in schools, restaurants and social places, which were reserved for the whites; white-collar jobs were also mainly reserved for the whites (Loewy, 2009).

Many African Americans looked for manual labor where they were gardeners and maids in households all over America. Interracial marriages were highly unpopular and many who engaged in them were discriminated. However, freedom came when justice was served as Martin Luther King fought for equality on both sides, marking the end of racial discrimination, although racial discrimination is still experienced in some places today.

Justice presupposes that individuals are responsible, in some sense, for their actions. It tends to reward and punish in regards to good or bad behavior, contributions and harm brought in the society. In relation to this, when a person commits a crime that affects the society, the freedom he or she holds may be removed from him or her through a jail term. This relates to lack of social values on a personal level and using their freedom negatively; in this case, justice is used to bring order in a society. Moreover, if freedom is not limited, it can lead to social crimes, thus calling for justice to work towards instilling order (Johnson & Svara, 2011).

According to Kant’s theory of justice, positive freedom is the ability of pure reason to be practical. Kant believes that if human beings did not have negative freedom, there could be no duty to obey moral law, which requires us to subordinate our sensible impulse to the demand of duty (Rosen, 2009). An example is the constitution, which enacts different civil and political rights of a country; if broken, these laws may lead to a distortion in moral duty. The need for a constitution provides law and order, and with it comes the freedom to choose whether to follow it or not. Citizens who break the constitution are judged through the same constitution; but in order for justice to prevail, freedom must be limited within the law (Neville, 2009).

The law provides for freedom of religion and it respects all individuals regardless of their own faith. Nevertheless, the same law allows pure intentions to avoid breaking the law through one’s religion. In recent times, there have been terror threats around the world where Muslim extremists have threatened peaceful coexistence (Andrain & Smith, 2007). According to Andrain and Smith, religious freedom is not free from justice; in this case, if a person performs an atrocity against the country in regards to belief and religious freedom, the same freedom can lead to execution through the justice system.

At times, freedom and justice tend to pull from different directions; for instance, those who are working and would like to accumulate wealth would rather have freedom instead of justice. They feel they need to control everything they own rather than allowing others to enjoy their sweat through justice. However, those who are disadvantaged in one way or another would rather have justice instead of freedom, as they feel that those who are advantaged may exploit them if granted freedom. This kind of extremity or exclusivity in terms of freedom and justice tends to create social breakdown, where everyone tries to push for own selfish interests. The ideal situation would therefore be to create a compromise or balance between freedom and justice such that everyone sacrifices some freedom in order to serve justice for the well-being of the whole society.

Equality before the law promotes freedom, but leads to material inequality. When the state, through its laws, intervenes to create material equality, it consequently leads to a corresponding loss of freedom. Equality in constitutional sense means that, people who are similarly situated must be treated equally unless there are justifiable reasons to the contrary (Rabe, 2009). An example of inequality is racial discrimination of African Americans who fought for equality in order to be free.

During this time, they were treated in whichever way the whites pleased, as no law protected them. The law of equality has been regarded as a just way of ensuring citizens are treated in specific ways that promote freedom and not slavery. In this concept, freedom and justice are mutually exclusive as they work together to bring order through social values (Sanderson & Pugliese, 2012).

The balance of freedom and justice in the society provides a more enhanced look at how these values affect our lives. Existence of freedom relates more to having a just society where equal measure is achieved and a place where law and order is achieved to enhance peace. The two variables exist together to provide a worthwhile environment in relation to people’s rights and freedoms. In discussing these two variables, it is important to know how extensively freedom and justice work to improve relationship of different situations in different ways. Freedom and justice can therefore be termed as mutually exclusive in regards to situational factors that permit both sides to work together.

In conclusion, freedom and justice are mutually exclusive as they work together to bring order in the society. Freedom relates closely with justice and becomes a social norm that destroys the society if not used well. We need to respect the freedom of others by justly judging them with no favor or bias. Consequently, the position of freedom in key areas such as race, equality, and religion in relation to good judgment is to enhance social freedom. In order for society to achieve total freedom, justice must prevail as a means of providing social order (Arriaga, 2006).

Andrain, C., & Smith, J. (2007). Political Democracy, Trust, and Social Justice: A Comparative Overview. NK, USA: UPNE. Web.

Arriaga, M. P. (2006). The Modernist-postmodernist Quarrel on Philosophy and Justice: A Possible Levinasian Mediation. Oxford, England: Lexington Books. Web.

Baum, B. D. (2010). Rereading Power and Freedom in J.S. Mill . Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press. Web.

Johnson, N., & Svara, J. (2011). Justice for All: Promoting Social Equity in Public Administration- Transformational trends in governance and democracy . NY, USA: M.E. Sharpe. Web.

Loewy, E. H. (2009). Freedom and Community: The Ethics of Interdependence . NY, USA: SUNY Press. Web.

Neville, R. C. (2009). The Cosmology of Freedom . NY, USA: SUNY Press. Web.

Rabe, J. (2009). Equality, Affirmative Action and Justice. Norderstedt, Germany: BoD-Books on demand. Web.

Rawls, J. (2009). Theory of Justice. NY, USA: Havard University Press. Web.

Rosen, A. D. (2009). Kant’s Theory of Justice: Cornell papaerbacks. NY, USA: Cornells University press. Web.

Sanderson, R., & Pugliese, M. (2012). Beyond Naïveté: Ethics, Economics, and Values. Maryland, USA: University of America Press. Web.

• Immanuel Kant’s Philosophy of Knowledge and Judgement
• Kant’s Critique of Judgment
• The contribution of Immanuel Kant to the modern philosophy
• Capitalism in Canadian Society
• Socialization and Social Interactions: The Case of Chinese Support Group
• The Role of Resocialisation in Society
• Socialization in Malls in the 21st Century
• Karl Marx, Max Weber and Talcott Parsons Contributions in Sociology
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2020, May 20). Social Values: Freedom and Justice. https://ivypanda.com/essays/social-values-freedom-and-justice/

"Social Values: Freedom and Justice." IvyPanda , 20 May 2020, ivypanda.com/essays/social-values-freedom-and-justice/.

IvyPanda . (2020) 'Social Values: Freedom and Justice'. 20 May.

IvyPanda . 2020. "Social Values: Freedom and Justice." May 20, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/social-values-freedom-and-justice/.

1. IvyPanda . "Social Values: Freedom and Justice." May 20, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/social-values-freedom-and-justice/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Social Values: Freedom and Justice." May 20, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/social-values-freedom-and-justice/.

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Why your doctor should care about social justice

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• public health
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Thesis Statements

What this handout is about.

This handout describes what a thesis statement is, how thesis statements work in your writing, and how you can craft or refine one for your draft.

Introduction

Writing in college often takes the form of persuasion—convincing others that you have an interesting, logical point of view on the subject you are studying. Persuasion is a skill you practice regularly in your daily life. You persuade your roommate to clean up, your parents to let you borrow the car, your friend to vote for your favorite candidate or policy. In college, course assignments often ask you to make a persuasive case in writing. You are asked to convince your reader of your point of view. This form of persuasion, often called academic argument, follows a predictable pattern in writing. After a brief introduction of your topic, you state your point of view on the topic directly and often in one sentence. This sentence is the thesis statement, and it serves as a summary of the argument you’ll make in the rest of your paper.

What is a thesis statement?

A thesis statement:

• tells the reader how you will interpret the significance of the subject matter under discussion.
• is a road map for the paper; in other words, it tells the reader what to expect from the rest of the paper.
• directly answers the question asked of you. A thesis is an interpretation of a question or subject, not the subject itself. The subject, or topic, of an essay might be World War II or Moby Dick; a thesis must then offer a way to understand the war or the novel.
• makes a claim that others might dispute.
• is usually a single sentence near the beginning of your paper (most often, at the end of the first paragraph) that presents your argument to the reader. The rest of the paper, the body of the essay, gathers and organizes evidence that will persuade the reader of the logic of your interpretation.

If your assignment asks you to take a position or develop a claim about a subject, you may need to convey that position or claim in a thesis statement near the beginning of your draft. The assignment may not explicitly state that you need a thesis statement because your instructor may assume you will include one. When in doubt, ask your instructor if the assignment requires a thesis statement. When an assignment asks you to analyze, to interpret, to compare and contrast, to demonstrate cause and effect, or to take a stand on an issue, it is likely that you are being asked to develop a thesis and to support it persuasively. (Check out our handout on understanding assignments for more information.)

How do I create a thesis?

A thesis is the result of a lengthy thinking process. Formulating a thesis is not the first thing you do after reading an essay assignment. Before you develop an argument on any topic, you have to collect and organize evidence, look for possible relationships between known facts (such as surprising contrasts or similarities), and think about the significance of these relationships. Once you do this thinking, you will probably have a “working thesis” that presents a basic or main idea and an argument that you think you can support with evidence. Both the argument and your thesis are likely to need adjustment along the way.

Writers use all kinds of techniques to stimulate their thinking and to help them clarify relationships or comprehend the broader significance of a topic and arrive at a thesis statement. For more ideas on how to get started, see our handout on brainstorming .

How do I know if my thesis is strong?

If there’s time, run it by your instructor or make an appointment at the Writing Center to get some feedback. Even if you do not have time to get advice elsewhere, you can do some thesis evaluation of your own. When reviewing your first draft and its working thesis, ask yourself the following :

• Do I answer the question? Re-reading the question prompt after constructing a working thesis can help you fix an argument that misses the focus of the question. If the prompt isn’t phrased as a question, try to rephrase it. For example, “Discuss the effect of X on Y” can be rephrased as “What is the effect of X on Y?”
• Have I taken a position that others might challenge or oppose? If your thesis simply states facts that no one would, or even could, disagree with, it’s possible that you are simply providing a summary, rather than making an argument.
• Is my thesis statement specific enough? Thesis statements that are too vague often do not have a strong argument. If your thesis contains words like “good” or “successful,” see if you could be more specific: why is something “good”; what specifically makes something “successful”?
• Does my thesis pass the “So what?” test? If a reader’s first response is likely to  be “So what?” then you need to clarify, to forge a relationship, or to connect to a larger issue.
• Does my essay support my thesis specifically and without wandering? If your thesis and the body of your essay do not seem to go together, one of them has to change. It’s okay to change your working thesis to reflect things you have figured out in the course of writing your paper. Remember, always reassess and revise your writing as necessary.
• Does my thesis pass the “how and why?” test? If a reader’s first response is “how?” or “why?” your thesis may be too open-ended and lack guidance for the reader. See what you can add to give the reader a better take on your position right from the beginning.

Suppose you are taking a course on contemporary communication, and the instructor hands out the following essay assignment: “Discuss the impact of social media on public awareness.” Looking back at your notes, you might start with this working thesis:

Social media impacts public awareness in both positive and negative ways.

You can use the questions above to help you revise this general statement into a stronger thesis.

• Do I answer the question? You can analyze this if you rephrase “discuss the impact” as “what is the impact?” This way, you can see that you’ve answered the question only very generally with the vague “positive and negative ways.”
• Have I taken a position that others might challenge or oppose? Not likely. Only people who maintain that social media has a solely positive or solely negative impact could disagree.
• Is my thesis statement specific enough? No. What are the positive effects? What are the negative effects?
• Does my thesis pass the “how and why?” test? No. Why are they positive? How are they positive? What are their causes? Why are they negative? How are they negative? What are their causes?
• Does my thesis pass the “So what?” test? No. Why should anyone care about the positive and/or negative impact of social media?

After thinking about your answers to these questions, you decide to focus on the one impact you feel strongly about and have strong evidence for:

Because not every voice on social media is reliable, people have become much more critical consumers of information, and thus, more informed voters.

This version is a much stronger thesis! It answers the question, takes a specific position that others can challenge, and it gives a sense of why it matters.

Let’s try another. Suppose your literature professor hands out the following assignment in a class on the American novel: Write an analysis of some aspect of Mark Twain’s novel Huckleberry Finn. “This will be easy,” you think. “I loved Huckleberry Finn!” You grab a pad of paper and write:

Mark Twain’s Huckleberry Finn is a great American novel.

You begin to analyze your thesis:

• Do I answer the question? No. The prompt asks you to analyze some aspect of the novel. Your working thesis is a statement of general appreciation for the entire novel.

Think about aspects of the novel that are important to its structure or meaning—for example, the role of storytelling, the contrasting scenes between the shore and the river, or the relationships between adults and children. Now you write:

In Huckleberry Finn, Mark Twain develops a contrast between life on the river and life on the shore.

• Do I answer the question? Yes!
• Have I taken a position that others might challenge or oppose? Not really. This contrast is well-known and accepted.
• Is my thesis statement specific enough? It’s getting there–you have highlighted an important aspect of the novel for investigation. However, it’s still not clear what your analysis will reveal.
• Does my thesis pass the “how and why?” test? Not yet. Compare scenes from the book and see what you discover. Free write, make lists, jot down Huck’s actions and reactions and anything else that seems interesting.
• Does my thesis pass the “So what?” test? What’s the point of this contrast? What does it signify?”

After examining the evidence and considering your own insights, you write:

Through its contrasting river and shore scenes, Twain’s Huckleberry Finn suggests that to find the true expression of American democratic ideals, one must leave “civilized” society and go back to nature.

This final thesis statement presents an interpretation of a literary work based on an analysis of its content. Of course, for the essay itself to be successful, you must now present evidence from the novel that will convince the reader of your interpretation.

Works consulted

We consulted these works while writing this handout. This is not a comprehensive list of resources on the handout’s topic, and we encourage you to do your own research to find additional publications. Please do not use this list as a model for the format of your own reference list, as it may not match the citation style you are using. For guidance on formatting citations, please see the UNC Libraries citation tutorial . We revise these tips periodically and welcome feedback.

Anson, Chris M., and Robert A. Schwegler. 2010. The Longman Handbook for Writers and Readers , 6th ed. New York: Longman.

Lunsford, Andrea A. 2015. The St. Martin’s Handbook , 8th ed. Boston: Bedford/St Martin’s.

Ramage, John D., John C. Bean, and June Johnson. 2018. The Allyn & Bacon Guide to Writing , 8th ed. New York: Pearson.

Ruszkiewicz, John J., Christy Friend, Daniel Seward, and Maxine Hairston. 2010. The Scott, Foresman Handbook for Writers , 9th ed. Boston: Pearson Education.

You may reproduce it for non-commercial use if you use the entire handout and attribute the source: The Writing Center, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

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Social Justice and Sociological Theory

Bradley campbell.

Department of Sociology, California State University, Los Angeles, 5151 State University Drive, Los Angeles, CA 90032 USA

Sociology is the science of social life, and as such, it is different from the pursuit of social justice and other efforts to evaluate or to reform the social world. Still, the idea of social justice is intimately connected with the idea of sociology. It arises along with scientific understandings of the social world and draws from these understandings to reshape society. The problem is that in practice, social justice activists often draw from only one type of sociological theory, conflict theory, and from a particular form of conflict theory known as critical theory. In doing so, they may ignore potential problems with the theories they are drawing from, and they may overlook many possibilities for effective reform. Conflict theory orients activists toward fighting oppression, but other theoretical approaches could help societies to achieve other possible moral goals, such as promoting understanding, increasing virtue, incentivizing virtue, making virtue easier, and strengthening solidarity.

What does sociology have to do with social justice? If sociology is the science of social life, its aim is to describe and explain the social world. This is very different from social justice activism and other efforts to evaluate and reform the social world. Sociology and social justice are different enterprises, but the idea of social justice is intimately connected with the idea of sociology. It arises along with scientific understandings of the social world and draws from these understandings to reshape society. The moral goals of social justice activists cannot be derived from sociology, but to the extent, sociology is successful in describing and explaining the world; it provides an understanding of society that can enable activists and reformers to achieve their goals. They can draw from sociological theory to better understand the social world they are seeking to change.

One complication, though, is that sociology is a divided field with multiple competing perspectives, so even the most successful theories are hotly contested. Sociology can help us better understand the social world, but the lack of agreement among sociologists should lead us toward caution. If we draw too narrowly from the range of sociological theory, we may ignore potential problems with the theories we are drawing from, and if we are trying to understand the social world better so that we can change it, too narrow a view may lead us to overlook many possibilities for effective reform.

Currently much social justice-oriented scholarship and activism draws from an approach called critical theory in viewing society as a system of oppression and in embracing a morality focused on liberation. Sometimes the connection is explicit. Occidental College, for example, has a Department of Critical Theory and Social Justice, and “at the heart of the program,” according to the department’s website, “is an interrogation of inequality and systems of power” (Occidental College 2021 ). Özlem Sensoy and Robin DiAngelo (2017), in their book Is Everyone Really Equal?: An Introduction to Key Concepts in Social Justice Education , are also explicit about the connection. They argue that most people fail to understand “what social justice is and what might be required to achieve it” and they see themselves as combatting a form of “society-wide social justice illiteracy” that “prevents us from moving forward to create a more equitable society” (Sensoy and DiAngelo 2017 : xix). Their objective, they say, is to “provide a foundation for developing social justice literacy” (Sensoy and DiAngelo 2017 : xix), and as they make clear, they believe they are providing this foundation with an analysis of social justice based on critical theory (Sensoy and DiAngelo 2017 : Chapter 2).

I agree with Sensoy and DiAngelo that there is a great deal of confusion about what social justice is and how to pursue it, but I think that by relying so heavily on critical theory, they exemplify the confusion more than they correct for it. While critical theory can certainly provide insights into the workings of society, it has not achieved the kind of consensus that would justify elevating it above other sociological approaches. And to the extent that critical theory gives us incorrect or just incomplete ideas about reality, it may lead to efforts at reform that are ineffective or even harmful. Sensoy and DiAngelo are right to think that knowledge about society can provide a foundation for social justice literacy, but our knowledge needs to be as accurate and complete as possible. Rather than focus so much on one approach, if social justice activists take seriously the full range of sociological theory, they might be able to develop more rounded conceptions of social justice that would perhaps provide a way to more accurately diagnose social problems and to more effectively deal with them.

The Idea of Social Justice

Any discussion of social justice quickly runs into the problem of how to define it. Friedrich Hayek said he had tried for 10 years to find out what social justice meant and failed. He concluded that the idea was an “empty formula, conventionally used to assert that a particular claim is justified without giving any reason” (Hayek 1979 :3). Similarly, Michael Novak said social justice is most often “an instrument of ideological intimidation,” that it is “a term of art whose operational meaning is, ‘We need a law against that’” (Novak 2000 ).

It is easy to see why this state of affairs would lead Hayek and others to reject the idea of social justice altogether. It is not readily apparent to me, though, that social justice is unusual in this respect. Fairness , tolerance , wisdom , love , and other moral concepts might also go undefined, and they might also be used more often as weapons in political conflicts than as tools for serious moral analysis. This does not lead most of us to reject these concepts or to stop advocating for them and pursuing them, though it might require us to think and talk about them more carefully to avoid misunderstanding. Likewise we need to be clear about what we mean by social justice.

One thing we need to be clear about is what the idea of social justice adds to our moral vocabulary. How does social justice differ from justice more broadly? One way of understanding the difference is by thinking about what was missing from older views of morality. According to David Johnston, “In the vast bulk of ancient writings that touch on questions of justice, the idea that the primary contours — the terrain — of the social world might be reshaped to conform to human design never arises” (Johnston 2011 : 107). In the Iliad , he says, the status hierarchies are taken for granted, and in the Hebrew scriptures, a detailed legal code comes directly from God. What neither the archaic and preclassical Greeks nor the ancient Hebrews imagined was “that the terrain of the social world might be re-graded to accord with a design of strictly human origins” (Johnston 2011 : 108). Along with philosophical thought, the idea gradually began to emerge among the Greeks and Romans, but the older idea, that “the basic contours of the social world are determined by nature,” was still a strong competitor, and with the collapse of the Roman Empire, it remained the dominant idea for many centuries (Johnson 2011 : 111). As people began again to have more confidence in their ability to understand the world, though, they began to think again that the social world might be understood and even altered. Accordingly in the eighteenth century, reflections on justice began to deal with this question: “How can human beings redesign and rebuild the terrain of the social world so as to make that terrain itself just?” (Johnston 2011 : 115).

Those who ask this question reject the idea that social arrangements are simply natural and inevitable. And those who ask the question are pursuing social justice. In Johnston’s words, the idea of social justice is that we can develop “a set of principles from which we may work out an ideally just distribution of rights and privileges, burdens and pains, which can be deployed to assess a society’s institutions as a whole and to argue for a transformation of those institutions if they are found wanting” (2011: 174). More simply, Jason Manning and I have suggested that we think of social justice as the idea “that laws, policies, and social institutions — not just individual behaviors — are part of the moral sphere” (Campbell and Manning 2018 : 188). If we are concerned with social justice, we evaluate institutional arrangements in terms of whether they contribute to human flourishing, fairness, equality, or whatever else we see as morally desirable.

Understood this way, social justice is not a particular idea about how institutions should be organized; it is just the idea that the way institutions are organized is of moral concern. Understood this way, it does not make much sense to reject social justice. Few people now think of the social world as wholly natural and fixed. Political disagreements abound, but they usually involve different visions of how best to organize society rather than a disagreement about whether social arrangements can be altered at all. Social justice seems useful as a moral term, and it seems inevitable that anyone who thinks at all about the world sociologically—anyone seeking descriptions and explanations of social arrangements—would also, when thinking about the world morally, reflect on the desirability of those arrangements.

Social Justice and Sociology

There is a sense in which social justice and sociology are not connected at all. To describe and explain reality is different from evaluating it or changing it. What is is different from what ought to be . One way of putting this is to say that as a science, sociology is value-free. This does not mean that sociologists do not themselves have values that affect what subjects they study or that people’s moral commitments do not affect their observations or interpretations. It simply means that science is not the same as morality—that science does not and cannot by itself determine what is right or wrong, good or evil, desirable or undesirable (Black 2013 ; Campbell 2014 ; Weber 1958 ). Science describes and explains observable reality, and descriptions and explanations are not evaluations.

That sociology is value-free is often misunderstood. To say that value judgments are not statements of fact does not mean value judgments are not important, for sociologists and for others, or that sociology is not relevant to moral debates. Sociology cannot decide between clashing values, but it can sometimes clear up matters of fact. And it can point us to what is possible—to whether and how we can act on our value commitments.

Sociology prepares the way for social justice, and in that sense, the two are intimately connected. Sociology is the science of social life, so the idea of sociology was that the old ways of thinking about the social world were inadequate. Humans had already begun to gaze upon parts of the physical world in a new way, using observation and logic to identify patterns such as the rotations of planets and the speed of falling objects. Sociologists claimed that the social world was another part of observable reality and that we could study it similarly. And if the social world could be understood like the natural world, it could be manipulated. The natural sciences provided new insights about reality, and in doing so, they enabled new technologies. Technologies manipulate the world toward human ends—faster travel, faster communication, deadlier weapons, etc.—and if the natural sciences could make new wonders possible, surely the social sciences could as well. Sociology offers the promise of social technology to enable us to live happier lives, to have more peaceful relationships, and to distribute resources more fairly. It raises the hope of social justice.

Another way social justice and sociology are intimately connected is that those who pursue social justice need sociology to help them pursue their goals. If you are going to reorganize society to reduce violence, say, or inequality, you need to know the conditions that lead to peace and violence, or equality and inequality. Just as you would not try building and flying an airplane without first knowing something about physics, it makes sense, as Axel Van den Berg puts it, “to try to understand the world a little better before rushing off to change it” (2014: 69). Social justice activists need sociology to guide them toward policies that will have the effects they intend, to ensure their attempts to reorganize society do not make things worse.

Social justice advocates generally know this, of course. As we saw with Sensoy and DiAngelo, they believe they do understand the social world and that their policy goals draw from this knowledge, but often their knowledge comes almost exclusively from a single theoretical perspective—a type of conflict theory that is increasingly prominent but has never been dominant in sociology.

Social Justice and Conflict Theory

Thomas Kuhn said that scientific revolutions were rare events in the history of science, where the dominant paradigm of a discipline—that is, the “entire constellation of beliefs, values, techniques, and so on shared by the members of a given [scientific] community” (Kuhn 1962 :175)—is replaced by a new paradigm.

More relevant to understanding the situation of contemporary sociology, however, is Kuhn’s discussion of what he calls pre-paradigmatic science (Kuhn 1962 :17). If we alter Kuhn’s definition of a paradigm slightly to include any general framework in which theories are forumulated (rather than one shared by the entire community), this period before the emergence of a dominant paradigm can more accurately be called a multi-paradigmatic period (compare Black 1995 ; Ritzer 1975 ). That is, there are usually several paradigms—several different, competing strategies of explanation. That is the current state of sociology. In sociology there is no dominant paradigm; there are a number of competing strategies of explanation. One of these is conflict theory, and it is critical theory, one form of conflict theory, that informs so much present-day social justice activism.

Conflict theory “explains human behavior as a struggle for domination” (Black 2001 ). Additionally, conflict theory usually assumes four things: (1) that social life involves clashes of interest, (2) that clashes of interest involve zero-sum outcomes where one side’s gain is the other’s loss, (3) that dominant groups gain at the expense of others, and (4) that radical change is the only way to reduce the power of dominant groups (Black 2001 ).

Karl Marx was the first to use this approach. For Marx the clashes of interest were between social classes, and class struggle drives historical change. In every society there has been a system of class relations, and social institutions benefit the dominant class and enable the exploitation of others. The clash between classes normally results in a new class system with a new dominant class, but Marx believed the overthrow of the current capitalist system, in which the bourgeoisie (the capitalists), who own the means of production, exploit the proletariat (the workers), who must work for wages, would put an end to class once and for all, and lead to a new kind of society. Marxists advocate revolution, and they analyze social relationships and institutions in capitalist societies in terms of how they benefit the bourgeoisie and exploit the proletariat.

For a Marxist studying capitalist societies, the task is not to determine whether or how much capitalists exploit workers. The approach treats exploitation as a constant to be assumed rather than as a variable to be explained. The task instead is to show how social arrangements lead to exploitation—even if those social arrangements might at first appear liberating. Thus, Marxists have argued that the idea of equality before the law actually furthers inequality. Agreements between capitalists and workers appear legitimate because they are treated as agreements between equals, even though the power dynamics mean workers are in no position to bargain. The idea of equality disguises inequality and exploitation.

Marx offered a new way of understanding societies and of understanding historical change, but his predictions have failed. The clash between capitalists and workers did not lead to the failure of capitalism and to revolution. And in societies where communist parties gained power and abolished class, doing so did not lead to a new kind of society. Government did not wither away, as Marx predicted. Instead communist reformers established totalitarian governments that were among the most intrusive and violent governments in history (Rummel 1994 ). Abolishing class also did not put an end to conflict and exploitation. Political elites ruled over the masses in the new societies, and they often turned on one another as they pursued power. The economic systems established also failed, leading to famine and shortages of basic goods, and eventually governments led by communist parties collapsed or made reforms.

The orthodox Marxist may be unfazed by any of this. The idea may be that capitalism will still collapse; revolution is still coming. The revolutions in Russia, China, and elsewhere were not real communist revolutions and their governments were not real Marxist governments. Marxism has not failed; real Marxism has not been tried. But another tack for those sympathetic to Marxist analysis is to accept much of Marx’s framework while rejecting many of the specifics. This could mean accepting Marx’s class analysis while rejecting his hope for change, but more commonly, it means accepting the conflict framework while rejecting Marx’s emphasis on class alone as the source of oppression and the driver of historical change. For most of today’s conflict theorists, it is not just class, but also race, gender, sexuality, religion, disability status, immigration status, and much else that give some people power over others. Otherwise the analysis is similar. The idea again is that the oppression of disadvantaged groups is a constant to be assumed rather than a variable to be explained. Just as social institutions benefit capitalists at the expense of workers, they benefit whites at the expense of persons of color, men at the expense of women, heterosexuals at the expense of gays and lesbians, the cisgendered at the expense of the transgendered, Christians at the expense of Muslims, the able-bodied at the expense of the disabled, the native-born at the expense of immigrants, etc., in an interlocking system of domination. Sometimes called critical theory or intersectional theory , this type of conflict theory follows Marxism in calling for a radical reorganization of social institutions to put an end to oppression, but it is not enough just to deal with class, as Marxists would do. And it is not enough to deal with any other single source of oppression, whether gender, race, or something else. The goal is to put an end to the entire system of oppression.

The new conflict theorists also follow Marxists in analyzing interactions and institutions—including those that might at first appear innocuous or even liberating—as sources of oppression. Laws, prisons, and wars contribute to oppression, but so do cultural practices and even ordinary conversations. One idea is that members of oppressed groups frequently experience microaggressions , small slights that make their lives unpleasant and block them from success (Sue 2010 ). When a person of color goes to college and sees portraits honoring mostly white men who contributed to the university or achieved success in the past, this might be a microaggression. Or it might be a microaggression when whites in conversation ask Asians where they are from. These things contribute to people feeling marginalized, and they add up.

Those who do not accept this framework may reject the idea of microaggression, particularly the idea that the intentions of the microaggressor do not matter. But what makes something a microaggression is that it furthers the oppression of those who are already disadvantaged, and it does not matter how well-intentioned someone is (Sue et al. 2007 : 277–278).

Microaggression is just one of the concepts derived from critical theories that outsiders might unfamiliar and objectionable. Other new kinds of offenses include cultural appropriation (such as when members of dominant cultures the clothing styles or eat the foods associated with marginalized cultures), heteronormativity (when someone makes a statement that implies heterosexuality is normal), and white fragility (when whites are defensive over being confronted with their racism and privilege) (Ziff and Rao 1997 ; Warner 1991 ; DiAngelo 2018 ). Another concept that can be jarring to outsiders is the idea of white supremacy (Newkirk 2017 ). In more mainstream contexts white supremacy refers to things like Jim Crow laws that segregated whites and blacks and banned blacks from certain places, and white supremacists are Ku Klux Klansmen and others who favor such laws. But the new conflict theorists talk about mainstream institutions today as “white supremacist institutions,” and they speak of those who oppose revolutionary change as “white supremacists.” It is not that they believe these people are Klansmen or that the Klan or similar groups run mainstream institutions. It is that they see society’s institutions as protecting the advantages whites have over persons of color, and this is the sense in which those institutions and those who defend them contribute to white supremacy.

By now most people are familiar with at least some of these concepts. Increasingly they are not just the argot of critical theorists in academia; concepts like microaggression , cultural appropriation , and white supremacy have made their way into workshops at universities and corporations and into the mainstream media and in public debate. Usually they are presented in the context of efforts to pursue social justice, and both the advocates and opponents of these ideas tend to see them that way, with the advocates using the term positively and the opponents using it pejoratively (such as by referring to social justice activists as social justice warriors ) (Ohlheiser 2015 ).

The result is that social justice often becomes synonymous with a particular theoretical approach and with particular remedies. Social justice activists draw heavily from critical theory, a type of conflict theory. But it is not just conflict theorists and those who adopt the conflict framework who are concerned with social justice, and there is no reason that theoretical perspectives other than conflict theory could not form the basis for other kinds of social justice activism.

Social Justice and Sociological Paradigms

Conflict theory is not the only sociological paradigm, but what are the others? Sociologists have developed various typologies of sociological explanation. Daniel Rigney identifies eight metaphors of society that undergird different sociological perspectives: society as a living system, society as a machine, society as war, society as a legal order, society as a marketplace, society as a game, society as theater, and society as discourse (Rigney 2001 ). Randall Collins discusses four sociological traditions: the conflict tradition, the rational/utilitarian tradition, the Durkheimian tradition, and the microinteractionist tradition (Collins 1994 ). Jonathan Turner says there are ten broad approaches to sociological theorizing: evolutionary theorizing, systems theorizing, ecological theorizing, conflict theorizing, interactionist theorizing, exchange theorizing, structuralist theorizing, cultural theorizing, and critical theorizing (Turner 2013 : Chapter 9). Donald Black ( 2001 ) identifies eight sociological paradigms or strategies of explanation: conflict theory, phenomenological theory, motivational theory, neo-Darwinian theory, rational choice theory, opportunity theory, functionalist theory, and pure sociology. There are a number of other ways of classifying sociological theories, too, and they overlap substantially, but here I draw most explicitly from Black’s typology, and I discuss how six of the sociological perspectives he identifies can inform ideas of social justice. 1 These are some of the most commonly used perspectives in sociology, and each goes about explaining human behavior using different assumptions and employing different concepts: Conflict theory , as noted above, explains human behavior as a struggle for domination, phenomenological theory explains human behavior with the subjective experience of a person, motivational theory explains human behavior with the psychological impact of social forces, rational choice theory explains human behavior as the least costly means to a goal, opportunity theory explains human behavior with what is possible, and functionalist theory explains human behavior with its contribution to the needs of the group (Black 2001 ).

None of these are explanations of human behavior themselves; they are frameworks in which theorists might generate explanations. And because they offer different ways of viewing the social world, would-be reformers will understand social justice differently depending on which framework they draw from. No framework can provide answers to fundamental moral questions, but different assumptions and concepts, and different findings and explanations, will lead people toward different ways of formulating social problems and to different ways of addressing them. Just as conflict theory has inspired activists to call attention to oppression and to fight for liberation, other approaches could inspire them to pursue a variety of other possible social justice projects: to promote understanding, to increase virtue, to incentivize virtue, to make virtue easier, or to strengthen social solidarity.

Promoting Understanding

Phenomenological theory explains human behavior with the subjective experience of a person. The framework focuses on subjectivity, and phenomenologists tend to see people as creators of their own social worlds (Berger and Luckmann 1967 ). They may see the free will of human beings as undermining deterministic explanations, and they may be more interested in describing what it is like to experience a behavior than in explaining it (Black 2000 : 357, n. 36).

The determinism of other approaches is usually what leads us to think about how we might go about altering the social world, so the anti-determinism of phenomenology means that its possible contribution to social justice is more limited or at least less apparent. Some phenomenologists do try to explain behaviors, but those explanations are less deterministic than most social science. Jack Katz ( 1988 ), for example, sees typical cases of homicide, where one person gets angry at another and kills the person on the spot, as “righteous slaughters” from the standpoint of the killers. The killers, responding to insults, adultery, and other behavior that both offends and humiliates them, see themselves as meting out justice to wrongdoers. It is the experience of moralism, anger, and humiliation that leads to the killing. Phenomenological theorists do not see these experiences as the result of socialization or some other social force; they result from internal forces—from subjective experience. How someone suddenly becomes motivated to commit crime is not explained. Katz says it is a kind of magic.

Perhaps as phenomenological theories help us to better understand how violence, discrimination, and other behaviors that we might wish to reduce are experienced by their perpetrators, we could develop ways to help would-be perpetrators develop new understandings of their situations. But if phenomenologists are correct about the mysterious and non-deterministic properties of subjectivity, we would have limited success.

Phenomenological theory is not likely to help us much in trying to change people or their behaviors, but the idea is that it still helps us understand people better. Phenomenologists may see their work as advancing social justice in that it gives dignity to the subjects. Their work treats people as having agency, and it interprets the meaning of their behaviors. Clifford Geertz, for example, provided thick descriptions of human behaviors within particular cultures. In his description of cockfighting in Bali, he argued that betting around the cockfights was a symbolic reenactment of Balinese status conflicts (Geertz 1973 ). The reader comes to see something that might have at first looked irrational and barbaric as purposeful and meaningful within the context it occurs. Phenomenologists may see this kind of cultural translation as promoting tolerance.

Phenomenological theory might also aid us in better understanding our political opponents. In works such as Culture Wars and Before the Shooting Begins, James Davison Hunter ( 1994 ) carefully describes the worldviews of orthodox and progressive opponents in contemporary cultural conflicts and shows that their failure to understand one another inhibits conversation and compromise. That people fail to understand one another is a concern beyond just the culture war issues. Chris Martin ( 2016 ) says that epistemic egocentrism commonly prevents understanding across political ideologies, as we evaluate others as if they shared our information and our concerns. Martin refers to a study that showed that while liberals tend to value authority less than conservatives, liberals and conservatives both thought these differences were much greater than they actually were: “liberals believed that conservatives were obsessed with authority, while conservatives believed that liberals disdained authority” (Martin 2016 : 223). Their egocentrism and lack of empathy led them astray. As Martin points out, “If a liberal uses himself or herself as a reference point, thus framing morality egocentrically, he or she will assume a conservative holds moral positions that are diametrically opposite his or her own, thus rating conservatives as far more different than they actually are” (Martin 2016 : 223). 2

If epistemic egocentrism helps fuel the political polarization of recent years, along with the tendency of people to imagine the worst of their political adversaries and to treat them as enemies, phenomenological theory, to the extent that it accurately portrays the perspectives of its subjects, holds the promise of increased understanding and empathy.

Increasing Virtue

Motivational theory explains human behavior with the psychological impact of social forces. The idea is that institutions and interactions affect the minds of individuals and motivate them to engage in certain behaviors, whether that is altruism, violence, religion, or any other behavior. Motivational theory is as individualistic as phenomenological theory, in that behavior stems from motivations, but motivational theory is more deterministic: The motivations that affect behavior are social products; society shapes the individual (Black 2000 : 357, n. 36). Motivational theory is thus compatible with one kind of reformist project: that of shaping moral character so that people engage in more virtue and in less vice.

Black ( 2001 ) points out that motivational theories come in four forms. Learning theories explain motivations as the result of socialization, bonding theories explain them with the presence or absence of attachments, compliance theories explain them with social pressure, and strain theories explain them with psychological discomfort. Whatever the nature of the explanatory mechanisms, the idea is that individuals are shaped by their social environments. The task for reformers drawing from this approach, then, would be to discover how they might alter social environments to reduce motivations toward behavior they see as undesirable and increase motivations toward behaviors they see as desirable. This could mean educational reform, changes in foster care, and other efforts to better socialize children. It could mean communitarian policies that seek to promote the kinds of social ties that encourage prosocial behavior. It could even mean more fundamental institutional change, as advocated by Steven Messner and Richard Rosenfeld ( 2012 ) in Crime and the American Dream. Messner and Rosenfeld argue that the USA has high rates of violent crime compared to other advanced industrial democracies in part because of an institutional imbalance where the economy is valued more than institutions such as the polity, the family, and education. This leads to a highly competitive society in which crime flourishes, but altering the institutional imbalance, such as by strengthening social welfare programs, would reduce crime.

Those who draw from motivational theory in pursuit of social justice might focus on institutions, then, but it is in terms of how those institutions impact individuals. Accordingly, this tends to be the approach of liberal reformers rather than revolutionaries. Usually such reformers are optimistic about the ability of the insights of social science to help reduce suffering and injustice and optimistic that this is possible by modifying current social arrangements rather than destroying them.

Incentivizing Virtue

Rational choice theory explains human behavior as the least costly means to a goal. It focuses on the interests of individuals, but it is unlike motivational theory in that the characteristics of individuals are usually treated as a constant rather than a variable. Rational choice theorists may assume that individuals are pursuing their own happiness, for example, and what explains variation in their behavior is not variation in their goals; it is variation in their interests. A variable that might help them achieve their goals on one occasion might not on another.

Rational choice theory is the dominant paradigm in economics, and it is associated with free market perspectives. Economists and rational choice sociologists, though, have applied this type of thinking outside the marketplace—to religion, to romantic relationships, and to many other areas where people might at first seem to be behaving irrationally. Rational choice theorists might recommend a variety of policies across the political spectrum, but whatever their recommendations, the central task for those drawing from rational choice theory to pursue social justice is to determine how social arrangements might best incentivize what they see as good behavior and make costly what they see as bad behavior. The goals are more modest—change behavior, not character—since there is no assumption that virtue and vice stem from character.

Enlightenment reformers of the eighteenth century used this approach to argue for changes in the legal systems of the time. The deterrence theory of crime and punishment proposes that people are less likely to commit crimes, the more certain, swift, and severe the punishment is. The idea is that punishment makes crime costly—not in the interests of the would-be criminal. To do this, punishment just needs to outweigh the benefits of the crime, so the reformers argued for reducing the harsh penalties in effect at the time. The certainty of punishment is much more important, and this often puts contemporary deterrence theorists at odds with both liberals and conservatives, since they favor frequent use of the justice system, which liberals might be concerned about, but they oppose the harsh penalties conservatives might favor.

Other applications of rational choice theory have similarly led to policy proposals that challenge conventional thinking. Olson ( 1990 ) addressed the different individual interests related to private goods and public goods. With private goods, it is clearly in people’s interest to protect and take care of whatever they own. But public goods are owned collectively—they are available to everyone. It is therefore not in anyone’s individual interest to contribute to protecting public goods, even though they derive a benefit from them. This is known as the free-rider problem: Everyone would be better off cooperating, but it is in everyone’s individual interest not to do so. One thing this means is that larger groups will not naturally pursue their group interests, and this is one reason Marx was wrong to think the working class would perceive its interests and then revolt.

There is always the danger that public goods simply will not be provided or protected, but just as incentives or punishments might alter the likelihood of someone committing crime, inducements and coercion can ensure that public goods get provided. Rational choice theory is often used to defend free markets, then, but Olson’s analysis helps us understand why the free market will fail when public goods are involved. His analysis shows why labor unions are likely to fail if they are completely voluntary, for example, and why government involvement might be needed to protect the environment.

Another rational choice theorist, James Buchanan ( 2000 ), showed why politics often fail. Individuals involved in politics—voters, politicians, and others—act according to their own interests. Politics is a competitive marketplace. Politicians compete for votes, for example, and they do so by spending money on things voters like. It is not in the self-interest of voters to pay taxes, though, so politicians end up borrowing and spending, rather than reducing spending or raising taxes. This is rational for everyone involved but only in the short run.

For those pursuing policy changes, these kinds of theories could serve as essential starting points or at least as correctives enabling them to better pursue their goals. Social institutions are not changed in a vacuum; individuals are involved, and one runs the risk of not anticipating the effect one’s policies will have, or how they will be dealt with in the political realm, without taking into account the immediate and individual interests of all those involved.

Making Virtue Easier

Opportunity theory explains human behavior with what is possible. Opportunity theorists assume certain motivations and goals, and the idea is that certain social conditions prevent or enable people from achieving those goals. In criminology this might mean assuming the motivation to commit various crimes, but explaining variation in crime with factors make the crimes easier (e.g., Cohen and Felson 1979 ). The layout of a store could encourage shoplifting by placing valuable and small objects where they are easy to get, or the layout of a neighborhood could encourage burglary by providing routes where burglars could travel on foot without a high likelihood of being seen.

Just as people may have the motivation to commit crime but not the opportunity, they might desire friendships across cultural boundaries without the ability to form any. Peter Blau ( 1980 ) pointed out that when the numbers of different population groups differ, the numbers of friendships possible across those groups is limited. In areas where whites greatly outnumber racial minorities, for instance, most whites—regardless of their preferences—would not have the opportunity for an interracial friendship.

Whether one is seeking to reduce crime or increase racial integration, opportunity theory points to the need to consider what is possible under certain conditions. The task for those using the approach to pursue social justice is to find ways to alter the opportunity structure. The idea would not be to change hearts and minds, or even to incentivize virtue, but simply to make virtue possible more often, and vice impossible more often. And while the use of opportunity theory in this manner might be limited, it is likely to be effective. It is also an area where it is easy to see the distinction between ordinary justice and social justice. If two neighborhoods have different rates of crime not because of the motivations of potential criminals but because the design of one prevents many opportunities for crime, people might seek to alter the design of the high-crime neighborhood or at the very least to design new neighborhoods differently. The design of neighborhoods might become a moral issue—a social justice issue. But it may not have been bad intentions or bad behavior that led to the different designs in the first place. No one would have behaved unjustly when they built the neighborhoods, and individual criminals would still be blamed for their crimes. It is simply that better information now makes it possible to make social changes that reduce harm, and with that knowledge, doing so might become a moral imperative.

Strengthening Solidarity

Functionalist theory explains human behavior with its contribution to the needs of the group. 3 Functionalist theorists see society as akin to an organism, with distinct and necessary parts that contribute to the functioning of the whole society, just like the heart, lungs, skin, and central nervous system of the human organism contribute to the needs of the whole body. Talcott Parsons used this strategy when he identified four basic problems all societies needed to solve—adaptation, goal attainment, integration, and latent pattern management—and pointed to the way social institutions such as the economy, the political order, law, religion, education, and the family solve them (Turner 2013 : 352–354).

If motivational theory tends to be associated with liberal politics, and conflict theory with radical politics, functionalist theory is most associated with conservative politics. It is true that many functionalists have been liberals and that many functionalist analyses—such as Émile Durkheim’s argument that crime strengthens social solidarity or Kingsley Davis’s ( 1937 ) argument that prostitution strengthens the family—are contrarian takes that would offend many conservatives. Still, since the gist is that social institutions provide stability and meet social needs, functionalists tend to point to what most people would see as the positive and prosocial aspects of social institutions rather than their negative and oppressive aspects. Conservatives also tend to be concerned with social order and suspicious of radical change and the chaos they fear it will produce, and functionalist analyses often point to the conditions leading to social solidarity, social stability, and harmonious relationships.

Liberals and radicals may question whether conservatives concerned with preserving or strengthening social institutions for the common good are pursuing social justice at all, but many conservatives accept that society is to some extent malleable and that the design of social institutions should be of moral concern. To the extent that they resist change, they may simply be more cautious than others because of the harm and injustice they believe the weakening of social institutions will cause. In their efforts to protect institutions, they are trying to strengthen what psychologist Jonathan Haidt calls moral capital —“the resources that sustain a moral community.” These include “interlocking sets of values, virtues, norms, practices, identities, institutions, and technologies that mesh well with evolved psychological mechanisms and thereby enable the community to suppress or regulate selfishness and make cooperation possible” (Haidt 2012 : 292). Conservatives tend to value moral capital over diversity, equality, and other things valued more by liberals and radicals. Perhaps they are wrong about the tradeoffs, and perhaps the functionalist view of society is limited or distorted. But functionalist analysis might even be able to help those on the left more effectively change society toward the ends they value. However, you alter social institutions, when you are finished you still face the problem of preserving the new social order you have created. As Haidt says, “if you are trying to change an organization or a society and you do not consider the effects of your changes on moral capital, you’re asking for trouble” (2012: 294).

Whether or not the multi-paradigmatic nature of sociology is healthy is a matter of debate. If we follow Kuhn in seeing the dominance of a paradigm as a sign of a mature science, then it is not. But whether it is healthy or not, and whatever the reasons for it, it is the current state of sociology, and it does little good to pretend otherwise. We cannot just declare a dominant paradigm—that has to be established through evidence and consensus and currently that does not exist. It is thus odd that current social justice activism, even in its institutional forms at universities and corporations, so often draws from only one of the many theoretical approaches in sociology, as if conflict theory, and this particular version of it, a marginal approach in the field and only one of many, had become dominant and its claims uncontested.

Activists and their allies who take this approach run the risk of making unwarranted assumptions and even treating claims as fact that have little empirical support. The idea of microaggression, for example, first developed by critical race theorists and later taken up by critical theorists more broadly, has become institutionalized now, with microaggression reporting systems at many universities and microaggression awareness workshops at many universities and corporations. When Scott Lilienfeld ( 2017 ) investigated the claims of microaggression theorists, though, he found little support for them. This means that a great deal of political and institutional energy has been spent promoting ideas that might be incorrect and which might even harm those they are intended to help (al-Gharbi 2020 ; Lukianoff and Haidt 2015 , 2018 ). And this is likely true of many other ideas formulated using the conflict perspective. Of the various sociological paradigms, conflict theory, and particularly the version often known as critical theory, is the most overtly political, and its adherents are often hostile to science or at least to the idea that sociology can or should be scientific. Sometimes conflict theory acts more as a political ideology than a sociological paradigm, and while it provides a distinctive model of society and many new concepts for thinking about social relations, those working within this perspective have mostly failed to produce general and testable propositions about social life. 4 When they do make testable claims, as with Marx’s predictions about the fall of capitalism and the end of class and with the microaggression claims that Lilienfeld tested, they often turn out to have little support. That the claims of conflict theorists are often untestable or unsupported has led even many sociologists who support the political aims of conflict theory to reject it at as a sociological approach or at least to deal with it cautiously.

Meanwhile the field of sociology is saturated, possibly oversaturated, with perspectives and explanations of social reality. These various paradigms can each provide ways of thinking about and pursuing social justice that differ from those of most social justice activists. Fighting systematic oppression is but one possible aim of social justice, and those with broader moral concerns and a broader awareness of strategies of effecting change might also wish to change the world by promoting understanding, increasing virtue, incentivizing virtue, making virtue easier, or strengthening solidarity, and they might draw from a variety of perspectives other than conflict theory to aid them in doing so. Currently, social justice activists who draw mainly from a tiny sliver of sociology run the risk that their efforts will be based on a distorted understanding of reality. While it would be irresponsible to try to reshape society while ignoring sociology entirely, it is also irresponsible to do so while ignoring most of the field. Dealing with a fragmented, multi-paradigmatic field may be hard, and it may be unsatisfying to find that with much of our knowledge about ourselves and our societies contested, there are few easy answers to our problems. But if we are serious about improving the world, we need to be willing to face social reality as we find it. This is the true foundation for developing social justice literacy.

is professor of sociology at California State University, Los Angeles. He is the author of The Geometry of Genocide: A Study in Pure Sociology and coauthor of The Rise of Victimhood Culture: Microaggressions, Safe Spaces, and the New Culture Wars.

1 My use of Black’s typology rather than one of the others frames the discussion, but since there is a great deal of overlap between the typologies, my argument does not depend on the typology used. However, exactly one divides up the main sociological perspectives; the different perspectives will give us different ways of thinking about social justice and different possibilities for reform.

2 Consider also how last year’s debates over closures due to COVID-19 led to mutual recrimination and misrepresentations of each side’s position, with lockdown supporters accusing lockdown opponents of “human sacrifice,” and the opponents accusing the supporters of “fascism” (Paresky and Campbell 2020 ).

3 Black ( 2001 ) actually calls this strategy “systems theory,” and he refers to systems theory and the approach he calls neo-Darwinian theory together as “functionalism,” but I follow many others here in using functionalism to refer to systems theory alone.

4 There are important exceptions, though. Theorists such as Ralf Dahrendorf ( 1956 ) and Randall Collins ( 1975 ) have developed more scientific conflict theories that could also be used to develop strategies for social justice that would differ from those of critical theorists.

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Social Justice Fallacies

The quest for social justice is a powerful crusade of our time, with an appeal to many different people, for many different reasons. But those who use the same words do not always present the same meanings. Clarifying those meanings is the first step toward finding out what we agree on and disagree on. From there, it is largely a question of what the facts are. Social Justice Fallacies reveals how many things that are thought to be true simply cannot stand up to documented facts, which are often the opposite of what is widely believed.

The quest for social justice is a powerful crusade of our time, with an appeal to many different people, for many different reasons. But those who use the same words do not always present the same meanings. Clarifying those meanings is the first step toward finding out what we agree on and disagree on. From there, it is largely a question of what the facts are. Social Justice Fallacies reveals how many things that are thought to be true simply cannot stand up to documented facts, which are often the opposite of what is widely believed. However attractive the social justice vision, the crucial question is whether the social justice agenda will get us to the fulfillment of that vision. History shows that the social justice agenda has often led in the opposite direction, sometimes with catastrophic consequences.  More things are involved besides simply mistakes. All human beings are fallible, and social justice advocates may not necessarily make any more mistakes than others. But crusaders with an utter certainty about their mission are often undeterred by obstacles, evidence or even fatal dangers. That is where much of the Western world is today. The question is whether we will continue on heedlessly, past the point of no return.

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Why Your Doctor Should Care About Social Justice

This Ted Talk by Mary Bassett speaks about how, although doctors help individuals in various ways, they can STILL do more. They can do more by acknowledging and recognizing social injustices and structural inequalities within the medical system. Furthermore, she urges medical workers to work towards change within this system. She touches upon her experiences during the AIDS pandemic and what she has witnessed and says these inequalities still exist today and should not be overlooked.

Image Credits: Feature Image : Online Marketing , on Unsplash, Creative Commons

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