politics and governance in the philippines essay

Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

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100 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics.

Philippine politics is a blend of democracy and a republic system. The Philippines is a democratic country, meaning the people have the power to choose their leaders. The republic part means that the country has a President, who is the head of state.

The Structure of Government

The Philippine government has three branches: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial. The Executive branch is led by the President. The Legislative branch makes laws and is divided into two parts: the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Judicial branch interprets laws.

Role of the President

The President of the Philippines has a vital role. They are the chief executive and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. They are responsible for implementing laws and maintaining peace and order.

The Election Process

Elections in the Philippines are held every six years. Citizens aged 18 and above can vote. They choose their leaders, including the President, Vice President, Senators, and Representatives. These leaders are expected to serve the people and the country.

Challenges in Philippine Politics

Understanding Philippine politics and governance is crucial. It helps us understand the country’s challenges and how they can be solved. It also helps us appreciate the role of citizens in shaping the nation’s future.

250 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Politics in the Philippines is a complex subject. It is run as a democratic republic, which means the people have the power to choose their leaders. The President is the head of the state and the government.

Elections are important events in the Philippines. They happen every six years for the President and Vice President, and every three years for other officials. The people vote for their leaders, which is a way of saying who they want to run the country.

Political Parties

There are many political parties in the Philippines. These parties represent different views and ideas. They play a big role in the elections as they support their candidates and help them win.

Role of the Government

The government has a big job to do. It has to make laws, keep the peace, and make sure people have what they need. The government is divided into three parts: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial branches. Each has its own duties and powers.

Challenges in Governance

Philippine politics and governance are interesting to learn about. They show how people’s choices can shape a country. It also teaches us about the challenges of running a country and the importance of good leadership.

500 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics and governance.

Philippine politics and governance are interesting subjects. They are based on a democratic system, which means that the people have the power to choose their leaders. The Philippines has a president who is the head of the state, and also a prime minister who is the head of government.

The Political Structure

Political parties in the philippines.

In the Philippines, there are many political parties. These parties represent different beliefs and ideas about how the country should be run. During elections, these parties present candidates for the people to vote for. The party with the most votes usually takes control of the government.

Elections and Voting

Elections are very important in the Philippines. They are a way for people to choose their leaders and have a say in how their country is run. Voting is a right of all citizens who are 18 years old and above. During elections, people vote for their preferred candidates for various positions such as president, vice president, senators, and representatives.

Efforts for Improvement

Despite these challenges, there are efforts to improve the political system in the Philippines. Some people are working to fight corruption and promote good governance. There are also laws that aim to limit political dynasties and promote fair elections.

In conclusion, Philippine politics and governance are shaped by the democratic system, political parties, and elections. Although there are challenges such as corruption and political dynasties, there are also efforts to improve the system. Understanding these aspects can help us appreciate the importance of active participation in the political process.

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Philippine Politics and Governance [Full Text]

Faculty and students of political science can now download the full text of Philippine Politics and Governance books for FREE ! Just click the links below.

Philippine Politics and Governance: An Introduction Edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem

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Philippine Politics and Governance: Challenges to Democratization and Development Edited by Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem and Noel M. Morada

The books were published by the UP Department of Political Science in collaboration with the Philippine Commission on Higher Education. The full texts were made available through the PHL CHED Connect Platform.

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Politics In The Philippines Essay

Politics is defined as the theory and practice of government, the interrelation between people who exercise and resist power, and the use of tactics and strategy to gain power in a certain number of people. However, a lot of deeper definitions have been correlated with the term “politics”, both in a positive and negative way. It is now said that politics is a gamble, dirty and decisive, that it already lost its noble meaning. It is once said that politics may be considered as the noblest profession, if only it is created for the service of the people.

Essay Example on About Politics In The Philippines

Ladies and gentlemen, politics covers a very comprehensive area, covering the physical, economical, social and moral aspect of a nation. And I would like to make the simplest yet profound presentation of this topic based on our very own. This is the anatomy of the Philippine Politics. The political system and the economical status are two inseparable factors on the growth of every country, and from there, we can say that we have no stable economic status because we have no stable government.

The economical status is displayed because there is the government that is supposed to manage and regulate the functions of the economy. Therefore, it is the government that plays a big part. The goal of the government MUST be to sustain its people the standard of living that every individual really deserves. But here in the Philippines, many Filipinos live in the upper class, more on the middle class, and MOST on the lowest class, just on or under the poverty line.

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“ Very organized ,I enjoyed and Loved every bit of our professional interaction ”

Why is this so? Is everything the government’s fault? Of is it the masses? Let’s dissect each of these two.

The government is supposed to be composed of the government officials only, since it is called the government. But the fact that a lot of Filipinos do not see is that aside from the gluttonous government officials who fights for power, there is also some of the elite class, the greedy businessmen who have hidden agendas as they make deeper coordination with the government transactions and processes. They both hypocritically reach their left hands to the “ordinary citizens” while their right hands are mischievously getting money from the funds of the people.

A very good example of “multi-tasking” isn’t it? But while they are too busy tricking the people, there is the police, the armed forces, and the courts that had grown inefficient to restore peace and order in the country. There are the once blue seas now black. There are the little children who go to school barefoot with rotten books in their broken bags. There is the usual Filipino family with a dozen children eating once a day under a leaking roof. You see? As the fortunate ruling class is pacifying themselves with power and luxury, the poor ones are suffering.

Now, are the masses blameless? NO. The ordinary citizens were rightfully given the bill of rights and granted with full democracy. But that doesn’t mean that they have to react violently and dogmatically. They were living with genuine sovereignty, free to speak themselves and do whatever pleases them. But that was often the misconception about freedom. They keep on exercising their own independence without even thinking and considering the rights of the other person. Just days ago, the president of the SGC of the University of the Philippines kept on barking about the inept governance of

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Lessons and Prospects in Philippine Political Governance: Cutting Across Regimes from Marcos to Duterte

2022, Beyond the Crisis: A Strategic Agenda for the Next President

The paper is a concise assessment and snapshot of Philippine governance under seven (7) presidents covering more than five (5) decades. It is hoped that the limitation of space and time does not render injustice in gauging the state of political governance in the country. The appraisal encompasses key governance areas, among others: transparency and accountability; electoral politics; political party system; political participation; and populist politics. The essay contends the following: the lengthy absence or inadequate mechanism and national policies in addressing transparency and accountability has not controlled nor resolved corruption in government; the country’s political institutions have been corroded by personality-based governance; political party system has been weakened by dynastic and clan-based electoral politics and non-principle/ideological based political parties; political participation has been hijacked by patronage politics and elitism; and populist politics has threatened and restricted rather than expanded democratic rule. Unless structural, political, and electoral reforms leading to a more empowered government structure, democratized electoral system, principle-and-ideologically based political party system, participative and dynamic civil society, and holistic governance are consistently and unswervingly instituted, society would consequently steer towards political decay and insulate the nation-state from the people it serves.

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The paper is an assessment of Philippine political development for over three (3) decades after the fall of Marcos authoritarian rule and the dawn of democratic regimes. Against the backdrop of conceptual and discussion of political development, Philippine political development was examined based on its recent past. It argues that the country’s continuing endeavour to chisel out its national and political advancement is contingent and cannot be divorced from its quest for and vision of national identity and sense of nationhood. It further contends that the political modernization of the country requires it to transcend the inchoate sense of national consciousness, rise above the traditional politicians’ and dynastic control of the electoral system; and go beyond the less inclusive governance. Towards the end, the paper identifies a three-fold challenge: One is drawing a unified approach in bringing together various ethnic, religious, and national groups into the Philippine nation-state. Two, combining political stability with political liberalization and democratization. Political liberalization advances economic growth and development rather than contributes to political instability. And three, transforming political culture and actual political relationships to a more egalitarian, less hierarchical, and further symmetrical relationship between groups of political actors.

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This is my talking points as a guest speaker at the Shape Philippines Summit 2022. In this lecture material, I provided a large quantity of information about government and governance; simultaneously, I explained the growth and development of the Philippine government at the backdrop of our political history. I hope that from a historical lens, the lessons of this lecture will empower everyone's understanding of our voter and civic education.

Philippine Journal of Public Policy

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Design matters. Looking at the results and the conduct of the 2019 elections, the Philippines needs to seriously consider how common and recurring challenges of elections are to be addressed. Among other things, issues of campaign finance, high cost of running for public office, and vote buying continue to persist. Campaigns and preelection conversations revolve around personalities rather than programs and policies. Less-than-ideal candidates with cases in graft courts continue to win-these range from plunder cases to violations of the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees. And lastly, the promising party list system has not improved the representation of marginalized and minority groups. Instead, it has become an alternative way for traditional politicians to stay in or reenter the halls of Congress. With 51 party list groups winning 61 seats in Congress, the once-promising party list system does not promote party institutionalization or proportional representation. Strong Patronage, Weak Parties, edited by Paul Hutchcroft, provides substantive information and insights on how redesigning the electoral system can lead to better electoral outcomes. The book focuses on effective ways to translate votes into seats. It provides a comparative look at how electoral system redesign can be effective with less unintended consequences. The volume examines the text and context of the pressing need for meaningful political reform in the Philippines, with the aim of presenting electoral system redesign as another option to change the way politics is done in the Philippines.

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Despite a long and rich history of democratic practices, party politics, and elections, the Philippines has institutionalized a clientelistic and patronage-based democracy within an underdeveloped economy. In 1986, a fluid multi-party system emerged following the restoration of formal democracy. While the country reverted to the pre-authoritarian presidential form of government, a multi-party system emerged during the democratic transition. The shift to a multi-party system with a plurality-based electoral system runs counter to the classic tenet of Duverger’s Law that argues that plurality-based elections tend to produce two-party systems. However, the post-authoritarian period saw the rise of ‘an anarchy of parties’ in which inter-party competition became more fluid and fragmented, especially under Rodrigo Duterte’s populist presidency. This chapter will delineate the pitfalls of the post-authoritarian presidential-based party system in the Philippines.

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In this paper, I examine the problem and history of Philippine democracy. It traces the root of the problem to the legacy of colonialism in the country which has resulted to the elitist nature of its politics that has excluded the poor and Mindanao. The two aspects of the problem appear to be political domination and the moral divide in the system, as explained by majority of scholars. It is argued here that the redistribution of wealth and the balance in the whole political structure can only commence through systemic reforms, which must include a shift to federalism to decentralize power and the strengthening of political parties as a way out of the grip of political dynasties.

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Philippine Politics and Governance: An Introduction

• University of the Philippines-Diliman
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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Philippine Politics and Government

Introduction.

• Theories of Philippine Politics
• Philippine Political Development
• Elite and Dynastic Politics
• Philippine Civil Society
• Democracy and Autocracy
• Philippine Constitution
• Philippine Presidency
• Philippine Legislature
• Philippine Judiciary
• Philippine Bureaucracy and Local Governments
• Philippine Elections
• Philippine Political Parties
• Philippine Social Movements
• Foreign Policy, International Relations, and Security

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• Constitutional Politics in Asia
• Democratization
• Political Party Systems in East and Southeast Asia
• Politics of the Philippines: From Rizal to Duterte
• Presidential Candidate Selection in Comparative Perspective
• Women and Politics in East and Southeast Asia

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Philippine Politics and Government by Julio Teehankee LAST REVIEWED: 26 October 2023 LAST MODIFIED: 26 October 2023 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0366

The study of politics and government in the Philippines was borne out of critical junctures in historical state-making and nation-building in the country. From colonialism to nationalism, modernization, authoritarianism, and democratization, the Philippines is an interesting case study since it reflects significant periods in its political history. The emergence of political science in the Philippines has contributed to the rise of several Philippine politics and government theories that frame the analysis of its political development. Despite the early influence of American political science on the study of Philippine politics and government, Philippine political science has avoided quantitative methods until recently. Nonetheless, the latest studies by Filipino political scientists present a dynamic and pluralist perspective. For the most part, the bulk of research publications has focused on democratic and state institutions that include executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government; the bureaucracy; local government and decentralization; policymaking in general; the military and police; elections; voting; election rules; and political parties. Philippine politics has been largely criticized for being corrupt, patronage-based, and lacking ideological grounding. However, political and social movements have mobilized ideology in contesting power in the country. Essentially, there have been four ideological traditions in the Philippines: nationalism, liberalism, radical Marxism, and socialism. Despite several attempts to articulate an ideologically based discourse, Philippine politics continue to revolve around candidate-centered alliances of provincial bosses, political machines, and local clans, grounded on clientelistic, parochial, and personal inducements rather than issues, ideologies, and party programs. Nonetheless, alternative theories have emerged to challenge this view of Philippine politics. In recent years, the strong institutionalist and statist approach of the discipline in the country has been receptive to alternative and multidisciplinary perspectives. The Philippines is also home to a broad range of voluntary associations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and other manifestations of a relatively vibrant civil society and social movements. New ideological formations gravitating around postmodern, cultural, and identity-based issues have also emerged. Moreover, new challenges, such as democratic regression, authoritarian revival, and digital disinformation, necessitate looking at old problems with new academic lenses. In addition, domestic politics continue to impact how the country navigates its foreign policy, particularly in defense of its “national interest” in the rapidly shifting global arena.

Analyzing Philippine Politics and Government

Familiarizing oneself with the theories and history of Philippine politics and government is an initial step in understanding its intricacies. The development of political science in the Philippines has contributed to the emergence of several theories of Philippine politics and government that frame the analysis of political development. Subsections scan the literature on Philippine Ideologies ; Patron-Client, Brokerage, and Machines ; and Alternative Theories of Philippine Politics . A subsection provides the historical context of Philippine Political Development .

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Hindus in Bangladesh feel betrayed by attacks after government's ouster

Bangladesh's largest minority community is uncertain what the future holds for them.

Hindu temples have been attacked and vandalised, and people have been threatened and forced to flee their homes.

What's next: 

The new interim government of Muhammad Yunus has promised to stop the attacks and give compensation to victims.

It's only been a few days since the 15-year Sheikh Hasina regime was ousted in Bangladesh, and already, minority communities are on edge.

As the interim government gets down to the business of governing in the wake of the quota protests that felled Ms Hasina, Bangladesh's Hindus fear a return to anti-minority sentiment in the country.

Hindus make up almost 8 per cent of Bangladesh's population, its largest religious minority by far, in the Muslim-majority nation.

And they too participated in the nationwide protests, initiated by students, against an "unfair" quota system for sought-after government jobs.

But since that success, Hindu temples have been attacked and vandalised, and people have been threatened, fleeing their homes, only to return to all their belongings looted.

The country's Hindus have traditionally supported the ousted Awami League party for its identity as a secular party, as opposed to opposition parties like the Jamaat-e-Islami, an Islamist party, or the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which has often allied with Jamaat. 

"I have been crying all night, no [authorities] are here to help," said Chaya, a Hindu student in Bangladesh's Khulna region, who is using a pseudonym because of fears of reprisal.

"Our house was attacked three times [since Hasina resigned]. The first time, no-one was home, and our gate was vandalised [and] set on fire. 

"The second time, they looted the house and threatened to kill us. We had to run away. 

"I don't know who or why they are doing this [to us], but this country is not for Hindus. Whenever something happens, Hindus are the first to be targeted."

It's a sentiment now echoed by many other Hindus there.

Hundreds of Bangladeshi Hindus gathered in Dhaka and Khulna on the weekend to protest the attacks on their community.

In response, interim Prime Minister Muhammad Yunus, who was chosen to lead after Ms Hasina fled, issued a statement saying minorities would be protected, and compensation given to victims.

'I am traumatised'

But the violence and threats that have been directed at the minority community has left some feeling betrayed so soon after the jubilation of victory.

Dip Sarkar is a student from Khulna who risked death and injury to join the student protests. 

He celebrated when he and his fellow students succeeded in ousting Ms Hasina.

"I did not join the [quota protests] as a Hindu and I didn't consider those by my side as Muslims or any other religion," said Mr Sarkar.

"Now, not only is my community being attacked, but there is anarchy all over the country.

"I am traumatised by the brutality and our treatment in the country I fought to reform.

"Currently, this country has antipathy towards Hindus. We have always just been used for political gain."

Unlike Chaya, Mr Sarkar blames "terrorists" and fundamentalist parties, saying they have capitalised on the chaos to strike.

"Radicals are attacking many minority communities, including some Sufi temples," he said.

"The army is most responsible for this chaotic situation, at this fragile time, they have left the country open to terrorists."

Misinformation rife

The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council said there had been 205 attacks on minorities in 52 districts in the days after Ms Hasina's government fell.

"There is deep apprehension, anxiety and uncertainty among minorities across the country," the council said in an open letter on Friday.

Thousands of Bangladeshi Hindus have attempted to flee to neighbouring India to escape the violence.

The ABC has been unable to independently verify whether these attacks are driven solely by religion.

Within hours of Ms Hasina's resignation and flight from Bangladesh, news started to appear across Indian media outlets and social media that Hindu minorities were being attacked by "Islamist forces", further inflaming anxieties.

BBC's fact-checking unit and BBC Bangla have analysed several posts online and found them misleading or false.

Many of the accounts sharing the false or unverified claims were from India, which is the world's largest Hindu-majority country, and right on Bangladesh's western border.

One viral social media post falsely claimed that the home of Hindu cricketer Liton Das had been set on fire by radical Islamists.

However, it has since been confirmed that the house burned belongs to former Bangladesh national team captain Mashrafe Bin Murtaza.

Another viral post alleged that "Islamic mobs from Bangladesh" attacked a temple, with a video showing a fire near Chittagong's Navagraha Mandir.

Despite the alarming footage, it was evident that the temple itself remained undamaged.

Photos obtained by BBC Verify reveal that the real target was an Awami League office situated behind the temple. 

Temple official Swapan Das confirmed to the BBC that on August 5, chairs and tables from the party office were set on fire behind the temple.

Images also show that posters featuring Awami League leaders were burned in the incident.

Political analyst Zahed ur Rahman said the attacks are politically driven, not religious, because traditionally Hindus have supported Ms Hasina's party.

"Though the percentage of Hindus in the country is 8 per cent, their leadership [in the party] is very much higher. So that's why they may have faced attacks on that ground," he told the ABC.

Despite the attacks, Mr Rahman said the new government was committed to unifying the country.

"Although some incidences [of attacks on Hindus] are there, I do not believe that the secular nature of the country has been changed," he said.

"In the cabinet, you will find an Islamist person. But what about others? All of them are very much famously known seculars of this country. I don't think the country is changing its track."

Sumon Kumar Roy, a Hindu political leader disagreed.

"Bangladesh is crying, Bangladesh is burning, we can't take it anymore," he said.

Mr Roy said his community was not currently safe under any government.

"One party thinks that we support Awami League, so it's [legitimate] to torture us, to occupy our lands, and loot us," he said.

"Awami League thinks that if they fail it's because Hindus did not support them. That's why they also torture us."

He has demanded legal protections for minorities in Bangladesh, and called on the Indian government to support them.

"If our rights are not protected in this interim government, it's our demand to India to open the border. Twenty million of us will go to India. We don't want to stay in this country."

Meanwhile, the Indian government has announced the formation of a special committee to communicate with Bangladesh authorities "to ensure the safety and security of Indian nationals, Hindus, and other minority communities living there".

Students show solidarity

But many Hindus acknowledge the efforts of many Bangladeshis, especially the students who set this all in motion, to protect the Hindu community.

"There are thousands of Muslims all over the country who are supporting us, and protecting our temples," Mr Sarkar said.

Students of all faiths have been gathering together to protect neighbourhoods and temples that may be under threat.

Adri Das Dyuti is a Hindu student in Dhaka.

She said she was grateful to everyone who came out to help.

"Common people and students played a big role in countering these heinous activities, they safeguarded our temples at night in many parts of the country," she said.

SK Labib, a Muslim student, was one of them.

"Me and my friends are guarding houses at night," said Mr Labib, who participated in the quota protests.

In teams of 10 or more, they patrol the roads of various neighbourhoods. If they hear of any trouble, they head straight there.

"And it's not only me, every one of my Hindu and Muslim friends are doing this together," he said.

'All parties are corrupt'

Disillusionment is the prevailing feeling among Hindus in Bangladesh at the moment. 

They say the army and police have not been able or willing to help, and that each political party has its reasons for stoking fear.

Bahauddin Swapon's son participated in the quota protests last month, and was killed in the violence that followed.

He doesn't trust any of the parties.

"Awami League, Bangladesh Nationalist Party, and Jamaat … they are all playing the blame game," he said.

"Some people in Awami League want to demonstrate that Sheikh Hasina is still needed in this country, otherwise the country becomes violent.

"While BNP and Jamaat, they are happy for this violence because they can stoke divisions.

"We don't want any of these old parties, we have seen what they do. All they care about is money. We want someone new."

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Philippine court blocks government’s effort to close news outlet that criticized former president

Maria Ressa, 2021 Nobel peace prize co-winner and founder of Rappler, an online news outfit, speaks to the media at the Rappler office in Manila, Philippines, Friday, Aug. 9, 2024. (AP Photo/Joeal Calupitan)

Maria Ressa, 2021 Nobel peace prize co-winner and founder of Rappler, an online news outfit, speaks to the media, with her lawyer Francis Lim seated beside her at the Rappler office in Manila, Philippines, Friday, Aug. 9, 2024. (AP Photo/Joeal Calupitan)

Maria Ressa, 2021 Nobel peace prize co-winner and founder of Rappler, an online news outfit, displays documents showing the court’s decision, with her lawyer Francis Lim seated beside her at a press conference at the Rappler office in Manila, Philippines, Friday, Aug. 9, 2024. (AP Photo/Joeal Calupitan)

FILE -Rappler CEO and Executive Editor Maria Ressa gestures during an interview at a restaurant in Taguig city, Philippines, Oct. 9, 2021. T (AP Photo/Aaron Favila), File)

Maria Ressa, 2021 Nobel peace prize co-winner and founder of Rappler, an online news outfit, greets the gathering at the Rappler office in Manila, Philippines, Friday, Aug. 9, 2024. (AP Photo/Joeal Calupitan)

• Copy Link copied

MANILA, Philippines (AP) — A Philippine appeals court reversed a regulator’s 2018 order to shut down a prominent news outlet in a decision made public Friday, marking a legal victory for journalists who angered former President Rodrigo Duterte by reporting critically on his deadly crackdown on illegal drugs and alarming human rights record.

The Court of Appeals ordered the Securities and Exchange Commission to restore the certificates of incorporation of Rappler, an online news outfit founded by 2021 Nobel peace prize co-winner Maria Ressa, in a decision issued July 23.

It wasn’t immediately clear if the SEC will appeal the ruling.

“It’s a vindication,” Rappler said in a statement. “It’s a fact that the Duterte government used the SEC order to unleash its power to further harass us, our employees, our stakeholders and our communities.”

Rappler said it’s still facing two other legal cases: a cyber-libel conviction that Ressa is appealing to the Supreme Court and a case pending in another Philippine court in which the outlet is accused of violating the “Anti-Dummy Law,” which prohibits Philippines nationals from acting as proxies for noncitizens to evade legal requirements.

Rappler has continued to operate during its legal fight, despite the closure order.

Rappler was accused of violating a constitutional ban on foreign investments in local media agencies when it received funds through financial papers called Philippine depository receipts in 2015 from the Omidyar Network, a philanthropic organization backed by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar. The government alleged that the funding gave Omidyar some control over Rappler.

Rappler denied Omidyar wielded any control over it through the financial receipts, which Omidyar later donated to the online outfit’s employees.

The court ruled that the 2018 shutdown order, one of several legal issues that Ressa and Rappler faced under Duterte, was made “with grave abuse of discretion, contravening established procedures, jurisprudential and legal instructions, and clear intent of the constitution.”

Duterte and other Philippine officials have said the criminal complaints against Ressa and Rappler, which included tax lawsuits, were not a press freedom issue but part of normal judicial procedures.

But Duterte was known for openly lambasting journalists and news agencies that critically reported about his deadly campaign against illegal drugs , including the country’s largest TV network, ABS-CNS. ABS-CNS was shut down in 2020 after Duterte-allied lawmakers refused to renew its license.

The Philippines has long been regarded as one of the most dangerous places for journalists in the world.

In 2009, members of a powerful political clan and their associates gunned down 58 people, including 32 media workers, in a brazen attack in southern Maguindanao province. It was the deadliest single attack on journalists in recent history.

While the mass killing was later linked to a violent electoral rivalry, it also showcased the threats faced by journalists in the Philippines. A surfeit of unlicensed guns and private armies controlled by powerful clans, and a lack of law enforcement in rural areas are among the security concerns journalists face in the poverty-stricken Southeast Asian nation.