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The White Paper on Local Government (WPLG) was published 25 years ago on the 9th of March 1998 (Republic of South Africa [RSA] ). The ideal South African Local Government can be imagined as the vision of local government, enshrined in the South African Constitution, 1996 and in the founding document for transforming South African local government, the WPLG (RSA ). The WPLG, laid the groundwork for enabling legislation that subsequently followed, most notably the , the Local Government: , the and the (MFMA). Since 1998, the South African government has introduced many initiatives aimed at fixing the prevailing issues of dysfunction within local governance. Project Consolidate launched in 2004 was aimed at deepening the impact of existing local government policies and programmes. The Presidential Local Government Summit of 18th September 2014 gave birth to the Back-to-Basics Strategy, which sought to improve the functioning of municipalities, to better serve communities by getting the basics right. More recently, the District Development Model (DDM) (Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs [COGTA] ), launched in 2019 is among other objectives, aimed at addressing silo planning and implementation across spheres of government. It also seeks to maximise impact and align plans and resources at the disposal of government through the development of ‘One District, One Plan and One Budget’. Central to this local government transformation vision is the desire to ensure that previously disadvantaged communities are brought to the forefront of development, as envisaged in the WPLG’s ( ) developmental local government public value and social equity vision. Section 152 of the Constitution of the RSA ( ) identifies five performance areas, which guide municipal strategy-making, execution and evaluation, namely: ]emocratic and accountable government for local communities; provision of services to communities in a sustainable manner; promotion of social and economic development; promotion of a safe and healthy environment; and encouraging the involvement of communities and community organisations in matters of local government. (n.p.)These constitutional provisions are meant to guarantee beneficiaries and all South African citizens and residents access to dignity, equality before the law, freedom and security and access to basic services (housing, healthcare, education, food, water and social security). These provisions can be described as the generic objective of local government across many societies. However, what sets South African local government apart is its point of departure on the developmental nature of local government. It is difficult to problematise local government in South Africa. However, one seminal place to begin is municipal performance. While South Africa has post-1994 made some notable strides in local government transformation, however, almost 30 years later, the developmental local government ideal appears to be at a crossroads. The 2009 State of Local Government in South Africa Report presented findings of a countrywide assessment of the state of local government, culminating in the Local Government Turn-Around Strategy (LGTAS) Programme in November 2009. In 2014, the Department of COGTA, diagnostic report resulted in the back-to-basics strategy document, which identified municipal performance shortcomings and sought to improve service delivery and optimum municipal functionality. A new model of governance, the DDM, was introduced and adopted by Cabinet on 21 August 2019, to improve cooperative governance and enhance service delivery. The LGTAS (RSA ) as well as the State of local government report (RSA ) pointed to key areas of concern, which are also confirmed in independent academic research. These are as follows: capacity and human resources, responsiveness and accountability, economic growth of municipalities, sound financial management and the legacy of apartheid spatial development. Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs initiated back-to-basics by conducting a desktop assessment of municipalities in all nine provinces and developed a set of indicators to be reported on monthly, as per the pillars of the back-to-basics approach, to measure whether municipalities perform in terms of the five ‘basics’. The DDM as a practical intergovernmental relations (IGR) mechanism is envisioned to get all three spheres of government to work together, with communities and stakeholders, to plan, budget and implement in unison. These concerns and initiatives imply that the ideal developmental municipality in South Africa must be administratively competent and provide the basic household infrastructure needed to develop social and economic growth; effectively integrate and co-ordinate the complex relationship nodes needed for local government functionality; purvey social equity sensibilities to empower communities and be innovative through organisational learning and visionary leadership. This emphasises the importance of municipal performance in the realisation of the vision of the WPLG’s ( ) ideal municipality. Twenty-five years after the unveiling of this ideal vision for local government in South Africa, perhaps more than ever before, the severity of electricity, water and other services provisioning problems in South Africa could pose an existential threat to the survival of local government as currently structured in South Africa. This year (2023), the (JOLGRI) has taken up the challenge of addressing this existential question: Is Local Government as presently structured in South Africa beyond redemption? Articles published this year not only illuminate the existentialist question but also begin to present solutions that go beyond perennial reports and recommendations, such as capacitating local government or draining the swamp of corruption and dysfunctionality. This year, articles such as those contextualising the factors that influence human resources development in municipalities, those examining social innovation through South African Local Economic Development Policy approaches or those examining measures that may assist non-performing municipalities in improving their performance, contribute to the discourse of municipal survival. These articles demonstrate that to survive, municipalities cannot escape from self-initiated measures of survival. There must be self-originated innovation and an openness to creative enrichment in local government. Thus, from a social innovation perspective, it is essential to promote new approaches to developmental local government through co-ownership and co-production. Even more important is the need to change the culture of service ennui and embrace agile solutions in local government. Other articles evaluated the implementation of municipal credit management policies, explored the effectiveness of section 139 intervention in municipal accountability architecture and examined municipal amalgamations and feasibility of economies of scale in local government. These articles contribute to the existential question of local government in South Africa, by examining the current structure of local government. The articles in this volume, debunk previously held notions of municipal reform. These articles take a strong path of departure from mainstream assumptions put out over the years, such as how amalgamations or structured administrative interventions lead to better efficiency and effectiveness, which begs the question of why these structural provisions are not reviewed and what will be the alternative? The politics of local government may be argued to be one of the most detrimental threats to its existence. One article explored the dynamics of traditional leader’s relationship with municipal councilors and service delivery. Another discussed how to enhance municipal counselor’s oversight in local district and metropolitan municipalities; while yet another article examined political violence and killings. These articles show that professionalisation is non-negotiable as a requirement for municipal survival. The ‘P’ (professionalisation) word strongly features in these articles in different ways and reveals that the excessiveness of the power dynamics in local government lies in a clear stipulation of roles and in the capacitating of political role players, such as councillors towards carrying out their duties in a professional manner. The political-administrative interface, conundrum, indeed, remain protracted and does not seem to make the relationship between councillors and administrators any easier. Finally, the research range and contribution of this year’s JOLGRI volume is much wider than previous editions. Many articles presented data across different municipalities, as opposed to single case studies, giving this volume a strength in terms of a better understanding of the unique character of municipalities across the board. The article examining ICT entrepreneurship training and job creation in a local government in Lagos State Nigeria also added to this comparative lens, through which to examine local government in South Africa and beyond. Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (COGTA), 2019, , viewed 05 June 2023, from . Republic of South Africa (RSA), 1996, , Government Printers, Pretoria. Republic of South Africa (RSA), 1998, , Ministry for Provincial Affairs and Constitutional Development, Pretoria. Republic of South Africa (RSA), 2009a, , Department of Cooperative governance and traditional affairs, Pretoria. Republic of South Africa (RSA), 2009b, , Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, Pretoria. |
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Journal of Local Government Research and Innovation   |   ISSN: 2709-7412 (PRINT)   |   ISSN: 2788-919X (ONLINE)
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Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government (ISSN:1581-5374, E-ISSN:1855-363X ) is an international journal for the study of the politics, administration, and management of local affairs published four times a year (in January, April, July, and October). The journal publishes articles that contribute to the better understanding and practice of local self-government and which are of interest to scholars, policy analysts, policymakers, and practitioners. The focus of the journal is on the critical analysis of developments in local governance throughout the world. Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government provides a unique forum for the consideration of all issues related to sub-national levels of government. Articles appearing in Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government are abstracted and indexed in Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) (Web of Science), Essential Citation Index (Web of Science), CSA Worldwide Political Science Abstracts, Current Geographical Publications, CSA PAIS International, Academic's OneFile (Gale), ERIH Plus, International Political Science Abstracts, ProQuest, Scopus, International Bibliography of Periodical Literature (IBZ), International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS).
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Every year, the Center for Local, State, and Urban Policy (CLOSUP) sends the Michigan Public Policy Survey (MPPS) to local government officials all over the state. The MPPS is a program of state-wide surveys of local government leaders in Michigan with the goal of filling an important information gap in the policy maker process. In the Spring 2020 MPPS, questions related to COVID-19 were added for local government officials to answer. From closed businesses to packed hospitals, local governments have been dealing with many problems in their jurisdictions. Using data from the Spring 2020 Michigan Public Policy Survey (MPPS), this paper will analyze the responses of local government officials to determine how the pandemic has impacted local jurisdictions. Specifically, the paper will focus on how COVID-19 has impacted three areas of concern for local governments: economic conditions, emergency planning, and local or regional emergency response capabilities. In each of these areas, there will be background information, along with findings of the MPPS. Through this analysis on the effects of COVID-19 from the perspective of local government officials, we hope that this research can help local jurisdictions all over Michigan be better prepared for future emergencies.
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Public Administration and Policy: An Asia-Pacific Journal
ISSN : 2517-679X
Article publication date: 21 March 2022
Issue publication date: 10 May 2022
Corruption and dishonesty in the political and bureaucratic realms have impeded the ability of local governments to provide services and social justice in Nepali society. In light of this, the purpose of this research is to answer the key research question: what are the possibilities and limitations of local government in implementing constitutionally guaranteed rights in order to transform local communities?
This study gathered qualitative data from 14 local governments in seven provinces. A total of 56 in-depth interviews were held with elected representatives, political parties, and government officials at both the national and local levels. Both open-ended and open-structured questionnaires were employed for the interviews.
The results indicate that capacity is a major constraint for local governments, which should be addressed to achieve successful local governance, inclusive citizen engagement, and strong technical, administrative and fiscal capabilities. Lack of local autonomy, political conflict and social class differences, external engagement, and conservative hierarchic government bureaucracy are major hurdles to growing capacity.
This paper analyses the capacity of newly restructured local governments through qualitative approach. It attempts to understand to what extent the Nepali local governments are capable in delivering the services at the local level as closest unit of the citizens.
Acharya, K.K. and Scott, J. (2022), "A study of the capabilities and limitations of local governments in providing community services in Nepal", Public Administration and Policy: An Asia-Pacific Journal , Vol. 25 No. 1, pp. 64-77. https://doi.org/10.1108/PAP-01-2022-0006
Emerald Publishing Limited
Copyright © 2022, Keshav K. Acharya and John Scott
Published in Public Administration and Policy . Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) license. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this license may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode
Over the past 40 years, decentralization of public services has been adopted in many developing countries in Latin America ( Bossuyt, 2013 ), Southeast Asia ( Grant and Dollery, 2010 ), South Asia ( Wignaraja, 2005 ), Oceania ( Regmi, 2010 ) and Africa ( Shah, 2006 ). As a result, local government (LG) is consistently viewed as the lowest tier of any polity that operates closest to communities and hence has greater capacity for grassroots involvement around the globe ( Acharya, 2014 ). Considering the essence of LG, it is also theorized across the disciplines of political science ( Grant and Drew, 2017 ) and economics. The key reason is putatively superior capacity of LG residing in the organisation for collective action of extant communities and the inherent efficiencies associated with knowledge of a particular area and governing with this wisdom ( Balabuer-Coll et al. , 2010 ; Rondinelli, 1981 ). Additionally, a functioning LG system allows for the satisfaction of different sets of preferences by groups of citizens within one polity and stymies authoritarian or self-interested activity by a central state.
However, the disadvantages of LGs have also long been recognised. Research in developed countries has been inconclusive as to whether enhanced decentralization or centralization improves efficiencies in terms of administration, resource allocation and political representation ( Balabuer-Coll et al. , 2010 ). Hiskey and Seligson (2003) found that decentralization can both promote and undermine political confidence and participation at a local level. Pandeya (2015) found that decentralized participation in LGs’ decision-making strengthened local governance and accountability systems but was also linked to negative outcomes. Moreover, outcomes were variable depending on participatory structures, local power, incentives for participation and level of support from elected representatives. Challenges have also been experienced regarding poor policy implementation, weak managerial capacity and continuing central control over finance and resources ( Acharya, 2014 ). These difficulties are partly addressed by some governments, but most central authorities appear reluctant to decentralize the powers and simplify the complexity of organisational design ( Grant and Drew, 2017 ). In Nepal, impunity, corruption, and dishonesty are growing rapidly at the local level due to unnecessary connection of politicians and bureaucrats in conflict of interests, power holding attitude, and manipulation in loopholes of the laws. These have led to dissatisfaction among the citizens and threatened LG’s capabilities and reliabilities.
The Government of Nepal has long been criticized for its top-down planning, ineffective, corrupt, and elite-controlled administration, all of which have weakened institutional systems and the local governance system ( Adhikari, 2020 ). To ameliorate past lapses, the Constitution of Nepal 1990 formally highlighted decentralization as a means to ensure optimum involvement of people in local governance system through principles of devolution of power and responsibilities in local levels, building and development of institutional mechanisms, and an inclusive approach to people’s participation in the decision-making process ( Kharel, 2019 ). Despite these considerable endeavours, between 2002 and 2017, local democracy in Nepal was jeopardised due to the vacuum of elected leadership of local bodies ( Adhikari, 2020 ). In this period, local democracy was subjected to attack by political groups presenting themselves as protagonists of democratic rights and aspirations of the people. Nonetheless, the new Constitution of Nepal (2015) envisaged federalization and decentralization of the state structure and comprehensive LG reform, which was designed based on both the ‘principle of subsidiarity’ and ‘economies of scale’ ( Adhikari, 2020 ).
The Constitution of 2015 has provisioned to transfer the political, administrative, and economic authority from national to sub-national level and granted substantial autonomy at the sub-national level ( Government of Nepal, 2015 ). Despite these legislative efforts, research has indicated that some authorities and functions of the LGs have deviated by the federal government towards the federal units at the district level, which have been hesitant to support the LGs in lawmaking, strengthening fiscal governance capacity, human resource development, building partnerships with broader stakeholders, and bureaucratic democratization ( Acharya, 2018 ). Kelly (2016) argues that the Nepali governance structure remained highly centralised, incapable of addressing governance and service delivery problems on the one hand, while on the other hand failing to simplify and re-build the political, administrative, and fiscal dimensions of government in order to enhance efficiency, effectiveness and accountability. In line with this, this paper examines the limitations and possibilities of contemporary local governments in Nepal to ensure effective and efficient service delivery at the local level.
In 1936, Keynes argued that the state intervention could increase economic growth by capturing political system, but its results in terms of development appeared a top-down and centralized approach ( Preston, 1996 ). Until 1960’s, most countries in the world adopted this theory in their political, economic and social system. In the beginning of 1970s, there was a major paradigm shift, and a popular concept ‘people-centred development approach’ emerged in neo-liberal theory. It is an amalgamation of capitalism and socialism, which advocates to the decentralized approach in the development ( Jacobs and Laybourn-Langton, 2018 ). This theory focuses on the free market system, independent role of the state and other institutional mechanisms, which reduces expenditure of the state in social provisions and introduces the market-based strategies in solving economic complexities ( Acharya, 2014 ). In the late 1960s, decentralization was introduced as a concept to transfer the power, authority and functions from the national to sub-national government ( Rondinelli, 1981 ). It focused on democratic reform of the governing structure, which transferred political, administrative, fiscal, planning, and implementation authority from the centre to the province and local governments ( Dhungana and Acharya, 2021 ). In developing countries, the main aim of the decentralization is to promote public participation, empower local people who are mainly marginalized to engage in the political decision-making process, so that governance can be fostered at different levels of the governing structure. Furthermore, it aims at increasing efficiency and effectiveness in the service delivery, optimum management and mobilization of resources ( Zafarullah and Huque, 2020 ; Amah, 2017 ). However, transferral of legislative, judicial or administrative authorities from national to sub-national level is daunting task in developing countries.
In developing countries, local governments represent as grassroots level government units, which are closest to the citizens, and responsible to deliver not only decentralized services and institutionalize the local governance system, but also accelerate the social and economic development to advance the democratic values and public participation in decision making at the local level ( Brosio, 2012 ). Zafarullah and Huque (2020) added that decentralization is based on subsidiarity principles, which devolves power, functions, and services to the lowest governmental tier subject to economies of scale and capacity. Thus, local governments are governing units that bring citizens and governments closer in new structure, encourage all actors to participate, deliberate, and develop solutions to pressing social, economic, and community development issues ( Ghosh, 2020 ). As a result, many experiences in developing countries highlight that LGs provide services to citizens as self-governing units by using the government’s administrative, executive, and judicial functions to enable the citizens ( Acharya, 2018 ).
In Nepal, the Rana oligarchy was abolished in 1950, and democratic polity was established to develop the administrative system through the establishment of ministries and the formation of different departmental committees to facilitate local development under decentralized approach ( Acharya, 2014 ). However, ‘ Panchayat ’ system was instituted in 1960 as an autocratic principal political strategy. Albeit it created a new local government structure under decentralized approach with three tiers: zone forming an upper tier; district at an intermediate level; and both municipal and village at lowest levels, the system adopted a centralized approach that put the monarch at centre of governance and people at periphery. The objective of the Panchyat- based local government system was to create centre led accountable local institutions to strengthen the political system at grassroots level; develop local leadership; involve local people in decision-making processes; mobilize resources; and strengthen the local level planning process and service delivery mechanisms and in order to strengthen the system, many laws and regulations were formulated ( Pradhan, 1969 ).
In 1990, a new form of decentralized democracy was established that created plentiful space for citizens in their representational engagement in public institutions. However, the new political system could not counteract the problems of the basic service delivery system. Issues of local governments’ sectoral agencies’ coordination and accountability widened due to inexperienced political representation and by local government being overlooked by bureaucracy ( Acharya, 2014 ). In response to recurrent issues and demands for improving the community service mechanism, the Local Self-Governance Act (LSGA) 1999 was formulated to provide a legal basis for the decentralization of power from central authority to district, village and municipality levels. After the enactment of the LSGA-1999, a number of positive developments took place at the local level. It enhanced autonomy and greater roles of the local government bodies in participatory planning, improvement of financial and resource management, promotion of accountability and transparency, and the participation of external stakeholders such as civil society groups, NGOs and private sectors play their respective roles and promote their causes under the local self-governance system ( Kharel, 2019 ).
Despite its promise, ambiguities remained with the LSGA (1999) on power sharing and authority between different governing units (VDCs/Municipalities and DDC). Moreover, the conflicting provisions of other sectoral laws challenged the autonomy of local governments. For example, twenty-three sectoral laws were identified as conflicting with the LSGA, which stymied desirable results for both democracy and service delivery at the local level ( Government of Nepal, 2015 ).
In 2002, the regime of local governance was handed over to central government employees until June 2017 due to the short tenure of locally elected representatives, which jeopardised the local governance system ( Acharya, 2018 ). Under these arrangements, the local government system in Nepal has suffered on the following grounds. First, the decentralised democracy in Nepal (post-1990) was either more compartmentalised (top-down) than before or was excessively hierarchical. Second, democracy in Nepal was — and is presently — clearly divided into two layers. In the first are political and bureaucratic benefit groups (grassroots level political cadre, elites, and politically affiliated bureaucratic staff), the capitalist and business class and social elites. Such groups utilised the decentralised democracy for their own benefit and forcefully captured the space in decision making process, instruct the administrative system, and drag the power in their own hands for their own purposes. In the second are 'marginalised groups' mainly Dalit, women, ethnic castes, and socially/economically/geographically excluded groups who are denied any opportunity to influence policies intended for them, and for whom democracy only becomes significant during elections ( Acharya, 2014 ). It was further cultivated by the vacancy of political representation at local bodies. This created a vacuum between public and government for institutionalising and democratising processes, deficiency of horizontal coordination in sector planning and budgeting, and weak resource absorption capacity.
In response to these challenges, a new federal Constitution of Nepal (2015) was promulgated, which projected new forms of competition, created new methods of public management, and generated new governing codes for central-local relations ( Acharya, 2018 ). The Constitution allows for three levels of government — federal, provincial, and local — while facilitating the devolution of power to local government and other state organisations. It also specifies local governments as closest to the ‘grassroots’ ( Acharya and Scott, 2020 ; Government of Nepal, 2015 ). The Constitution expresses a sincere pledge to create an egalitarian society based on principles of proportional inclusion and participation, which guarantees Dalits and marginal communities shall have the rights to participate in all agencies of the state based on the principle of proportional inclusion. In addition, local governments such as village government and municipal government are considered a third-tier government that is much closer to the people. The 2015 Constitution of Nepal also aimed to promote cooperativeness, co-existence and coordination between the federation, province and local levels and aimed to provide for the efficient delivery of services, meaningful people’s participation, and to institutionalise the legislative, executive and judicial practice at local level. Furthermore, the local tiers have also created their own governing and administrative structures and deploy power-sharing mechanisms, not only for government accountability to citizens, but also to allow actors at the multiple levels of government political participation in legislative, executive and judiciary functions ( Adhikari, 2015 ).
To materialize the decentralization, the Constitution allocates 22 exclusive powers and 15 concurrent powers that have been shared among the federal, the provincial and the local levels. Furthermore, extensive tasks involving public services, consisting of planning, implementation, economic development (agriculture, livestock, cooperative and industrial), social development (education, health, vital registration, social security allowances distribution, certifications/recommendation), environment, infrastructure and institutional development have been made through new law Local Government Operation Act-2017 . These powers and functions were further transferred to ward level structures. From 2016/17, the Government of Nepal commenced allocating budget monies directly to local governments under four schemes, namely equalisation, conditional grants, special grants, and a matching fund, based on the provisions for revenue-sharing outlined in the 2015 Constitution ( Dhungana and Acharya, 2021 ). This was Nepal’s first experience of local governments having the mandate to autonomously choose their priorities and spend resources at their disposal.
However, experience shows that many developing countries have failed to cope with these issues in their efforts to transform the social, political, and economic aspects of society due to significant degrees of bureaucratization, politicization, and undue influence of imported ideas and practices ( Acharya, 2018 ). For example, the practices of federalism in Africa did not appear to have positive effects due to local identity cults. Similarly, in developing countries such as India, Iraq, and Nigeria, federalism has not delivered the desired results, nor has it been able to bridge the gap between states and resolve communal and ethnic conflicts caused by poverty, political insecurity, religious intolerance, and poor governance ( Ghosh, 2020 ; Amah , 2017). Nepal’s newly adopted constitution paved the way for federalism. The major objective of this Constitution, among many others, is to embrace the people’s right to autonomy and self-rule, as well as to achieve people’s expectations for peace, good governance, development, and prosperity ( Acharya and Scott, 2020 ).
Despite the literature available in both developed and developing countries on federalism, decentralization, and local governance, these appear only in conventional theoretical approaches, which are facing number of challenges in implementation. However, Nepal's current federalism and local governance system claims as hybrid federalism, which allows all kinds (executive, legislative and judiciary) of governing power to local governments based on “co-operation, co-ordination and co-existence”. This study looks at the possibilities and limitations of instituting a hybrid federalism model at the local level.
This study gathered qualitative data from 14 LGs across Nepal’s seven provinces to delve deeper into the process of reform in LGs beginning in 2015. Following that, 7 Rural Municipalities were chosen, including Ramasoshan, Dolpo-Buuddha, Madane, Binayi-triveni, Parvatikinda, Aurahi , and Aatharai . Concurrently, 7 Urban Municipalities: Godavari, Bheriganga, Tulshipur , Beshishahar, Ratnanagar, Bardibas , and Duhabi were also chosen as unit of analysis.
Between November 2019 and March 2020, 56 in-depth interviews were conducted purposively with national and local governments representatives, including Mayor/Chair, Deputy Mayor/Vice Chair, Chief Administrative Officer, and a Dalit woman member in each LG unit, 2 members of the Ward Citizen Forum, and 3 members of the Citizen Awareness Centre. Additionally, a Joint Secretary of the Ministry of Federal Affairs and General Administration, a member of the Local Level Restructuring Commission, 3 representatives from LGs Associations, the chair of the Parliament Development Committee, and spokespersons from major political parties Nepali Congress, a member of the Unified Marxist and Leninist Party, and Maoist Centre Party, 5 independent local governance experts were among those in attendance.
The purpose of these interviews was to gather participants’ thoughts and feelings about LG capability. They were also questioned on how LGs are carrying out their constitutionally mandated powers and responsibilities. Building new collaborations with development partners, technical and administrative ability for successful service delivery, budgetary capacity to lead local administration and the design of laws and regulations were among the other topics investigated. For the interviews, open-ended and open-structured questionnaires were used. The qualitative data were transcribed and classified using four themes as detailed below.
Preparation of legal framework.
The Constitution of Nepal mandates that all three levels of government have the authority to exercise three governing functions (legislative, executive and judiciary) by allowing 22 exclusive rights and 15 concurrent functions. These functions and privileges, however, cannot be carried out until subsidiary laws are drafted and approved by local assemblies. On October 2018, the federal government forwarded the Local Government Operation Act 2017 (LGOA-2017) to speed up the local governance process. This aimed to promote cooperation, coexistence, and coordination between the federal, provinces, and local governments; provide efficient and high-quality services by ensuring people's participation, accountability, and transparency; and institutionalize legislative, executive, and judicial practice at the local level. This Act provides detail of the functions of LGs, different authorities of LGs, defines the procedures of LGs (such as Assembly and operation), provides instructions and a basis for annual planning and budgeting, and prescribes administrative structures and the provision of staff. Similarly, it envisages powers having devolved to the ward levels from municipalities and village centres in terms of the formulation, implementation, and monitoring of planning; development work; regulative functions; and certification.
Even though the LGOA-2017 attempted to streamline local government operations by unbundling all exclusive and concurrent rights, the Act has been criticized for a variety of reasons. First, it is unable to minimize the conflicting provisions of laws between inter and intra governments, illustrate the scope of LGs to raise revenue, capacity development of elected representatives and staff which is insufficient when compared to the list of functions LGs are supposed to perform. Second, it does not address the professional capacity limitations among elected representatives and administrative staff. Third, some functions, which were devolved by the federal government, lack clarity.
We will have to wait a long time to see if the laws that are drafted and executed at the municipal level are successful. Federal units design a set of model laws while assisting in the law-making process, taking into account their presence and control at the center, which are instructed to be formulated exactly through the Chief Administrative Officer. Local autonomy is unlikely to be limited to slogans in such a setting.
Most of local council members are apathetic in the legislative process due to a lack of capacity, and different priorities. Their main concern is how to increase the budget allocated to their constituency to win the next election. On the other hand, the majority of the people's representatives come from a construction and business background, they put pressure on legislators to write laws that benefit them rather than the people.
Apart from that, according to a federal ministry representative, the process of enacting laws at the local level is extremely cumbersome. Even if laws are passed, their execution is apprehensive with difficulties. Unnecessary disputes were created during implementation. Because certain laws will replace established practices, there will be grassroots protests and people's representatives will not be interested in making laws on a regular basis. They point fingers at the federal agencies to avoid taking responsibility. However, the LGs should be careful that such formulated local laws do not contravene the federal and provincial laws. Overall, the capacity, knowledge, and law enforcement mechanisms at the LG level are considered weak, largely because of an absence of legal training and experience among LGs’ personnel.
LGs have demonstrated fiscal capacity in Nepal with respect to intergovernmental transfers that shift general revenues from taxes collected by the national government to sub-national governments for general or specific uses, and local tax collection. In these systems, the revenue received by the local governments is in accordance with the law on the recommendation of the fiscal commission, considering the capacity, needs and regional balance of the local level. Currently, LGs can generate only about one-third of their internal revenue through taxation and fees for services. Their principal financial source is fiscal transfers (equalisation, conditional, complementary/ matching, and special grants) from the federal government to sub-national level, which were estimated to make up about two-thirds of their total income ( Prasad, 2015 ).
The Inter-Governmental Fiscal Transfer Act-2017 has proposed 15 different types of taxes and fees to recoup various recurrent and capital expenses. Based on the legislation, LGs collect property, house rent, real-estate registration, land, entertainment, advertisement, business, and hoarding board taxes. They are also collecting fees from various types of services, rent, vehicle parking, tourism, collection of scrap and operation of transport vehicles. However, at the local level, the universally accepted framework for revenue collection has yet to be applied, and numerous parameters such as institutional capacity and efficiency, reliable service provision, and economic development level should all be considered.
At the local level, focusing exclusively on revenue collections is unjustifiable; resource potential and operational capacity, leadership commitment, and citizen support should all be considered. The local government appears to be unaware that low-income citizens take the burden of local revenue (taxes, services, and fees). Despite the widespread idea that more services can be provided by raising more revenue, there have been numerous cases of local governments failure to reach efficiency in revenue collection and utilization. Even at the local level, according to the results of the SWOT analysis, it should be addressed with as early as possible.
Local governments tend to slap higher taxes on professions, businesses, and various services on the run, without considering the profitability or transactions of the enterprises and firms. This has neither produced an enabling atmosphere for new investors to enter, nor has it inspired existing entrepreneurs and experts to push the business with enthusiasm. Its immediate effect is that enterprises are increasingly moving to the next local level where tax rates are lower, and the economic climate is more favorable. In the long run, this will have a negative influence on the local level.
The executive board determines the areas and rates of tax based on their own judgment. Staff and elected officials' experience and knowledge serve as a foundation for tax enforcement. Finally, the annual assembly meeting approves it, and the tax is imposed on the people. However, there have been several objections against taxes at the grassroots level. People have threatened to take the municipality to court over local tax decisions on occasion. Even if we follow the rules and regulations, we are unaware of what is at the root of the gap between LGs and the public.
Complaints that the taxes have imposed by the local government are excessively high are found at the grassroots level. Last year, I paid Rs 2,900 for the land tax, but this year, the municipality has charged Rs 10,200 in the same amount of land. I sought the reason of increasing amount of money in similar amount of land, the answer was that the municipality carried out the property tax.
Based on the findings, local leadership is better to commit to building a local fiscal governance system by establishing local tax advisory committees to ensure proper revenue management. Tax rates should not be raised without assessment of tax and revenue implications. Similarly, determining the service charge depending on the amount of service utilization will be beneficial. Administrative expenses should be estimated for determining taxes and service charges. The service fee should not be levied if the estimate exceeds the tax collected. It is only required to impose taxes in areas where administrative expenses under one's jurisdiction can be reduced. If taxes are imposed in places where sustainable taxes are not possible, one should always be aware that unnecessary administrative costs produce public dissatisfaction.
From 2002 to 2017, LGs were largely steered by centralised mechanisms, which failed to deliver coalface services to the local level. Despite this, the institutional arrangements of the LGs during the period in which locally elected representatives were absent, the service delivery, infrastructure development, planning and monitoring, resource mobilization, auditing and financial management were deeply flawed. Central government staff, by virtue of their position, enjoyed state power and resources, while LGs’ staff, positioned merely as support staff, were demoralized, and considered inferior by central government staff, as they were seen to be recruited based on nepotism and favouritism. As a result, LGs’ employees were positioned as passive service providers and were unable to facilitate the democratic and inclusive development objectives.
To these ends, the parliament approved the Employees Adjustment Act 2018 to support the functions and mandates outlined in the Constitution. The key objective of the Act is to reorganise the existing unitary structure of civil service so that government can re-allocate adjust and transfer civil servants in the public service into the federal, provincial, and local levels. In accordance with the interim O&M survey conducted by the federal government that estimated around 100,000 staff would be needed, among them the federal government would need 35 percent, while the provincial governments would need 16 percent and local levels would need 49 percent of the total estimated employees. This would require substantively more civil servants than the then existing number, which was 99,571 before the adjustment. By March 2019, a total 99,571 civil servants were adjusted, of which 40.12 percent were retained at the federal level, 13.87 percent adjusted to provinces, and the remaining 43.98 percent sent to local levels ( Acharya, 2018 ). The following outcome of SWOT analysis ( Table 1 ) shows the assessment of capacity of human resources.
The finding of the in-depth interviews indicates the government, on the other hand, has been unable to persuade personnel to present to their assigned location. Even after five years of formal implementation of federalism following the completion of provincial and local elections, provincial and local levels have experienced staff shortages. Sectoral personnel such as engineering, finance, legal, and information technology are in limited supply. Without confirmed chief administrative officers, more than 200 local levels are operating, and as a result, service delivery has suffered significantly. Except federal staff, the federal government has no statistics on employee shortages. However, it has been stated that local government positions will be added while existing positions will be managed, whereas federal government positions have been increased unnecessarily. Employees understand that such an attitude may deprive them of professional development and service facilities after local adjustments are made.
The Nepalese bureaucracy operates with a centralized mindset, which is intrinsically linked to political parties. It is a common propensity to make the services more complicated than innovation. Trade unions are formed and promoted by each political party.
When looking at meritocracy and grades from high school to college, most of them obtained a third-class degree or an ordinary back paper; first-class certificates are exceptional. The number of readers appears to be high even after joining the service. At the assistant level, those who enter the service for a livelihood with poor qualifications are observed.
Due to a lack of collective accountability, the Nepalese bureaucracy is increasingly attempting to avoid top management duties and blaming itself for failures.
To summarize, Nepal’s public administration system is primarily process-oriented, as compared to result. Significant political changes have transpired in Nepal, but little has progressed administratively; the same old style and structure can be found. Bureaucracy is mostly dominated by nepotism and favoritism, leading to a brain drain. Political and administrative elites conspire to eliminate personal efficiency like the right person at the right place. If the bureaucracy is weak, this has increased the incidence of criminalization in society and value-based bureaucracy. However, the federal level staff seems reluctant to transfer the duty to the states in the spirit of federalism, constitutional rights, and international best practices in public administration. For example, when the local administration lacked the competence to use its exclusive power, it had a vested interest in controlling and centralizing it rather than efficiently executing constitutional rights by strengthening its capabilities.
From the perspective of LGs in Nepal, it is the task of intergovernmental connections to balance local development with higher expectations for bridging the gap between government and civil society, as well as government institutions that deal with human resources and institutional operations. Inadequate legislation and institutional frameworks, human resource management, accounting and procurement processes, and revenue administration have all been concerns ( Acharya, 2018 ). To promote the interrelations among federal, provincial, and local tiers in Nepal, the Constitution of 2015 focuses on cooperation, coexistence, and coordination principles, which emphasize fiscal and administrative processes by which these tiers share revenue through an inter-fiscal transfer mechanism ( Acharya and Scott, 2020 ).
The 2015 Constitution highlights that the federation can be directed or assist LGs directly or through the provincial government under the constitution and federal law. It is the duty of the provincial and LGs to abide by such directives ( Adhikari, 2020 ). Despite these cooperative apparatuses, the Constitution has provisioned several institutional mechanisms to accelerate intergovernmental relations. First, an inter-provincial council mechanism has been provisioned under a chairmanship appointed by the Prime Minister to settle political disputes arising between the federation and a province or between provinces ( Acharya and Scott, 2020 ). Second, the inter-provincial trade mechanism has been envisioned to avoid any kind of obstruction to carriage of goods or extension of services through a provincial or local tier of government to another provincial or local tier ( Dhungana and Acharya, 2021 ). Third, the government promulgated the Inter-Governmental Fiscal Management Act 2017 as a key fiscal governance Act. This act reinforces a fiscal administration system through revenue management, grant allocation, loan borrowing, budget distribution and expenditure, and public finance management at the federal, provincial and the local tiers. Finally, it corrects the imbalances and reduces the disparities in local service delivery among subnational territories.
However, numerous differences have emerged to hinder inter-government relations. While the Constitution provides that the federal government can direct to the provinces and provinces can direct to LGs, LGs have remained reliant on the federal government for various reasons. First, the power and functions which distribute resources arbitrarily to the LG does not match with the capabilities of LGs. Second, there are imbalances between functional authority and budgetary authority at the province and local level. Third, there is high fiscal dependency on the federal government. Finally, bureaucracy which is known as the engine of federalism was highly corrupted and dominant at the local level in recent years ( Adhikari, 2015 ). These dynamics adversely affected the quality of autonomy and institutionalisation of inter-governmental relations.
Many factors influence the adaptive capacity of LGs to be responsive. These factors can be grouped into three broad categories: essential resources, social networks and collaboration, and political legitimacy ( Dhungana and Acharya, 2021 ). Although essential resources critically contribute to capacity development, it is also supported through intergovernmental mechanisms and vertical chains. Evidence suggests that polycentric governance and collaboration are necessary in building resilient social systems ( Newig and Fritsch, 2009 ). The norms and networks of such systems, often referred to as social capital, facilitate cooperative action among citizens and institutions. Political legitimacy is a factor influencing LGs to accelerate the local capacity. Part of this legitimacy is determined by institutional context and the legal powers and authority particular governments possess ( Adhikari, 2020 ). Thus, LGs often propagate strategies to maintain autonomy and retain the regulatory and administrative power needed to make outcomes occur. Hence, capacity development processes can be summarised as follows: First, capacity development activities should not create dependency. Second, capacity development activities should not lead to a weakening of the state. Third, capacity development is not a separate activity to institutional mechanisms. Fourth, capacity development is not solely concerned with financial sustainability.
Having undergone the biggest socio-political change since the end of conflict in 2006, with the promulgation of its 2015 Constitution, the challenges ahead for Nepal are to institutionalise the changes that have taken place in the political landscape of the country. This includes ushering the country towards a new era of economic development through political stability, ensuring inclusivity in all aspects of governance, managing identity politics, addressing the concerns of the Madheshi political parties, decentralizing power, and addressing the issues of transitional justice.
Power devolution from the centre to the local level has been widely implemented since the promulgation of the Constitution in 2015. This process reinforced the shift from a hierarchical to a more networked structure. The devolved authorities, according to the Constitution, have the potential to reform the local governing system through principles of coexistence, cooperation, and coordination. However, the current reality on the ground in Nepal continues to be difficult on multiple fronts, implying that theoretical problems raised in previous studies are manifest in Nepal. LG functions are in their immaturity unable to function effectively due to a lack of technical ability among political and administrative employees, a lack of knowledge and skills among elected representatives in enacting local laws and a slow implementation of annual programs and budgets. Similarly, the federal government is indifferent to the idea that it is the responsibility of the centre to formulate laws and arrange human resources, while LGs’ jobs are only to implement them. Local autonomy has been influenced by this hierarchical mindset.
Finally, a substantial amount of the budget has been allocated to local levels to manage federalisation and devolution of service delivery, based on the size of the administrative area, population, and a poverty index. LGs have also been entrusted with the task of drafting laws and collecting taxes. However, figures show that barely 18 percent of Nepal's total yearly budget was directed to local levels in 2018/019, and fewer Acts and regulations were enacted at the local level. The main causes of this are a lack of technical expertise and local governing experience.
SWOT analysis of human resource capacity of local governments
Strengths | Weaknesses | Opportunities | Threats |
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was approved by parliament and Employee Adjustment processes took place. |
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About the authors.
Keshav K. Acharya is Federalism and Governance Advisor of Capacity Development Support to Governance Project of GIZ Nepal. His main interest areas are federalism, local governance, public policy, capacity development, regional/urban planning, service delivery, and community development. He holds PhD from the University of New England, Australia. He is a development expert who worked in different positions of multilateral and bilateral organizations for more than 20 years. Additionally, he has written books, articles, and research papers, which are published in peer-reviewed international journals and book chapters.
John Scott is Professor and Head of the school of Justice, Queensland University of Technology, Australia. His main research interests' areas are drug supply, sexual and gendered crime, and rural crime. He has wide number of publications including 27 books and major research reports and over 100 papers and book chapters, many with leading international journals and publishers. Professor Scott is a member of the ARC College of Experts, edits the Routledge Series Crime and Justice Studies in Asia and the Global South , Co-Edits The Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy and is Vice President of the Asian Criminological Society.
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WAILUKU–The U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF) and the Paul G. Allen Family Foundation has announced a $644,758 grant to the Kaua’i Forest Bird Recovery Project (KFBRP) to support on-the-ground efforts in its battle against avian malaria. The grant was awarded Tuesday.
A similar amount of grant funding was also awarded to the University of Hawai’i and the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) for continued research to improve mosquito breeding to create non-viable offspring to reduce the disease transmission to Hawaiian honeycreeper forest birds.
Dr. Lisa ‘Cali’ Crampton, KFBRP Program Manager said, “We are very excited to be involved in this effort to use top-notch science to help us advance conservation of critically endangered forest bird species through reduction of mosquito-borne disease. Funding from the Partnership to Advance Conservation and Practice (PACSP) program will allow KFBRP to better monitor and refine the application and efficacy of a new tool, the Incompatible Insect Technique (IIT), to suppress mosquitoes in Hawaiian forest bird habitat.”
This research is one of 10 projects receiving funding under the PACSP program, a first-of-its-kind collaboration between the NSF and the Paul G. Allen Family Foundation. Now in its second year, the program is designed to catalyze deep collaboration between researchers advancing basic science and conservation partners engaging in on-the-ground conservation.
The projects focus on a range of species, from Hawaiian honeycreepers to grizzly bears and Venus flytraps. The outcomes will have far-reaching implications for biodiversity and conservation, policy, and the economy.
“The fundamental knowledge these projects create, even though related to specific species, will unlock innovative conservation efforts across a broader range of threatened species and ecosystems,” said Lara Littlefield, executive director for programs and partnerships at the Paul G. Allen Family Foundation. “For instance, studying whether mosquitoes infected with bacteria can limit the spread of malaria among birds in Hawaii could ultimately limit disease spread among other animals more broadly.”
Each project extends basic science into on-the-ground conservation to address critical knowledge and data gaps, enabling greater real-world impact to benefit species and ecosystems.
“The unique partnerships this program creates forge a roadmap to broader conservation action by uniting the skills, expertise and tools needed to address the most urgent threats to our natural world,” said Susan Marqusee, NSF assistant director for biological sciences. “These projects also will engage the public, policymakers, law enforcement and others in conservation through education, outreach and other broader impacts.”
David Smith, DLNR Division of Forestry and Wildlife (DOFAW) Administrator commented, “This grant builds on the strong multi-partner collaboration already in place to combat avian malaria as the single-largest threat facing native forest birds, like the honeycreepers. Every little bit helps, particularly currently, when we are facing the strong likelihood of one or more species of honeycreepers going extinct in the very near future.”
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In this paper we describe a hierarchical model characterizing local-scale habitat features associated with high densities of pinyon jay ( Gymnorhinus cyanocephalus ), a species which has been proposed for listing under the Endangered Species Act.
We used data from a broad-scale, integrated, point count monitoring program (Integrated Monitoring in Bird Conservation Regions; IMBCR), spanning 16 western states, to assess pinyon jay density responses to various ground, shrub, and tree composition and cover estimates collected by on-the-ground surveyors.
Our results agree with prior research suggesting mechanical removal of pinyon pine and juniper trees may negatively affect pinyon jays, and our models provide guidance to support pinyon jay habitat management.
Full citation: Van Lanen, N.J., A.P. Monroe, and C.L. Aldridge. Despite regional variation, Gymnorhinus cyanocephalus (Pinyon Jay) densities generally increase with local pinyon–juniper cover and heterogeneous ground cover. 2024. Ornithological Applications . https://doi.org/10.1093/ornithapp/duae036
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From: Housing, Infrastructure and Communities Canada
Now more than ever, communities are experiencing the impacts of climate events. Preparing Canada’s communities – including the infrastructure that supports them – for these events is critical to keeping Canadians safe, protecting local businesses, and supporting a strong economy.
Ottawa, Ontario, December 21, 2023 — Now more than ever, communities are experiencing the impacts of climate events. Preparing Canada’s communities – including the infrastructure that supports them – for these events is critical to keeping Canadians safe, protecting local businesses, and supporting a strong economy.
Today, the Honourable Sean Fraser, Minister of Housing, Infrastructure and Communities, the Honourable François-Philippe Champagne, Minister of Innovation, Science and Industry, Iain Stewart, President, National Research Council of Canada (NRC), and Chantal Guay, CEO, Standards Council of Canada (SCC) announced a federal investment of $59.6 million over five years to amplify and expedite research initiatives that will help ensure communities have the knowledge and guidance – including codes, standards, guidelines, and tools – needed to adapt to the impacts of climate change.
This investment will build upon the current work funded by Infrastructure Canada to support the NRC -led Climate Resilient Built Environment (CRBE) initiative and the SCC -led Standards to Support Resilience in Infrastructure Program (SSRIP).
The CRBE initiative provides knowledge to adapt our public infrastructure where necessary, informs potential changes to building and infrastructure codes and standards, and creates guides, tools, and technical solutions to support resilience to climate change. This initiative will continue to support resilience across the construction sector, from design and decision-making to construction, operation, maintenance, and retrofit.
The SSRIP initiative delivers standards and related guidance that address priority areas such as heat, flooding, nature-based solutions, and transportation system resilience. The program is working with communities and beneficiaries to ensure that projects promote a consistent approach to climate change adaptation, increase resilience, and support informed decision-making for infrastructure and buildings across Canada.
Making adaptation investments today will have major economy-wide benefits in the years to come. The research is clear, according to the Canadian Climate Institute for every dollar spent on adaptation measures today, $13-$15 will be returned in years ahead in direct and indirect benefits.
“The research and data delivered through this investment will strengthen communities and help them better protect the homes, businesses, and livelihoods of their residents from the impacts of climate change. We will continue working with our partners to ensure the safety and well-being of Canadians across the country in the face of these impacts.” The Honourable Sean Fraser, Minister of Housing, Infrastructure and Communities
“The safety and well-being of Canadians are priorities for our government as we already feel the impacts of climate change. This investment will support the important work being done that will help us ensure that Canada’s new and existing buildings and infrastructure are more resilient, reducing disaster risks and protecting communities across the country.” The Honourable François-Philippe Champagne, Minister of Innovation, Science and Industry
“Research plays a fundamental role in how we design, build and maintain our infrastructure, buildings and homes to withstand the effects of climate change. Today’s investment continues to support the National Research Council of Canada’s work with collaborators across the country to build a climate resilient Canada through science and innovation.” Iain Stewart, President, National Research Council of Canada
“Climate risks can be reduced or avoided by making sure communities are designed to standards that address climate change. Using standards, decision-makers and professionals can better plan, construct, and maintain climate-resilient, nature-positive, and sustainable cities. Working with experts across Canada, we are ensuring they have the tools they need to adapt communities.” Chantal Guay, CEO, Standards Council of Canada
“Adaptation is about being better prepared to address and reduce the impacts of climate change, now and in the future. For me, this announcement is about strengthening communities against climate risks. It illustrates our determination to continue to implement Canada’s National Adaptation Strategy, a whole-of-society blueprint to prepare for, and reduce the risks of, climate change through coordinated and ambitious action. Together, we have taken substantial strides towards building climate resilience in our communities and our economy.” The Honourable Steven Guilbeault, Minister of Environment and Climate Change
The federal government is investing $59.6 million through the National Adaptation Strategy (NAS) and Government of Canada’s Adaptation Action Plan (GOCAAP) over five years. This includes $12.1 million to Infrastructure Canada (INFC), $30.1 million to the National Research Council of Canada (NRC), and $17.4 million for the Standards Council of Canada (SCC).
This funding will support research and development initiatives that help communities withstand natural climate events and climate-related risks. By helping make infrastructure more resilient to the impacts of climate change, the federal government can better protect communities, the safety and security of Canadians, while reducing the damage to homes, assets, and the disruption of economic activity.
On June 27, 2023 , the government released Canada’s National Adaptation Strategy . It commits $1.6 billion in new federal funding to help address both immediate and future climate risks to Canadian communities.
From 2016 to 2028, the federal government has committed $160 million of funding through the Climate-Resilient Buildings and Core Public Infrastructure (CRBCPI), Climate Resilient Built Environment (CRBE), and Standards to Support Resilience in Infrastructure Program (SSRIP) initiatives.
The CRBE initiative led by the NRC builds on the foundational work and success of the CRBCPI initiative, which was a similar five-year initiative. To date, these initiatives have delivered future climate design engineering values and supported over 65 climate-informed codes, standards, guidance, and decision-support tools.
The SSRIP initiative led by SCC has advanced over 50 new and updated standards and related guidance to date that incorporate climate change considerations for infrastructure and buildings across on topics ranging from flooding and high winds to permafrost degradation.
For more information (media only), please contact:
Micaal Ahmed Communications Manager Office of the Minister of Housing, Infrastructure and Communities 343-598-3920 [email protected]
Media Relations Infrastructure Canada 613-960-9251 Toll free: 1-877-250-7154 Email: [email protected] Follow us on Twitter , Facebook , Instagram , and LinkedIn Web: Infrastructure Canada
National Research Council of Canada 613-991-1431 Toll free: 1-855-282-1637 Email: [email protected]
Nadine James Communications Manager Standards Council of Canada 613-238-3222 Email: [email protected]
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Local government is door step government to the local people and is responsible towards the local people. ... and local democracy. This paper aims to research and analyze the relationship between ...
The present study makes two contributions to the literature on local government management. First, it undertakes a comprehensive assessment of what is currently known about the effects of management on the performance of local governments by integrating the theories and evidence from the empirical research that has been published during the past 40 years in the leading public administration ...
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The study found increasing research output on local government transparency in the twenty-first century with Europe and North America being the major contributors. There is a low research interest in local government transparency in Africa and South America, probable due to administrative cultures and other governance factors.
State and Local Government Review (SLGR), peer-reviewed and published quarterly, provides a forum for the exchange of ideas among practitioners and academics that contributes to the knowledge and practice of state and local government politics, policy, and management.Of particular interest in SLGR are articles that focus on state and local governments and those that explore the ...
This paper has reviewed the international literature on the explaining factors of efficiency of local governments from 1990 to June 2019. The main objective of this work is to explore the dynamics of the development of this line of research, not only to find out the terminology preferences that have dominated the pre- and post-crisis period in this field but also to identify the latest ...
After completing a productive series of sessions to gain insights from local government officials about the impact of the pandemic, the editors of State and Local Government Review asked Ann O'M. Bowman to convene a group of scholars for a podcast "to identify topics that should be included in a new and reinvigorated research agenda for the ...
Party politics across levels of governance: relational dynamics of immigrant integration policy making in Belgian cities. Published online: 26 Jul 2024. Explore the current issue of Local Government Studies, Volume 50, Issue 4, 2024.
Findings produced from local government research partnerships are context-dependent: they apply to a particular place, at a particular moment, and according to a particular research design ... I am grateful to Meghan Rubado and Aaron Deslatte for soliciting this paper and Adam Levine, participants at the 2020 Southern Political Science ...
Additionally, more information channels do not always mean better informing about plans and strategies connected to sustainability in local governments. This paper presents the findings from our research, which can contribute to the field of local government research and management by broadening the view on smaller villages and their ...
We provide a systematic review of the existing literature on local government efficiency from a global point of view, covering all articles from 1990 up to the year 2016. ... (26 papers) Local personnel expenses can be measured as the number of local government employees12 or as the total personnel ... More research is needed in dynamic ...
Background Local governments play an important role in improving public health outcomes globally, critical to this work is applying the best-available research evidence. Despite considerable exploration of research use in knowledge translation literature, how research is practically applied by local governments remains poorly understood. This systematic review examined research evidence use in ...
A model of open government adoption. This study develops a model for explaining disparities in open government adoption at the local level. Open government is thus considered an organizational innovation (cf. Grimmelikhuijsen and Feeney Citation 2017).Innovation is defined as the generation or adoption of new ideas, objects, or practices (Amabile Citation 1988; Rogers Citation 1995; O'Toole ...
George Washington Institute of Public Policy, George W a shington University, 805 21 st Street NW, Washington, DC 2005, USA; e-mail: [email protected]. Received 5 November 2007. Environment an d ...
Abstract. Objective - Local Government Units (LGUs) play a significant role in the development of their constituents. Basic services should be their main priority in order to implement these services to a high standard.
We invite you to participate in the special collection to be published in 2025 in the open-access scholarly Journal of Local Government Research and Innovation (JOLGRI). Title: Innovating Governance: Revolutionizing Local Government through Innovative Research and Practices. Timeline: · Submissions open: 01 June 2024.
The Journal of Local Government Research and Innovation (JOLGRI) focuses on improving the system of local governance and to proffer local government as the major stakeholder for development in South Africa and the globe. ... The White Paper on Local Government (WPLG) was published 25 years ago on the 9th of March 1998 (Republic of South Africa ...
About the Journal. Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government (ISSN:1581-5374, E-ISSN:1855-363X ) is an international journal for the study of the politics, administration, and management of local affairs published four times a year (in January, April, July, and October). The journal publishes articles that contribute to the better ...
The paper finds that among the participants participating in the study, expectation of devolution of autonomy from Provincial Government to build up desired local system is more in demand and ...
From closed businesses to packed hospitals, local governments have been dealing with many problems in their jurisdictions. Using data from the Spring 2020 Michigan Public Policy Survey (MPPS), this paper will analyze the responses of local government officials to determine how the pandemic has impacted local jurisdictions.
Engendering Local Government in the Commonwealth Caribbean. Author's Note Undertaking the research for this paper proved to be a challenging exercise. A theme such as 'The Experience of Engendering Local Government in the Commonwealth Caribbean' assumes that information on local government exists... more. Download. by C R G S - I G D S ...
Introduction. Over the past 40 years, decentralization of public services has been adopted in many developing countries in Latin America (Bossuyt, 2013), Southeast Asia (Grant and Dollery, 2010), South Asia (Wignaraja, 2005), Oceania (Regmi, 2010) and Africa ().As a result, local government (LG) is consistently viewed as the lowest tier of any polity that operates closest to communities and ...
Americans' views of politics and elected officials are unrelentingly negative, with little hope of improvement on the horizon. 65% of Americans say they always or often feel exhausted when thinking about politics. By contrast, just 10% say they always or often feel hopeful about politics. short readsJun 9, 2023.
Paper 4. HTA methods: Clinical evaluation; Attachment 1: Detailed country profiles - HTA pathways and processes, clinical evaluation methods and horizon scanning; The final versions of the above papers have been combined into a single paper - HTA pathways and processes, clinical evaluation methods and horizon scanning.
CYFD Cabinet Secretary Teresa Casados said the facility offers at-risk kids more resources and a healthier environment than sleeping in the agency's office, despite recent research suggesting ...
The Maui News WAILUKU—The U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF) and the Paul G. Allen Family Foundation has announced a $644,758 grant to the Kaua'i Forest Bird Recovery Project (KFBRP) to ...
In this paper we describe a hierarchical model characterizing local-scale habitat features associated with high densities of pinyon jay ... Our results agree with prior research suggesting mechanical removal of pinyon pine and juniper trees may negatively affect pinyon jays, and our models provide guidance to support pinyon jay habitat ...
The federal government is investing $59.6 million through the National Adaptation Strategy (NAS) and Government of Canada's Adaptation Action Plan (GOCAAP) over five years. This includes $12.1 million to Infrastructure Canada (INFC), $30.1 million to the National Research Council of Canada (NRC), and $17.4 million for the Standards Council of Canada (SCC).