N (%)
(n=114)
*Combined total exceeds number of studies because some evaluated both decriminalisation and legal regulation.
†One global study and one multi-country European study including Belgium and Portugal.
Number of included studies from countries that implemented decriminalisation or legal regulation by 2017. Note: Policy changes were classified, following the review inclusion criteria, based on the implementation of a change to national or subnational law to decriminalise drug use and/or possession or to legalise at least one class of drugs. We did not evaluate the extent to which legal changes were reflected in policing and criminal justice practice. Implementation of cannabis legalisation for medical purposes only is not reflected in this map.
Quality assessment was performed for the 93 full-length articles included in the review, excluding 21 conference abstracts ( online supplemental table 1 ). Scores ranged from 7 to 18 of 18 possible points, with a mean of 14.4 (SD=2.56). Quality scores were similar comparing US to non-US-based studies ( X =14.4 and 13.7, respectively, p=0.386) but higher for studies evaluating legal regulation ( X =14.8) versus decriminalisation ( X =12.8) (p=0.003). Study quality differed significantly (p<0.001) by the direction of the association with the outcome of interest, with higher quality scores among studies estimating mixed ( X =15.4) or beneficial ( X =15.2) versus null ( X =14.2) or harmful ( X =13.1) effects of legal change on the outcome of interest. Study quality did not appear to increase over time (eg, X =14.0 in 2014 and 14.4 in 2018).
Across 114 studies we extracted 224 outcome measures, which were coded into 32 metrics ( figure 1 ). The most common metric employed by studies was the prevalence of use of the decriminalised or legally regulated drug, which was examined in 39.5% of studies (n=45) and represented 22.3% of outcome measures (n=50). Of these studies, 13 (28.9%; 8 full-length articles and 5 abstracts) did not report any other metric 26–38 and an additional 6 studies (13.3%) reported on the prevalence of use in addition to a single drug-related perception metric (either harmfulness or availability). 39–44 The second most common metric was the frequency of use of the decriminalised or legally regulated drug (14.0% of studies, n=16) and the third was the prevalence or frequency of use of tobacco, alcohol or drugs that remained illegal (12.3% of studies, n=14). The fourth most commonly employed metric was any change in the perceived health harmfulness of using the decriminalised or regulated drug (10.5% of studies, n=12), which was assessed among adolescents or young adults in all studies except for one that assessed this metric among parents. 45
All other metrics were assessed in <10% of included studies. Health service utilisation was evaluated in 7.9% of studies (n=9) using 12 outcome measures, primarily related to emergency department visits and/or hospitalisations. Prescribed (primarily opioid) drug use and perceived availability of the decriminalised or legally regulated drug were reported in 7.0% of studies each (n=8). Overdose or poisoning by the decriminalised or regulated drug, and by other drugs (predominantly opioids), were examined in 5.3% (n=6) and 6.1% of studies (n=7), respectively. Driving while under the influence or with detectable concentrations of the decriminalised or regulated drug (cannabis) was examined in seven studies (6.1%) inclusive of eight outcome measures. Notably, one study assessed self-reported impaired driving, 46 while others assessed the proportion of fatally injured drivers screening cannabis-positive or the overall prevalence of driving with detectable tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) concentrations in blood. Remaining metrics were measured in less than 5% of studies ( figure 1 ). Some pre-specified metrics were not represented in any of the articles, including infectious disease incidence (eg, HIV, hepatitis C), environmental impacts (eg, drug production waste, discarded needles) and labour market participation.
Of the 10 studies conducted outside the USA, 6 focussed on cannabis decriminalisation. All three studies from Australia examined the prevalence of cannabis use post-decriminalisation, 31 34 47 while one also measured perceived cannabis availability. 47 Following cannabis decriminalisation, one European multi-country study including Belgium and Portugal examined the prevalence of cannabis use and uptake of cannabis-related addictions treatment 48 and one Czech study considered the age of first cannabis use. 49 An international study using United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime data from 102 countries compared availability, as reflected by cannabis seizures and plant eradication, in countries that had decriminalised cannabis versus those that had not. 50 Three non-US studies evaluated decriminalisation of all psychoactive drugs. Two studies from Portugal examined healthcare and non-healthcare costs and psychoactive drug prices, respectively. 51 52 One study from Mexico examined drug-related criminal justice involvement (arrests) and (violent) crimes. 53 Finally, a study of historic opium legalisation in China (1801 to 1902) measured the price and availability (quantity of exports) of opium before and after legalisation. 54
Results of individual studies are provided in online supplemental table 1 . Online supplemental table 2 tallies findings and average quality scores for each of the metrics; here we summarise findings for metrics examined in more than 5% of studies, in descending order based on the number of datapoints. Across all three substance use metrics (prevalence of use, frequency of use and use of other alcohol or drugs), drug law reform was most often not associated with use (with null findings for 48.0% to 52.4% of outcome measures falling under these metrics). With respect to change in perceived harmfulness of the decriminalised or regulated drug, mixed results were found in half of cases, with heterogeneity detected on the basis of age, gender and state. 39 43 55–57 For example, legal regulation of cannabis for medical use was associated with greater perceived harmfulness of cannabis among eighth graders but not older students in an analysis of US Monitoring the Future data 39 while a study employing US National Survey on Drug Use and Health data found greater perceived harmfulness of cannabis among young adults aged 18 to 25 but not adolescents aged 12 to 17. 57
Among nine studies that employed health service utilisation metrics, harmful effects were reported for 6 of 12 outcome measures, with increases in emergency department visits and/or hospitalisations attributed to decriminalisation or legal regulation. 58–63 However, all but one of those studies 58 assessed change over time in one jurisdiction, without a control group. Further, two studies that also examined changes in acute care use for non-cannabis drugs found reductions in those visits or admissions following cannabis decriminalisation or legal regulation. 60 64 In contrast, six of nine prescription drug use associations were beneficial, with reductions observed in rates of opioid 65–69 and other drug prescribing 70 71 attributed to legal regulation of cannabis for medical use; outcomes in this category came from studies of higher average quality ( X =16.3). Perceived availability of the decriminalised or regulated drug appeared largely unaffected by decriminalisation (null associations for five of nine outcome measures) but two studies indicated increased perceived availability of cannabis among Colorado, US, adolescents following legal regulation for adult use 72 and among adults in US states with legal regulation for medical use. 44 Across the subset of seven outcome measures for overdose or poisoning by the decriminalised or regulated drug (cannabis), in all cases an increase in calls to poison control centres or unintentional paediatric exposures was reported. 59 73–77 However, studies assessing the impacts of cannabis regulation on overdose or poisoning by drugs other than cannabis concluded that the effects were either beneficial (four outcome measures 64 76 78 79 ) or mixed/null (three outcome measures 80–82 ). Driving with detectable concentrations of THC was most often found to increase following decriminalisation or legal regulation (five of eight outcome measures; 83–87 ), but these studies were of lower average quality ( X =12.0).
Of the 19 studies evaluating impacts of decriminalisation, six measured the prevalence of use of the decriminalised drug with eight unique outcome measures. No association was detected for all but three outcomes; following cannabis decriminalisation lifetime use increased among adults in South Australia, 31 while past-month use increased among 12 th graders but not younger students in California, 56 relative to the rest of the country in both cases. After peyote use for ceremonial purposes was decriminalised in the USA in 1994, self-reported use increased among American Indians. 88 Three studies evaluated relationships between decriminalisation and drug-related criminal justice involvement in Mexico and the USA. One high-quality study found that decriminalisation positively influenced criminal justice involvement: in five US states, arrests for cannabis possession decreased among youth and adults. 89 When possession of small amounts of cannabis was decriminalised in the 1970s in Nebraska, however, the mean monthly number of arrests did not change, while cannabis-related prosecutions increased among youth. 90 In Tijuana, Mexico, decriminalisation of all drugs had no apparent impact on the number of drug possession arrests. 53 Two historical and one recent study measured healthcare utilisation. US states that decriminalised cannabis in the 1970s saw greater emergency department visits related to cannabis, but decreased visits related to other drugs. 60 In Colorado, US, decriminalisation was associated with increased emergency department visits for cyclic vomiting. 62 Addiction treatment utilisation, healthcare and non-healthcare costs, driving after use, price of drugs, availability of drugs, frequency of use, attitudes towards use and perceived harmfulness were each evaluated in only one or two studies of decriminalisation.
This systematic review identified 114 peer-reviewed publications and conference abstracts evaluating the impacts of drug decriminalisation or legal regulation from 1970 to 2018. Within this search period, 88.6% were published in 2014 or later. This rapid growth in scholarship was driven by the implementation and subsequent evaluation of cannabis legalisation in a number of US states beginning in 2012, and knowledge production will surely continue to accelerate as longer-term data become available and as other jurisdictions (eg, Canada and Uruguay) analyse the effects of recently implemented cannabis legalisation. Indeed, a first study on the impacts of cannabis legalisation on adolescent use in Uruguay was published in May 2020 (finding no impact on risk of use 91 ). The present study provides an overview of the emerging literature based on our systematic review and suggests three key patterns.
First, peer-reviewed longitudinal evaluations of drug decriminalisation and legal regulation are overwhelmingly geographically concentrated in the US and focussed on cannabis legalisation. Importantly, the lack of non-US studies evaluating legal regulation of cannabis for medical use may reflect the more tightly controlled nature of medical cannabis regulation in other countries, and thus the more limited potential for population-level effects. It is notable that decriminalisation in the absence of legal regulation was evaluated in only 18 studies (15.8%), despite being far more common globally than legal regulation. These gaps may hamper evidence-based drug law reform in countries that are less well-developed, that play a substantial role in drug production and transit or that have different baseline levels of substance (mis)use as compared with the US.
Second, prevalence of use was the predominant metric used to assess the impact of drug law reform, despite its limited clinical significance (eg, much cannabis use is non-problematic) and limited responsiveness to drug policy. This is because ecological analyses have indicated little relationship between drug policies and prevalence of use, 52 as have studies assessing within-state change in use related to legal regulation. 21 These findings are supported by the preponderance of evidence synthesised in this review, although some variation is evident in relation to the specific provisions of legal reforms (eg, liberal vs tightly regulated medical markets 92 ). Impacts of legal cannabis regulation on prevalence and frequency of use continue to be evaluated, with recent data suggesting small increases among adults, but not youth. 93 Drug policies may be more able to influence the types of drugs that people use, drug-related risk behaviours and modes of drug consumption. 94 Metrics to assess these outcomes, however, were lacking in the reviewed literature. For example, only one study (0.8%) investigated whether legal regulation of cannabis was associated with changes in the mode of cannabis consumption. 72 Although the prevalence of use was often measured alongside more clinically or socially significant metrics (eg, prevalence of substance use disorders, educational outcomes among young adults), 42.2% of studies assessing substance use prevalence included that metric alone or in combination with a single drug-related attitude metric.
Third, there was a lack of alignment between the stated policy objectives of drug law reform and the metrics used to assess its impact in the scientific literature. For instance, removal of criminal sanctions to prevent their negative sequelae is a key rationale for decriminalisation and legal regulation, 12 13 95 but only four studies (3.5%) evaluated changes in drug-related criminal justice involvement following drug law reform. Similarly. improving the physical and mental health of people who (already) use drugs is a motivation for drug policy reform but no included studies examined mental or physical health outcomes (aside from substance use disorders) in this population. As a result, there is a risk that decisions on drug policy may be informed by inappropriate metrics. Promisingly, in recent months, additional studies assessing legal regulation that employ a range of criminal justice metrics have been published. 96–98 Finally, despite ample evidence of the impact of criminalisation on infectious disease transmission and acquisition risks, 5 we found no studies evaluating the impact of decriminalisation on these outcomes.
Both the included studies and our systematic review have important strengths and limitations. To our knowledge, we conducted the first review of all global literature on decriminalisation and legal regulation and applied no language restrictions. All eligible articles identified were published in English; this may reflect a paucity of evaluation research published in other languages and/or limitations of our search strategy (eg, some non-English journals may not be indexed in the 10 databases searched). In addition, we excluded grey literature, non-original research and study designs that are not suited to evaluating policy effects (eg, cross-sectional studies), but these restrictions narrowed the geographical scope of included studies. For example, two articles on Portugal were excluded as non-original research, but nevertheless provide important insight on impacts of decriminalisation. 99 100 Despite restricting eligibility to more rigorous study designs, most included studies used relatively weaker eligible designs that are known to be vulnerable to pre-existing trends and confounding; only 22.8% and 5.3%, respectively, used controlled before-and-after or interrupted time series designs to address these threats to validity. The use of these study designs may be related to limited resources for prospective drug policy evaluations, with many studies relying on publicly available, routinely collected data. That the US is unique in the extent to which data on drug use and related harms are routinely collected helps to explain its over-representation in our review. Scoping reviews inclusive of grey literature and cross-sectional designs would be valuable for describing the full range of evaluations that have been conducted globally.
While beyond the scope of our high-level synthesis, the implementation and specific provisions of drug policies vary widely. Decriminalisation policies vary in their definitions of quantities for personal use, application of administrative penalties and the extent to which the law ‘on the books’ is reflected in policing and criminal justice practice. Indeed, in some jurisdictions with nominal decriminalisation, arrests for possession of small quantities of the decriminalised drugs remain routine. 53 Legal regulation models for cannabis are also heterogeneous. For example, policies legally regulating cannabis for medical use may or may not allow for legal dispensaries, and this provision has been shown to substantially modify the impact of legal regulation on cannabis use. 101 To the extent that individual studies employed crude exposure measures (eg, presence vs absence of a law), they may have obscured context-dependent effects of drug law liberalisation. Further, the impact of drug laws on drug use and related outcomes may be limited by a lack of public awareness of the details of local laws. 102
Our use of vote-counting in this synthesis (ie, categorising individual outcome measures as indicating beneficial, harmful, mixed/subgroup-specific or no statistically significant associations) is subject to the same limitation. Vote-counting should also be interpreted with caution in light of the heterogeneity of outcome definitions, the inherent arbitrariness of statistical significance thresholds and the key distinction between statistical and clinical significance. In addition, many included studies are evaluating the same policies (eg, cannabis legalisation in western US states), sometimes using overlapping data but drawing different conclusions based on analytical choices and timeframes. The existence of multiple datapoints for a particular outcome does not imply that the outcome has been well-studied across diverse contexts such that scientific consensus on its effects has been reached. Moreover, as illustrated by a recently published extension of the included article by Bachhuber et al , 79 multiple high-quality studies may generate results that are later revealed to be spurious as additional follow-up data become availability. Specifically, Shover et al demonstrated that the positive association reported between medical cannabis legalisation and opioid overdose mortality in 1999 to 2010 reversed direction in later years, suggesting that earlier findings of a protective effect should not be given causal interpretations. 103 This was foreshadowed in the included article by Powell et al , which found that the purportedly positive effect of medical cannabis legalisation was attenuated in 2010 to 2013. 82 This scientific back-and-forth can be expected given that most included articles are evaluating legal changes introduced rather recently, and thus are examining early impacts with limited years of follow-up. Longer-term impacts of non-medical cannabis legalisation, and how they might be influenced by increased commercialisation, are yet to be seen. 104
The findings of this review indicate a need for a broadening of the metrics used to assess the impacts of drug decriminalisation and legal regulation. Given the growing number of jurisdictions considering decriminalisation or legal regulation of psychoactive drugs, 14–16 the disproportionate emphasis on metrics assessing drug use prevalence, as well as the limited geo-cultural diversity in evaluations, are concerning. Experts have called for a more fulsome approach to evaluating drug policies in line with public health and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, with attention to the full breath of health and social domains potentially impacted, including human rights and social inclusion (eg, stigma), peace and security (eg, drug market violence), development (eg, labour market participation), drug market regulation (eg, safety of the drug supply) and clinically-significant health metrics (eg, drug-related morbidity). 105 Drawing on methods such as multi-criterion decision analysis, 19 the engagement of both scientists and policymakers in priority-setting may help to produce evidence that provides a more comprehensive understanding of the breadth of impacts that should be anticipated with drug law reform efforts. Funding will also be required to support rigorous prospective evaluations of legal reforms.
Acknowledgments.
The authors would like to thank Gelareh Ghaderi for assistance with screening and data extraction.
Twitter: @aydenisaac
Presented at: Presented at the International Society for the Study of Drug Policy (May 22, 2019) and the International Harm Reduction Conference (April 29, 2019).
Contributors: DW and AIS conceptualised and supervised the review. CZ designed and conducted the literature searches. AIS drafted the manuscript. SC, ZM and AIS conducted screening and data extraction. NM contributed to drafting the manuscript and developing figures. All authors contributed to interpretation of findings and revising the manuscript for important intellectual content.
Funding: This review was supported by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) via the Canadian Research Initiative on Substance Misuse (SMN-139150), the MAC AIDS Foundation, and the Open Society Foundations. Ayden Scheim was supported by a Canadian Institutes of Health Research Postdoctoral Fellowship. Nazlee Maghsoudi is supported by a CIHR Vanier Canada Graduate Scholarship. Dan Werb is supported by a US National Institute on Drug Abuse Avenir Award (DP2- DA040256), a CIHR New Investigator Award, an Early Researcher Award from the Ontario Ministry of Research, Innovation and Science and the St Michael’s Hospital Foundation.
Map disclaimer: The depiction of boundaries on the map(s) in this article does not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of BMJ (or any member of its group) concerning the legal status of any country, territory, jurisdiction or area or of its authorities. The map(s) are provided without any warranty of any kind, either express or implied.
Competing interests: None declared.
Patient and public involvement: Patients and/or the public were not involved in the design, or conduct, or reporting, or dissemination plans of this research.
Patient consent for publication: Not required.
Provenance and peer review: Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.
Data availability statement: All relevant data are contained within the article and supplementary materials.
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Type of paper: Essay
Topic: Drugs , Drug Abuse , Emotions , Bullying , Commerce , Violence , Family , Health
Words: 1900
Published: 12/28/2019
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Drug addiction is a growing serious problem that has drastic physical and emotional effects on the user and family and a long road to recovery
Undoubtedly, drug abuse and addiction is one of the leading factors in causing psychological, emotional, and physical problems among individuals. While abuse of drugs is a disorder that causes significant problems due to the destructive patterns of drug use, drug addiction is a disease that affects individuals making them incapable of withdrawing from the use of the substance. Substances that cause euphoric feelings are more likely to be used. No finger can be pointed to specific factors as being the major factors that cause drug addiction, but several risk factors have a likelihood of developing dependencies on chemical substances. Drug addiction is a growing serious problem that has drastic physical and emotional effects on the user and family and a long road to recovery. This leads to detrimental and drastic effects to individuals with respect to the execution of their user and family functions. Equally, drug related disorders inflict misery trails to the community in addition to inflicting direct damage and harm to victim. Huge costs are often incurred in efforts aimed at reducing the challenges caused by drug related problems by the society and the government. Such costs include health care, crime, and at the worst of circumstances, death(Zimic, & Jukic, 2012).
As mentioned above, drug abuse refers to a disorder caused by the continued and destructive pattern of using drugs. Many a drug consumed in this pattern are believed to relieve users of persistent pains in addition to acting as stimulants for conditions such as Attention Deficit Disorder and relieving stress (Zimic, &Jukic, 2012).While drug abuse refers to a substance disorder, drug addiction refers to a disease characterized by dependence on substances. Drug addiction is a complex disease that affects the brain leading uncontrollable and compulsive tendencies to seek the use of drugs. This can be attributed to the effects occurring from the prolonged use of drugs. Other people may experiment with drugs less often, in very low amount,and experience little or no effect on their lives, families, and relationships. This however is not the case. No matter how little or less oftenyou engage in drug related habits, it causes some problems at the work place or elsewhere. Drug use moves from casual to problematic but varies with an individual(Zimic, & Jukic, 2012).
The addicted patient is affected emotionally, psychologically and physically in a number of ways. This change usually occurs after the addiction has taken place.Nevertheless, different patients may exhibit different problems on different levels. After a research was conducted, it was noted that most users became violent to their family members(Orford, et al, 1992). Such violence is caused by agitation because of the drug use in some cases. Conversely, such violence is experienced when the users are asking for money to go buy more drugs. A recorded case was of Sandra a woman taking part in the research who revealed that her son user once damaged the whole house and even threatened her using a machete though never hurt her in search of money to go buy more drugs. Unpredictable behavior is also change noted on addicts(Orford, et al, 1992). This is due to the mood swings caused by the drug use and especially when the drug lacks in the users body system. This is because drugs interfere with the brain and one’s ability to think clearly and controlling their behavior. This therefore results to upredictability and therefore no one can rely on the user for anything since they wouldn’t know how the patient will be the next time they are needed. Stealing or selling property is another change noted in most users(Orford, et al, 1992). This is because drug addiction is an expensive habit.Since most users are teenagers who have no means to fend the habit or adults who have lost jobs due to the addiction they result to stealing and selling property. The most affected are the family members and friends because they have easy access and have an established rapport. Once the family members realize the disappearance of processions and take caution, the addict s result to stealing from the rest of the community and that is how most of them result to crime. This leads to many addicts dying while committing crimes and they few lucky ones result in doing time. A number of addicts spend long periods in bed. This is due to the release of the dopamine hormone in the brain that makes addicts find the normal day-to-day activities of a productive human being non-welcoming. This hormone makes the patient uninterested in eating working and cleaning and only interested in keeping to themselves trying to enjoy the high of the drugs. Some may stay in bed due to the shame they fell when they meet people who know of their addiction and therefore opt to keep away.
Research has shown drug use has serious consequences on the welfare of the family and the community. The most affected are the parents and the spouses if married. There has been very little research conducted on the managing of addicts by the close family and the negative effects the drug use has on them. Majority of family members have revealed that the member’s addiction has had negative effect on their own emotional health. In most cases, the women were noted to suffer more and consequently more sortpsychiatric help. This caused family split, problems in marriage and sibling relationship. Otherfamily members recorded financial strain because of a member’s addiction. This is common in cases where the addicted was the major financial support of the family and thereby prioritizes the drug use to the family. In cases where the addict sells, the family property to support his drug use caused financial strain to the rest of the family members.Another reason is the strain caused by the expensive treatment sort to help in rehabilitating the addict especially in the absence of insurance. This entire are the expenses incurred that would have been avoided if the addict led a normal life. Betrayal and loss of trust is another form of emotional ramifications to the family members of the addicts. According to Jackson, Usher and O’Brien’s research paper, the relationship between the family members and addicts became entangled with deceit stealing, dishonesty and broken promises. The addicts can never be entrusted with family chores and responsibilities. The addicts become very good liars and though at first the family members live in denial and disbelieve on the reports brought on the deeds of the addicts, they soon accept the changes and take precautions. The addicts also take some family processions and steal money and therefore this contributes to the loss of trust and betrayal. The parents and spouses in most cases feel responsible for the addictions. This takes an emotional toll on the affected members of family with the thought that their actions pushed the addicts to these habits. Jackson, Usher, & O’Brien, (2006) attributes this to the direct affect members feel that their actions directly reflect the previous relationship they had with them. In the case of Sandra, a participant in Jackson, Usher and O’Brien’s research, her mother and sister directly apprehended her for supporting her boy but she felt she needed to do some of these things to keep him alive (Jackson, Usher, & O’Brien,2006). In the case of Betty, she felt that in the past she had been blind. She blamed herself for not noticing the addiction earlier. Another effect is the isolation, disgrace, and humiliation. This is because the shame they experienced due to the embarrassing acts of the addicts as well as their criminal activities. The members feel stigmatized, humiliated, and shame of dealing with the drug use. This makes it difficult for them to look for help and they feel that they are on their own. They carry this burden on their own and may sometimes lead to depression and other health related problems. Resentment of siblings and anger is also an effect that leads to dysfunctional family members. The addicted sibling causes conflict in the home when they take the other sibling belongings to fend for their addiction. Another cause is the abusive nature to the younger siblings as a way to release the tensionand due to the mood swings caused by the hormones secreted after the drug use. The parents become very concerned with the safety of the other siblings and most of the times choose to separate the addicted member from the other siblings causing a drift in the family relationships.
Some of the methods that the affected family members of the addicts result to at times be very beneficial while others may be very destructive to both the addicted victim and the family member. The most common coping mechanisms are control: the family member feels that there must be some way to help the addict and try to control them. This in most cases does not help the user because the develop ways to deceive the concerned family members. Avoidance is another common strategy that creates drifts in the family and keeps the other family members safe from the violent activities of the addicted member. Tolerance is coping method that is exercised by family members that feel that they might be responsible for the addiction. This however may cause the affected family member to go deep into depression. Confrontation is a method that is easiest to adopt but the most depressing fact is that the addicted members will not heed to any advice given or even care (Orford, et al, 1992). Drug addiction is a very emotional taxing complication that does notspare anyonein the community. The family members are however, the most affected and should choose the method of coping that lest affects the addicted member but they should not compromise their own life and happiness. Counseling for the affected family members is also recommended as well as support groups that will ensure an easier adoption of measures to help the addicted members in overcoming the addiction since it is the desired result.
Jackson, D., Usher, K. & O’Brien, L. (2006). Fractured families: Parental perspectives of the effects of adolescent drug abuse on family life. Contemporary Nurse 23: 321- 330 Orford, J,.Rigby, K., Miller, T., Tod, A., Bennet, G., &Velleman, R. (1992) Ways of coping with excessive drug use in the family: A provisional typology based on the accounts of 50 close relatives.Journal of Community & Applied social Psychology2:163-183 Saad, L. (2006). Families of drug and alcohol abusers pay an emotional Toll: Alcohol addiction just upsetting as drugs. Princeton, Zimic, J. I. &Jukic, V. (2012).Familial Risk Factors Favoring Drug Addiction Onset. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 44 (2): 173-185
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The Growing Threat of Illegal Drugs. (2017, Feb 03). Retrieved from https://studymoose.com/illegal-drugs-essay?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR2ztr5M0yVXWUi_IJr1ZN8ff6Are7nP9xIXfJiPnawnhMZ2owbpwiXtyp4_aem_rqfYmefFmAAQ3mT-uG5jzg
"The Growing Threat of Illegal Drugs." StudyMoose , 3 Feb 2017, https://studymoose.com/illegal-drugs-essay?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR2ztr5M0yVXWUi_IJr1ZN8ff6Are7nP9xIXfJiPnawnhMZ2owbpwiXtyp4_aem_rqfYmefFmAAQ3mT-uG5jzg
StudyMoose. (2017). The Growing Threat of Illegal Drugs . [Online]. Available at: https://studymoose.com/illegal-drugs-essay?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR2ztr5M0yVXWUi_IJr1ZN8ff6Are7nP9xIXfJiPnawnhMZ2owbpwiXtyp4_aem_rqfYmefFmAAQ3mT-uG5jzg [Accessed: 13 Sep. 2024]
"The Growing Threat of Illegal Drugs." StudyMoose, Feb 03, 2017. Accessed September 13, 2024. https://studymoose.com/illegal-drugs-essay?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR2ztr5M0yVXWUi_IJr1ZN8ff6Are7nP9xIXfJiPnawnhMZ2owbpwiXtyp4_aem_rqfYmefFmAAQ3mT-uG5jzg
"The Growing Threat of Illegal Drugs," StudyMoose , 03-Feb-2017. [Online]. Available: https://studymoose.com/illegal-drugs-essay?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR2ztr5M0yVXWUi_IJr1ZN8ff6Are7nP9xIXfJiPnawnhMZ2owbpwiXtyp4_aem_rqfYmefFmAAQ3mT-uG5jzg. [Accessed: 13-Sep-2024]
StudyMoose. (2017). The Growing Threat of Illegal Drugs . [Online]. Available at: https://studymoose.com/illegal-drugs-essay?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR2ztr5M0yVXWUi_IJr1ZN8ff6Are7nP9xIXfJiPnawnhMZ2owbpwiXtyp4_aem_rqfYmefFmAAQ3mT-uG5jzg [Accessed: 13-Sep-2024]
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Drug abuse is a widespread problem that affects every society, age group, social class, and family. The consequences of drug addiction can be devastating, including ruined relationships, loss of jobs, financial strain, and crime. Communities and governments spend billions of dollars trying to regulate drug use, treat addicts, and fight drug-related crime. To combat drug abuse, education is key. Children need to be taught about the dangers of drug abuse at home and in school. Families and counselors need to talk to at-risk children. Police departments need more resources to enforce the law and stop dealers. While the problems of drug abuse may seem difficult to eliminate, there are steps that can be taken to weaken the effects of drugs on families and society, and everyone has a role to play in the battle against drug abuse.
Problem Solution Essay
Drug abuse is widespread throughout the world. Every society, age, social class, and family has been affected by drug addiction. The government spends billions of dollars trying to regulate drug use, treat addicts, and battle drug-related crime. Drugs affect nearly everyone and need to be fought better.
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Drug abuse causes many struggles for families and communities. Addicts are often too sick, to function as normal, liable members of a family or of society (“Addiction Science”). For instance, they ruin their relationships with their families and drain resources; especially if they require costly treatment or hospitalization (“Addiction Science”). Addicts can lose their jobs and, have no income to support themselves or anyone depending on them. Children and teens who abuse drugs become more distant from their families and do not have a healthy relationship with them. A second problem of drug abuse is the crimes committed by addicts. Increased police time and effort are needed to fight smuggling and dealing illicit drugs.
Communities continue to fight to find ways to prevent drug abuse and to help rehabilitate addicts. Dealing with drug problems takes up the police departments resources as well as the communities’. Because many cities and communities are struggling financially, adding more police protection, puts a strain on the citizens through taxes. Despite these difficulties, drugs can be fought.
Education is our best hope and effort. Children need to be taught at home and in school about the menace of drug abuse. For example, discussions around the dinner table, family events, and school programs and activities in health classes can give children information to help them stay away from drug use. Families and counselors need to talk to the kids at risk of drug abuse, or any path or decisions that could lead to drug abuse. Another approach to the problem of drug abuse is to increase police resources enforce the law and stop dealers. Statistics show the bigger the drug problem in a community, the bigger its crime rate (“International Statistics”). Even though the cost of adding more police may hurt a community and its citizens financially, protecting its children from drug abuse and cutting down on drug-related crimes is worth it.
Although the problems of drug abuse may seem difficult to eliminate or control, there are steps that can be taken to weaken the effects of drugs on families and on society. Parents, teachers, and communities must take steps to educate children about the harmfulness of drug abuse and need to offer safe, fun activities for children at risk to do to keep them healthy. Also, police departments must be provided with more resources and community support to fight drug-related crimes. If we are to win the war on drugs, everyone must understand that they have a role in the battle and in its success.
Works Cited
“Addiction Science.” National Institute On Drug Abuse. NIH. December 2012. Web. 12 April 2013. “International Statistics.” Foundation For A Drug Free World. 2008. Web. 12 April 2013.
https://graduateway.com/problem-solution-essay-drug-abuse/
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Ielts essay # 1160 - youth drug abuse is a serious problem, ielts writing task 2/ ielts essay:, youth drug abuse is a serious problem., what are the possible causes of this behaviour what could be done to control that.
Home — Essay Samples — Law, Crime & Punishment — Drugs Legalization — Effects of Drugs on Society
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In conclusion, youth drug abuse is a serious problem that requires a multi-faceted approach to control. By understanding the possible causes and implementing effective strategies to prevent and treat drug abuse, we can help young people to avoid the negative consequences of drug use and lead healthy, productive lives. Sample Answer 2:
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