essay on media and corruption

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The role of the media in fighting corruption

• Access to information: a condition for citizen participation
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• Topic 1. Contemporary issues relating to conditions conducive both to the spread of terrorism and the rule of law
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• Thematic Areas
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• Acknowledgements
• 1. Introducing United Nations Standards & Norms on CPCJ vis-à-vis International Law
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• 1. Definition of Crime Prevention
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• 1. Policing in democracies & need for accountability, integrity, oversight
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• 2. Current Trends, Challenges & Human Rights
• 3. Towards Humane Prisons & Alternative Sanctions
• 1. Aims and Significance of Alternatives to Imprisonment
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• 3. Pretrial Alternatives
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• 1. Concept, Values and Origin of Restorative Justice
• 2. Overview of Restorative Justice Processes
• 3. How Cost Effective is Restorative Justice?
• 4. Issues in Implementing Restorative Justice
• 1. Gender-Based Discrimination & Women in Conflict with the Law
• 2. Vulnerabilities of Girls in Conflict with the Law
• 3. Discrimination and Violence against LGBTI Individuals
• 4. Gender Diversity in Criminal Justice Workforce
• 1. Ending Violence against Women
• 2. Human Rights Approaches to Violence against Women
• 3. Who Has Rights in this Situation?
• 4. What about the Men?
• 5. Local, Regional & Global Solutions to Violence against Women & Girls
• 1. Understanding the Concept of Victims of Crime
• 2. Impact of Crime, including Trauma
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• 4. Collecting Victim Data
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• 6. Victim Services: Institutional and Non-Governmental Organizations
• 7. Outlook on Current Developments Regarding Victims
• 8. Victims of Crime and International Law
• 1. The Many Forms of Violence against Children
• 2. The Impact of Violence on Children
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• 4. Improving the Prevention of Violence against Children
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• 6. Addressing Violence against Children within the Justice System
• 1. The Role of the Justice System
• 2. Convention on the Rights of the Child & International Legal Framework on Children's Rights
• 3. Justice for Children
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• 1a. Judicial Independence as Fundamental Value of Rule of Law & of Constitutionalism
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• Basics of Computing
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• Framing the Issue of Firearms
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• International and National Responses
• Typology and Classification of Firearms
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• Parts and Components
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• Organized Crime and Organized Criminal Groups
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• International Response
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• Defining Organized Crime
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• Comparing SOM and TIP
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• Wild Flora as the Target of Illegal Trafficking
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• How is it Done and Who is Involved?
• Consequences of Harms to Wild Flora
• Terminology
• Background: Communities and conservation: A history of disenfranchisement
• Incentives for communities to get involved in illegal wildlife trafficking: the cost of conservation
• Incentives to participate in illegal wildlife, logging and fishing economies
• International and regional responses that fight wildlife trafficking while supporting IPLCs
• Mechanisms for incentivizing community conservation and reducing wildlife trafficking
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• Global Podcast Series
• Apr. 2021: Call for Expressions of Interest: Online training for academics from francophone Africa
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• Anti-Corruption
• Module 10: Citizen Participation in Anti-Corruption Efforts
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University Module Series: Anti-Corruption

Module 10: citizen participation in anti-corruption efforts.

  This module is a resource for lecturers  

The media (including social media) has an important role in the fight against corruption as it can demand accountability and transparency from the public and private sectors. There are several studies that have demonstrated the correlation between press freedom and corruption (Bolsius, 2012; Brunetti and Weder, 2003; Chowdhury, 2004; Fardig, Andersson, and Oscarsson, 2011). The media provides information on public sector corruption where governmental activity is opaque by design or by default. The media, and in particular investigative journalism, plays a crucial role in exposing corruption to public scrutiny and fighting against impunity. This is set out in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) report on the role of the media and investigative journalism (2018). A prominent example of international cooperation activities that brought fraud and corruption to the attention of the public and law enforcement authorities is offered by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ). The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) publication Reporting on Corruption: A Resource Tool for Governments and Journalists (2014) examines and elucidates good practices in the journalism profession and in legislation promoting broader freedoms of opinion and expression that can support anti-corruption efforts.

In many countries, the media confronts unethical people or practices and may often be the catalyst for a criminal or other investigation. For instance, in South Africa, news reports on large-scale corruption and clientelism at the highest levels prompted the Office of the Public Protector (an independent ombudsman) to investigate the allegations. This investigation led to the 2014 Nkandla report and the 2016 State Capture report which found unethical and illegal activity by the then President Jacob Zuma, which contributed to his decision to resign in February 2018. In Bulgaria, in 2019, a joint investigation by Radio Free Europe and the NGO Anti-Corruption Fund revealed that many high-level politicians and public officials had acquired luxury apartments at prices far below the market rates. This investigation led to the resignation of the then Justice Minister, three vice-ministers, several MPs as well as the head of the Bulgarian Anti-Corruption Agency. These types of outcome have been described by Stapenhurst (2000) as the "tangible effects" of the media's fight against corruption, while the "intangible effects" of media anti-corruption efforts include "enhanced political pluralism, enlivened political debate and a heightened sense of accountability among politicians, institutions and public bodies".

Media reports on corruption have also taken centre stage at the global level. A case that demonstrates the importance of journalists and the media in detecting incidents of corruption is the Mossack Fonseca Papers case (widely known as the Panama Papers case). In 2015, an anonymous source leaked documents from the Panama-based firm Mossack Fonseca to the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung . The newspaper investigated the documents with the help of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) and published over 11.5 million documents containing information about secret trusts, financial transactions with tax havens, and more than 200,000 offshore entities (the online database Offshoreleaks , created by ICIJ, provides open access to all papers leaked from Mossack Fonseca). The release of these documents has led to lawsuits in numerous countries around the world. Over USD 1.2 billion have been recovered in countries including Iceland, Uruguay, Mexico, New Zealand, Belgium and the United Kingdom. See the list of countries that have launched investigations as a result of the Mossack Fonseca Papers and how much money they have recovered here . For further information also consider this interactive overview by the ICIJ on the impact that the exposure of the papers had on corruption around the world.

Stapenhurst (2000) distinguishes tangible (direct) and intangible (indirect) ways in which the media assists in detecting corruption. Examples of tangible effects of exposing corruption in the media include: fuelling public outrage at corruption in government, forcing the impeachment and resignation of a corrupt official, prompting formal investigations into corruption, and spurring citizen pressure for the reform of corrupt States. An example of an intangible effect of the media on corruption is raising public awareness about weak economic competition, and the fact that more competition could increase accountability and create incentives for public officials to investigate corruption (Stapenhurst, 2000).

The extent to which journalists can assist in detecting corruption depends on whether the media is free and independent. For media reporting and journalism to play an effective role in corruption detection, the media has to be free and independent. Freedom of information (FOI) laws are important in determining the role of the media in detecting corruption. Further, there must be legislative frameworks in place to protect journalists and their sources from unfounded lawsuits, recrimination and victimization (OECD, 2018). On the extreme end of the scale, whistle-blowers and journalists have been killed for their role in exposing corruption (see here and here ). UNODC has developed the following resource tool for reporting on corruption for journalists and governments. For a broad discussion of ethics, integrity and the media, see Module 10 of the E4J University Module Series on Integrity and Ethics.

Despite the importance and utility of the media in the fight against corruption, media ownership may undermine anti-corruption efforts, especially where politicians, business leaders or corrupt elites unduly influence the media. In such cases, media reporting may be biased and used to manipulate citizens (Freille, Harque, and Kneller, 2007). Investigative journalists have reported intimidation, attempts to undermine their professional credibility and political represions. Moreover, journalists often receive death threats and some have been killed because of their investigations on corruption (OECD, 2018). According to a report of the Committee to Protect Journalists, 34 journalists were murdered in 2018 alone. Freelance journalists are more exposed to violence than other journalists, probably because they lack adequate institutional protection (OECD, 2018) and are also more likely to take higher risk jobs. Moreover, private media owners or the State may heavily interfere with freedom of expression.

Social media is considered more widely accessible, and more resistant to top-down control compared to traditional media. Social media fights corruption by providing information in the form of analysis, commentary and advocacy and through investigations and crowdsourcing. Social media provides an outlet for so-called "citizen journalism" as there are several social media platforms where citizens can provide information on corruption, which is then investigated by government authorities or journalists. Social media may also mobilize public opinion in a way that increases citizen engagement with particular issues (Robertson, 2018), and, on reaching a certain level, this can lead to uprisings and changes in government, as has occurred in several countries such as Tunisia , Egypt and Armenia through activism on Twitter (Enikolopov, Petrova, and Sonin, 2018). Notwithstanding the positive effect that social media can have in engaging citizens in the fight against corruption, it should be taken into consideration that the contemporary mass media platforms are vulnerable to abuse, which can lead to the sustained spread of disinformation among citizens. In particular, the growing prevalence of false information spread via social media - known as "fake news" - has become a major threat to public trust in both mainstream and independent media outlets. Fake news not only disseminates incorrect information, but is also often used with malicious intent, for example to discredit political adversaries by casting doubt on their integrity through weaponized reports alleging corrupt conduct, or to discredit journalists who report cases of corruption accurately (Kossow, 2018). Countering such abuses requires the coordinated efforts of the whole society, which again brings to mind the collective action problems mentioned earlier. For additional discussion on citizen journalism and social media platforms see Module 10 of the E4J University Module Series on Integrity and Ethics.

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Please note you do not have access to teaching notes, the relationship between the media and corruption: perspectives of ghanaian justice and anti-corruption officials.

International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy

ISSN : 0144-333X

Article publication date: 25 March 2024

Issue publication date: 24 June 2024

The media is described as a fourth estate of the realm due to its ability to frame and shape discussions on governance and provide a stimulus for fighting corruption. But is the media really an effective tool for fighting corruption? This question arises due to the possibility of the media being used for propaganda, biased reporting and media owners’ and journalists’ engagement in corruption. The current study addresses the question by exploring the relationship between the media and corruption from the perspectives of Ghanaian justice and anti-corruption officials.

Design/methodology/approach

The study adopts a qualitative approach by interviewing justice and anti-corruption officials across three administrative regions in Ghana.

The results show that while justice officials describe the media as a medium for accusing officials unjustifiably and exaggerating the scale of corruption, anti-corruption officials believe the media helps to fight corruption. In addition to uncovering and exposing public officials’ corruption, the media is also a double-edged sword characterised by intra-vigilance: the media hold “their own” (i.e. journalists fighting corruption) accountable through criticism and exposure of wrongdoings.

Practical implications

The double-edged nature of the media can strengthen and enhance the fight against corruption because anti-corruption actors and journalists will be cautious as misjudgements or errors committed will not be overlooked or concealed by the media. Therefore, anti-corruption agencies in Ghana can collaborate with the media to uncover and expose corruption committed by public officials and even journalists or media owners.

Originality/value

This study is the first in Ghana to explore the relationship between the media and corruption from the perspectives of justice and anti-corruption officials. The approach, frameworks and methodology adopted in this study can be applied in similar studies in other countries on the African continent and beyond.

• Justice officials
• Anti-Corruption officials

Acknowledgements

The author thanks Dr Nana K. Agyeman of Sheffield Hallam University for his critical and useful comments and suggestions during the preparation of the paper.

Amagnya, M.A. (2024), "The relationship between the media and corruption: perspectives of Ghanaian justice and anti-corruption officials", International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy , Vol. 44 No. 7/8, pp. 689-705. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJSSP-02-2024-0082

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Using Media to Fight Corruption

WORKING PAPER

Anne-Katrin Arnold, Sumir Lal 2012

The fight against corruption needs to be fought on several fronts. Institutional reform—legislation and oversight—is one, but it will not be successful if it is not embedded in a broad change of culture. Corrupt practices are often embedded in institutional practices and every-day lives and are perceived as fixed and uncontestable. Citizens are not aware of their rights, are cynical about governments’ propensity to abuse power, fear repercussions, or are simply not aware that corruption is a social, economic, and political problem. The media—traditional mass media as well as new technologies—can play a vital role in unveiling corruption, framing corruption as public problem, suggesting solutions, and generally empower citizens to fight corruption. Media are watchdogs, agenda setters, and gatekeepers that can monitor the quality of governance, frame the discussion about corruption, and lend voice to a wide range of perspectives and arguments. By doing so, media coverage influences norms and cultures, which in turn can influence policy-making and legislative reform. Examples from India and the Philippines, among other places, show that media effects the range from public awareness of corruption to massive protests against the abuse of power. Those in the international community whose work is dedicated to the fight against corruption need to be aware of the power of the media to aid this fight and need to know how to utilize its potential. This paper provides an overview over the basic principles of media effects and illustrates these with a few case studies before presenting specific techniques of involving the media in the fight against grand corruption and every-day corruption.

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Your ticket for the: Using Media to Fight Corruption

U4 Helpdesk Answer

Media and corruption.

The media can play a paramount role in exposing corruption and initiating legal, political and penal action against it. Different media genres unfold their respective strengths and show their limits as anti-corruption tools depending on the levels at which they take effect, on the audiences they address, and on the broader media ecosystem on which they rely.

Main points

• The media can inform and educate people about the detrimental effects of corruption and, through exposure, increase the political risk of those involved in corrupt practices.
• Fierce competition for audiences means some media outlets aim to entertain and amuse than to inform and mobilise people for reform.
• Professional ethics and skills, protection from oppression and physical abuse, independence, sufficient resources and accessibility are necessary for the media to have an effect on anti-corruption efforts.

Reviewed by

In collaboration with.

Transparency International

Cite this publication

Schauseil, W. (2019) Media and corruption. Bergen: U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, Chr. Michelsen Institute (U4 Helpdesk Answer 2019:3)

All views in this text are the author(s)’, and may differ from the U4 partner agencies’ policies.

This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence ( CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 )

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Overview of corruption in the media in developing countries

Media and corruption

Research on political corruption suggests that a primary contributor to good governance (and through that broadly shared economic growth) is a free press that informs and invigorates lively but respectful political discourse and high electoral participation. This essay summarizes this research, recent trends in media ownership and investigative journalism, and increasing problems with crony capitalism. This includes research documenting a gap in political knowledge between the US and Europe, and things people can do today to help improve democracy in the U.S. and elsewhere.

• 1 Better media means less corruption
• 2 Trends in media ownership and investigative journalism
• 3.1 Media and US law
• 3.2 Media and economic growth
• 3.3 Media and national defense
• 3.4 City of Bell scandal
• 4 Policy implications
• 5 How can humans combat crony capitalism?
• 6 References

Better media means less corruption

Econometric research has found that countries with greater press freedom tend to have less corruption. [ 2 ] Conversely, a study of “The Impact of Newspaper Closures on Public Finance” concluded that “Financing Dies in Darkness”. [ 3 ] More specifically, “borrowing costs increase by 5 to 11 basis points in the long run.” Regarding corruption and economic growth, Aghion et al. conclude that, "Reducing corruption provides the largest potential impact for welfare gain through its impact on the uses of tax revenues." [ 4 ]

Greater political accountability and lower corruption were more likely where newspaper consumption was higher in data from roughly 100 countries and from different states in the US. [ 5 ] A "poor fit between newspaper markets and political districts reduces press coverage of politics. ... Congressmen who are less covered by the local press work less for their constituencies: they are less likely to stand witness before congressional hearings ... . Federal spending is lower in areas where there is less press coverage of the local members of congress." [ 6 ] This was supported by an analysis of the consequences of the closure of the Cincinnati Post in 2007. The following year, "fewer candidates ran for municipal office in the Kentucky suburbs most reliant on the Post , incumbents became more likely to win reelection, and voter turnout and campaign spending fell. [ 7 ]

An analysis of the evolution of mass media in the US and Europe since World War II noted mixed results from the growth of the Internet: "The digital revolution has been good for freedom of expression [and] information [but] has had mixed effects on freedom of the press": It has disrupted traditional sources of funding, and new forms of Internet journalism have replaced only a tiny fraction of what's been lost. [ 8 ]

Social media is great for “microsegmenting” the audience for the benefit of advertisers. This exploits fundamental defects in how people think and make decisions, documented in Thinking, Fast and Slow , summarizing the research for which Daniel Kahneman won the 2002 Nobel memorial prize in economics -- even though he's a psychologist, not an economist. [ 9 ] The results can be alternatively described as “Balkanizing” the body politic for the benefit of selected elites, reflected, e.g., in the Brexit vote and the 2016 US presidential election: But it's not just Cambridge Analytica: These techniques are employed by other companies and possibly also by cyberwarfare units of the militaries of major countries. [ 10 ] [ 11 ] [ 12 ] [ 13 ]

Trends in media ownership and investigative journalism

The ownership of the media have become increasingly concentrated in recent decades. Since 1997, the number of media conglomerates decreased from fifty to five. [ 14 ] In the US , a "five-year study of investigative journalism on TV news completed in 2002 determined that investigative journalism has all but disappeared from the nation's commercial airways. [ 15 ] Many journalists have moved to "public relations," where they now write "press releases" favoring their clients. In 1960, there was one PR specialist for every professional journalist in the US; in 2012, there were four PR specialists for every journalist. [ 16 ] Research in the US, Britain and Australia found that over half of reports in leading newspapers and television "were based solely on press releases", [ 17 ] a phenomenon called churnalism . Meanwhile, the average daily audience for television news in the US fell from 52.1 million in 1980 to 23.2 million in 2010. [ 18 ]

While the funding and the audience for television news and newspapers has been declining, non-pofits devoted to investigative journalism are attempting to fill this gap. Some are members of the Institute for Nonprofit News (INN) and / or the Online News Association (ONA). However, their funding is less than a tenth of the "estimated $1.6 billion in annual reporting and editing capacity" of the US (roughly 30 percent) lost between 2000 and 2011. [ 19 ] [ 8 ]

Herman and Chomsky claimed that the mainstream media exist to manufacture consent for the elite consensus. [ 20 ] Media organizations sell behavior change in their audience to their funders (advertisers for the commercial media). Many advertisers perform experiments, advertising in some markets but not others . This allows them to measure the behavior change they purchased.

One result of this trend is a decrease in knowledge of current affairs in the US relative to Europe documented in surveys summarized in the accompanying figure. College graduates in the US were answered correctly roughly 70 percent of questions about political issues as people with the equivalent of high school in Denmark and Finland, while high school graduates in the US could only answer roughly 30 percent of the same questions. The primary difference was funding for mass media, according to McChesney and Nichols (2010): This was $1.35 per person in the US in 2007 vs. the equivalent of $101 in Denmark and Finland. The United Kingdom was in between: They spent the equivalent of $80 per person, and Brits with roughly 12th grade educations correctly answered almost 60 percent of the questions on average.

This does not mean that the government should decide which media organization should get government subsidies. Rather, it suggests that any nation that values democracy – and reductions in political corruption – should find a way to subsidize mass media. This supports concerns expressed by the founders of the new United States when drafting its current constitution in 1787: The founders believed that the new republic might not survive without vibrant political debate among voters. To encourage this, the founders provided exceptionally low postal rates for newspapers delivered by the new U.S. Postal Service . [ 21 ] Various systems have been proposed for increasing citizen involvement in funding investigative journalism ; these will be discussed further after an enhanced description of problems with crony capitalism.

Crony capitalism

The previous section discussed how advertisers get a return on the investments in marketing communications. But major advertisers want more than merely selling more products or services: They don't want to feed the mouth that bites them, e.g., by publicizing their efforts to obtain favors from government. They also don't want information disseminated questioning product or workplace safety or environmental problems associated with their operations.

Conservatives like Grover Norquist and liberals like Ralph Nader agree that crony capitalism / corporate welfare should be limited. [ 22 ] Estimates of the cost of crony capitalism in the United States have ranged from $100 billion per year [ 23 ] ($1,200 per family per year) to $39,000 per family per year (over $100 per day) . For example, US anti-trust law requires congressional approval of major corporate mergers and acquisitions that might reduce competition. These mergers are usually approved without substantive analysis or commentary disseminated by major media outlets. These mergers and acquisitions have made it easier for the larger corporations to engage in numerous activities not available to smaller competitors:

• Larger corporations often export profits to low-tax countries. [ 24 ]
• Larger companies can more easily obtain subsidies from governments eager for new facilities on the claims of increased employment often fail to provide the promised benefits the big businesses claim. [ 25 ] [ 26 ]
• Fewer producers means higher prices for consumers.
• Fewer employers means reduced competition for labor and lower wages.

Media and US law

The US tax code and other laws are written primarily of, by and for major political campaign contributors, [ 27 ] [ 28 ] and very few details of this process are exposed by the media.

Data from the Tax Foundation plotted in the accompanying figure shows that US tax law and regulations currently exceed 10 million words and has been growing at the rate of roughly 150,000 words per year at least since 1955, when this number was just under 1.4 million words. Something happened between 1945 and 1955 to dramatically increase the rate at which new words have been added to the tax code. To see this, we note that If we extend this trend backwards from 1955, we get a negative number of words in tax code and regulations in 1945. That's clearly incorrect.

It would be interesting to understand what happened to increase the rate of addition of new words. One fairly obvious explanation is that big businesses in that period found that a way of dealing with the high official tax rates of that era is to lobby for special exemptions for their industry or business. The media play a role in this by only rarely reporting on any of the details. As with Trump, they have a conflict of interest in providing balanced news coverage of this and any other favors big businesses try to get from government: It's hard to get repeat business biting the hands that feed you. Beyond that, the major media conglomerates in the US are primary beneficiaries of this resulting political corruption .

Media and economic growth

More subtle and insidious are the reductions in economic growth that flow from reduced spending on new products and processes that typically follow major mergers. [ 29 ] Similarly, changes in copyright laws in recent decades have made it easier for media giants to prevail in strategic lawsuits against public participation . For example, attorneys for MP3.com were sued because they "should have known" that customers could not legally use MP3's service to access in different ways music they had already purchased. Venture capitalists supporting Napster were sued for essentially the same reason.

The supporters of MP3 and Napster lost not on legal merits but because they did not have the millions of dollars a legal defense would have required. Constitutional law scholar Lawrence Lessig suggested that this stifles innovation, thereby slowing economic growth, the exact opposite of the letter and intent of the Copyright Clause of the U.S. Constitution. ( The Supreme Court denied Lessig's constitutionality argument .)

Seemingly minor differences in rates of economic growth can convert a technology leader to a follower and vice versa after a few decades. Leaders tend to enjoy higher rates of employment in higher quality jobs.

Media and national defense

The US system of funding media from advertising may also substantially increase the cost of national defense and foreign policy by making the world more dangerous. This claim is so different from the mainstream that it requires substantial justification. One example is the "935 lies" by seven of the top Bush administration officials that justified the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. [ 30 ] In disseminating those lies major media might be described as cheerleaders to the point that leading media personalities were fired for trying to provide air time to experts who claimed that there was no evidence that Saddam Hussein had the weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) that were the official reason for the US-led invasion. [ 31 ] After coalition forces failed to find evidence of the WMDs, President Bush jokingly looked for WMDs under his desk in the Oval Office. [ 32 ]

More recently the official UK Iraq Inquiry , published 6 July 2016, concluded that the Blair government had overstated the threat from Saddam Hussein. In so doing, it contradicted the Hutton Inquiry , whose finding supporting Blair led to the resignations of Gilligan, Davies and Dyke.

The G. W. Bush administration's claims of Iraqi WMD were out of date but otherwise not without merit: An episode of Frontline that originally aired Sept. 11, 1990 (a decade before G. W. Bush's election) documented how the U.S. and European governments, as well as Western corporations, helped Iraq build a "massive arsenal of tanks, planes, missiles, and chemical weapons during the 1980s." [ 33 ] These weapons were used against US troops in the 1990-91 Gulf War , as documented in the 1994 Riegle Report of the U.S. Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs with Respect to Export Administration .

The point here is that the mainstream commercial media in the US had a conflict of interest in disseminating information about this in the 1980s: Some major advertisers were making money from direct sales of military technology to Iraq. The positions of other business leaders are less clear.

However, many US business leaders were probably happy to see the 1953 Iranian coup , which replaced a democratic government there with the Shah, because the democratic government had confiscated the property of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (APOC) . The Iranian government justified its actions by pointing to the refusal of the APOC to to submit their financial accounts for an audit, and the Iranian government believed that the APOC had paid them substantially less than their contractual obligation.

US international business interests were almost certainly threatened by the expropriation and likely happy to see the democratic government replaced by the autocratic Shah. The 1953 Iranian coup is rarely mentioned in the US media, and when it is, the refusal of APOC to submit to an audit is rarely if ever mentioned. To do otherwise could offend people in major businesses who control substantial advertising contracts with major US media corporations. Similar things could be said about the 1949 Syrian coup , as the democratic government it replaced had opposed the Trans-Arabian Pipeline . The Syrian portion of that project was quickly approved by the new government.

The Wikipedia article on " Covert United States foreign regime change actions " lists five democracies destroyed by coups secretly organized by the US. Among repressive regimes, the U.S. has traditionally supported those considered friendly to U.S. international business interests and opposed those that seemed more concerned with the welfare of their own people, as suggested by the Wikipedia article on " United States support of authoritarian regimes ".

City of Bell scandal

A striking example is the City of Bell scandal : Bell, California, is a city of some 35,000 lower middle class area in Los Angeles County. Around 1999 the local newspaper died. At that point, in essence, the City Manager decide, "Wow: The watchdog died. Let's have a party." By 2010 the city was almost bankrupted in spite of having some of the highest tax rates in the nation. The City Manager reportedly had the highest income of any public employee in the nation, over a million dollars a year, over double the salary of the President of the US. The Chief of Police and many of the members of the City Council had similarly outstanding compensation packages. Around that time, some investigative journalists started reporting on the situation, and the city now has a different City Manager, Chief of Police, and Council.

Policy implications

The previous analysis suggests that the world needs more substantive investigative journalism to question crony capitalism in real time and encourage responsible citizens to demand more careful evaluation of critical issues that benefit those who control advertising and political campaign budgets against the interests of the rest of humanity.

If the previous analysis is accurate, it validates Thomas Jefferson's observation of a tendency for "The functionaries of every government ... to command at will the liberty and property of their constituents. There is no safe deposit [for liberty and property] without information. Where the press is free, and every man able to read, all is safe."

This analysis suggests that concerned individuals may wish to consider the following policy issues:

• Net neutrality : The Internet gives voice to the voiceless in ways that challenge existing elites. It has been used to disseminate hate speech as well as more constructive political messages and to help people organize for good and ill. Mainstream media have been losing audience share to new (Internet-based) media . In addition to the direct threat to the existing mainstream media, this poses an indirect threat to other elites who have relied on the dominant media to manufacture consent for their programs. If net neutrality is blocked, it will reduce the prospects for democracy and make it easier for traditional demagogues blessed by the established media to stampede the public into ill advised actions.
• Protect journalists : US journalist James Risen has been threatened with imprisonment for refusing to identify sources for some of the things he has published. [ 34 ] Obama administration officials who tried to imprison Risen claimed that his actions threaten national security. A counter argument asserts that Risen's and similar publications threaten national security less than the secrets they exposed (e.g., US complicity in coups like those described above). [ 35 ]
• Citizen funded journalism : The survey results cited above suggests a need to increase funding for investigative journalism in the US from the current $1.35 per person per year to something closer to the $101 in Denmark and Finland – or even higher – but to do it in a way that limits the ability of politicians to punish journalists who expose too much. This can be done in various ways including counting valid clicks on web sites and providing tax rebates or matching funds for small dollar contributions to organizations devoted to investigative journalism. Bruce Ackerman proposed "Internet news vouchers" that ask Internet users to "click a box whenever they read a news article that contributes to their political understanding. ... [A] National Endowment for Journalism ... would compensate the news organization originating the article on the basis of a strict mathematical formula: the more clicks, the bigger the check from the Endowment." [ 36 ] [ 37 ] Dan Hind proposed "public commissioning" of news, where "Journalists, academics and citizen researchers would post proposals for funding" investigative journalism on a particular issue with a public trust funded from taxes or license fees. "These proposals would be made available online and in print in municipal libraries and elsewhere. ... The public would then vote for the proposals it wanted to support. [ 38 ] McChesney recommended "letting every American of the age of eighteen direct up to $200 of government money annually to any nonprofit medium of his or her choice. The only conditions would be that the recipient be a recognized nonprofit, that the recipient do no commercial advertising, and that whatever is produced by the subsidy be posted online immediately, made available at no charge, and enter the public domain." [ 39 ] McChesney and Nichols noted that Generals Eisenhower and MacArthur forced the German and Japanese governments after World War II to subsidize investigative journalism, which they still do. In the summer of 1945, Eisenhower “called in German reporters and told them he wanted a free press. If he made decisions that they disagreed with, he wanted them to say so in print. The reporters having been under the Nazi regime since 1933, were astonished”. McChesney and Nichols compared that with the occupation of Iraq following the US-led overthrow of Saddam Hussein , which accepted no criticism. [ 40 ] If the analysis of this essay is accurate, the lack of a free press in Iraq since 2003 has contributed materially to the current problems in that region.
• Restrict secrecy : Leading government officials claim that their effectiveness in crafting public policy is substantially reduced by excessive interference from concerned citizens. Many international agreements may not be possible if the negotiators cannot keep secret their negotiating strategy. With logic like this, the G. W. Bush and Obama administrations have claimed that national security would be jeopardized if current draft trade agreements were published. Of course, major campaign contributors have access. While this raises questions about the meaning of "national security," classification decisions can only be challenged in three ways: (a) Congressional oversight committees, who rarely do so out of fear of being shunned by campaign contributors or pilloried in the media. (b) Journalists, whose only protection is the hope that an engaged electorate will make it politically unacceptable for attorneys general to prosecute. (c) Whistle-blowers willing to put their lives on the line to place their oath of office, "to protect the constitution," above the risks of imprisonment or exile. Because of the 1953 U.S. Supreme Court decision in United States v. Reynolds , judges in the U.S. do not allowed defendants or plaintiffs to challenge administration assertions of national security. This is a problem, because history records numerous examples where claims of national security were fraudulently used to cover up ineptitude and criminality. If the previous analysis is correct the vast majority of humanity would be better off if plaintiffs and defendants were allowed to challenge claims of national security. [ 35 ]

How can humans combat crony capitalism?

The above analysis suggests that crony capitalism is a major problem, and the primary antidote is to increase both the demand for and supply of investigative journalism. How can this be accomplished?

• Protect net neutrality : An important current issue is the current attack on net neutrality represented by Verizon Communications Inc. v. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) and the January 14, 2014, decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit that vacated portions of the FCC Open Internet Order 2010. The FCC responded by issuing a tentative ruling to allow Internet service providers like Verizon to provide different levels of service, with faster delivery speeds reserved for web sites that would pay extra. A primary question (as of fall 2014) is whether Internet Service Providers are "common carriers" or "information services": Since the 1960s US law has prohibited "common carriers" from providing different levels of service to different users. If ISPs are "information services," they can charge content providers for delivering their data to end users. [ 41 ] The major ISPs are oligopolies that already have allegedly abused their powers in ways that harm consumers. Proponents of net neutrality claim that the abuse will get substantially worse if the FCC classifies ISPs as "information services". Concerned citizens can support organizations actively working to block this ruling. Some of the organizations leading protests against the proposed rule (and supporting net neutrality more generally are Fight for the Future , battleforthenet.com , FreePress.net , Electronic Frontier Foundation , Demand Progress , Common Cause , and United Republic .
• Protect journalists : The closer investigative journalists get to exposing questionable practices in government, the more dangerous their work becomes. Concerned citizens can get involved with organizations concerned with protecting journalists such as Freedom of the Press Foundation , the Electronic Frontier Foundation , IFEX , the Committee to Protect Journalists , and Reporters Without Borders .
• Citizen funded journalism : Unlike the other implications suggested by this analysis, proposals for citizen funding of journalism have so far not generated a substantive grass roots movement in the US. Many independent investigative journalism organizations belong to the Investigative News Network and the Online News Association . Organizations concerned about this issue include Free Press , which has organized the National Conferences for Media Reform . Citizens concerned about this issue can also support other electoral reform initiatives including the following: (a) Overturn the Citizens United decision of the US Supreme court. Move to Amend is focused solely on this issue. Many other organizations support a range of proposals in that area. (b) Greater transparency in how political campaigns are funded such as the DISCLOSE Acts that failed in the 111th and 112th Congresses (2009-2012) and counterparts at the state level. [ 42 ] (c) Improve the availability of data on campaign finance and lobbying; for sources of data on this, see the "Sources of data" section of the Wikipedia article on Campaign finance in the United States . Without waiting for substantive changes in how elections and media are funded individuals can ask more questions about the funding of the media they consume. They can consume less media funded by advertisers and more media funded by individuals and foundations that seem more concerned with reality than a political agenda. Individuals can also seek vigorous but respectful political discourse with people with whom they may not agree. Nader's book "Unstoppable" describes many examples of Left-Right alliances "to dismantle the corporate state". [ 43 ] Many of these were blocked by corporate propaganda. Nader describes ways that common citizens can collaborate effectively with those of other political persuasions on issues of common concern. Let's make "talking politics" the national (or international) sport. To do this, we must learn to listen without judgment, to accept others where they are, and look for common ground without trying to convince the others that our "truths" are better than theirs.
• Socialize Internet monopolies and oligopolies that threaten democracy : Markets dominated by monopolies, oligopolies and cartels are not free. [ 44 ] Media scholar Robert McChesney said that the Chicago school laissez-faire champion Henry C. Simons “argued that it was imperative -- for both genuine free enterprise and democracy -- that monopolistic firms be broken into smaller competitive units, or, if that was impossible, as with utilities and railroads, that they should be 'socialized' and directed by the government in a transparent manner.” [ 45 ] McChesney said we should “End the ISP Cartel” [ 46 ] and socialize the “monopolistic titans like Google, Apple, Amazon, Facebook, eBay, Microsoft, Intel, Cicso, Oracle, and Qualcomm,” following Simmons' recommendation. [ 47 ] McChesney claimed that Verizon, AT&T and Comcast “dominate the field of telephony and Internet access, and have set up what is in effect a cartel. They no longer compete with each other in any meaningful sense. As a result, Americans pay far more for cellphone and broadband Internet access than most citizens in other advanced nations and get much lousier service. 'They're making a ton of money,' one telecommunication executive said about the cartel members in 2013. 'They're picking the pockets of consumers.'” [ 48 ] “These are not 'free market' companies ... . Their business model ... has always been capturing government monopoly licenses for telephone and cable TV services. Their 'competitive advantage' ... has been world-class lobbying. It was that power that made it possible for them to merge endlessly into corporate goliaths and permitted them to quietly overturn existing regulations a decade ago”. [ 49 ] The public interest community has responded to this cartel in a number of ways, most specifically in pushing for net neutrality and in creating local government owned ISPs. A “2014 report by the United States Government Accountability Office (GAO) concluded that municipally owned ISPs offer higher speeds at lower prices ... . Wherever these systems exist they have proven to be very popular across the political spectrum, and especially with small business owners. [ 50 ] “The cartel has passed its historical expiration date. These firms are parasites that use their government-created monopoly power to exact economic 'rents' -- by which economists mean undeserved income -- from consumers and other businesses. Let's cash them out at a price that reflects actual investment, not speculative frenzy. Then let's make cellphone and broadband access ubiquitous and as close to free as possible. ... We have a terrific proven model to start with from municipally owned broadband systems. [ 51 ] McChesney noted in particular one immediate benefit of converting Google to a nonprofit entity: [ 52 ] “the incessant commercial pressure to collect every possible bit of information on users to better manipulate them would be undermined. It would be far easier to have a regimen with standards closer to what was imagined by the engineers who created the Internet: power would be in the hands of the users, who would control their own digital fate, rather than in the hands of giant firms that are mostly unaccountable”. [ 53 ]
• Restrict secrecy : People concerned about this issue may wish to support organizations with a major focus in this area. These include Americans for Less Secrecy, More Democracy , the Project On Government Oversight (POGO) , the Federation of American Scientists , especially their Project on Government Secrecy , the National Security Archive , the Electronic Frontier Foundation , and other organizations with similar agendas including some cited above. [ 35 ] A campaign active in the fall of 2014 is to secure the passage of S. 2520, the FOIA Improvement Act of 2014 , introduced by Senators Patrick Leahy (D-VIT) and John Cornyn (R-TX). It is supported by over 50 organizations including the ones just named, led especially Americans for Less Secrecy, More Democracy and POGO].
• Charles Lewis (2014). 935 Lies: The Future of Truth and the Decline of America’s Moral Integrity (in en). Wikidata   Q55647859 . ISBN  978-1-61039-117-7 .  
• Robert W. McChesney; John Nichols (2010). The Death and Life of American Journalism (in en). Bold Type Books. Wikidata   Q104888067 . ISBN  978-1-56858-605-2 .   .
• ↑ Joshua Benton (9 April 2019). "When local newspapers shrink, fewer people bother to run for mayor" . Nieman Foundation for Journalism . Wikidata   Q63127216 . https://www.niemanlab.org/2019/04/when-local-newspapers-shrink-fewer-people-bother-to-run-for-mayor/ .  
• ↑ Brunetti, Aymo; Weder, Beatrice (2003), "A free press is bad news for corruption" , Journal of Public Economics , Elsevier, 87 : 1801–1824 {{ citation }} : Check |author-link= value ( help )
• ↑ Pengjie Gao; Chang Lee; Dermot Murphy (15 May 2018). "Financing Dies in Darkness? The Impact of Newspaper Closures on Public Finance". Social Science Research Network . Wikidata   Q55670016 .  
• ↑ Philippe Aghion; Ufuk Akcigit; Julia Cagé; William R. Kerr (2016). "Taxation, Corruption, and Growth" . European Economic Review 86 : 24-51. Wikidata   Q83256565 . ISSN  0014-2921 . https://juliacage.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/AACK-Dec15.pdf .   . Similarly, shifting from macro to micro level, Fisman and Svensson concluded that, "both the rate of taxation and bribery are negatively correlated with firm growth." Raymond Fisman; Jakob Svensson (May 2007). "Are corruption and taxation really harmful to growth? Firm level evidence". Journal of Development Economics 83 (1): 63-75. doi: 10.1016/J.JDEVECO.2005.09.009 . Wikidata   Q56095400 . ISSN  0304-3878 .  
• ↑ Adserà, Alícia; Boix, Carles; Payne, Mark (2000), "Are You Being Served?: Political Accountability and Quality of Government" (PDF) , Working Paper , Inter-American Development Bank Research Department, no. 438 , retrieved 2014-08-17 {{ citation }} : Check |author2-link= value ( help ) and Adserà, Alícia; Boix, Carles; Payne, Mark (2003), "Are You Being Served? Political Accountability and Quality of Government" (PDF) , Journal of Law, Economics, & Organization , Oxford U. Pr., 19 : 445–490 , retrieved 2014-08-31 {{ citation }} : Check |author2-link= value ( help )
• ↑ Snyder, James M.; Strömberg, David (2008), Press Coverage and Political Accountability , NBER Working Paper Series, National Bureau of Economic Research , retrieved 2014-08-17 {{ citation }} : Check |author2-link= value ( help )
• ↑ Schulhofer-Wohl, Sam; Garrido, Miguel (2009), Do newspapers matter? Short-run and long-run evidence from the closure of the Cincinnati Post , NBER Working Paper Series, National Bureau of Economic Research , retrieved 2014-08-17
• ↑ 8.0 8.1 Starr, Paul (2012), "An Unexpected Crisis: The News Media in Post-industrial Democracies" (PDF) , International Journal of Press / Politics , Sage, 17 : 234ff , retrieved 2014-08-31 , Since 2000, the newspaper industry alone has lost an estimated "$1.6 billion in annual reporting and editing capacity... or roughly 30 per cent," but the new non-profit money coming into journalism has made up less than one-tenth that amount.
• ↑ Daniel Kahneman (25 October 2011), Thinking, Fast and Slow , New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, OCLC   706020998 , OL   15992072W , Wikidata   Q983718
• ↑ Kelly Born; Nell Edgington (2 November 2017), Analysis of philanthropic opportunities to mitigate the disinformation/propaganda problem , Hewlett Foundation, Wikidata   Q55673421
• ↑ Anmitra Deb; Stacy Donohue; Tom Glaisyer (1 October 2017), Is Social Media a Threat to Democracy? (PDF) , Omidyar Group, Wikidata   Q55674332
• ↑ Jake Johnson (20 July 2018). "With Much Focus on Russian 'Troll Farms,' Oxford Study Shows Social Media Misinformation Campaigns Are 'Big Business' Worldwide" . Common Dreams NewsCenter . Wikidata   Q55690338 . https://www.commondreams.org/news/2018/07/20/much-focus-russian-troll-farms-oxford-study-shows-social-media-misinformation .  
• ↑ Jake Johnson (20 July 2018). "With Much Focus on Russian 'Troll Farms,' Oxford Study Shows Social Media Misinformation Campaigns Are 'Big Business' Worldwide" . Common Dreams NewsCenter . Wikidata   Q55690338 . https://www.commondreams.org/news/2018/07/20/much-focus-russian-troll-farms-oxford-study-shows-social-media-misinformation .   ; Philip N. Howard; Samantha Bradshaw (July 2018), Challenging Truth and Trust: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation (PDF) , Oxford Internet Institute, Wikidata   Q55710612
• ↑ Bagdikian, Ben, New Media Monopoly (2nd ed.), Beacon Press, ISBN   0-8070-6187-5
• ↑ Just, Marion; Levine, Rosalind; Regan, Kathleen (2002), "Investigative journalism despite the odds", Columbia Journalism Review (November-December 2002): 203 , cited from McChesney, Robert W. (2004), The problem of the media , Monthly Review Press, pp. 81, 307, ISBN   1-58367-105-6 Rare exceptions are programs like 60 Minutes , which have had similar problems related to the networks' needs to please advertisers; see, e.g., Lewis (2014).
• ↑ Lewis (2014, p. 170)
• ↑ e.g., Lewis (2014, pp. 170-171)
• ↑ Lewis (2014, pp. 131-132)
• ↑ Lewis (2014, p. 224).
• ↑ Herman and Chomsky took their title from a discussion by Walter Lippmann in his 1922 book, Public Opinion . In this book, Lippmann noted that the media function to manufacture the consent of the governed for policies chosen for them by the elites. In times of war Lippmann said this is absolutely essential to success on the battlefield: Doing something is better than debating, because if you spend too much time debating, the enemy will figure out how to defeat you. However, this can be a problem in times of peace. See Lippmann, Walter (1922). Public Opinion . Harcourt, Brace and Company . https://archive.org/stream/publicopinion00lippgoog#page/n4/mode/2up . Retrieved 2016-10-11 .  
• ↑ McChesney and Nichols (2010, ch. 3. Why the State, esp. pp. 118-138)
• ↑ Clift, Eleanor (2014-05-23), "Ralph Nader and Grover Norquist: Washington's Most Unlikely Bromance" , The Daily Beast , retrieved 2014-09-02
• ↑ DeHaven, Tad (2014-07-01), Corporate Welfare in the Federal Budget , Policy Analysis, Cato Institute , retrieved 2014-09-01
• ↑ Grubert, Harry (2012), Foreign Taxes and the Growing Share of U.S. Multinational Company Income Abroad: Profits, Not Sales, are Being Globalized (PDF) , Working Paper, Office of Tax Analysis, US Department of the Treasury , retrieved 2014-09-02
• ↑ Sherman, Erik (June 21, 2013), "Are corporate subsidies worth the money?" , CBS MoneyWatch , CBS News , retrieved 2014-09-02
• ↑ Mattera, Philip; Tarczynska, Kasia; LeRoy, Greg (June 2013), Megadeals: The Largest Economic Development Subsidy Packages Ever Awarded by State and Local Governments in the United States , Good Jobs First , retrieved 2014-09-02
• ↑ Lessig, Lawrence (2011), Republic, Lost: How Money Corrupts Congress -- and a Plan to Stop It , Twelve, ISBN   978-0-446-57643-7
• ↑ Johnston, David Cay (2003), Perfectly Legal: The Covert Campaign to Rig Our Tax System to Benefit the Super-Rich–and Cheat Everybody Else , Portfolio, ISBN   1-59184-019-8
• ↑ Michael Porter's analysis of international competitiveness noted that the international leaders in any industry were highly locally concentrated . This followed, he said, because if you are getting beaten by competitors in other countries, you believe it must be because they are getting subsidies that you can't get. If your competition is local, it must be because you aren't smart enough or aren't working hard enough, and neither answer is acceptable. Porter, Michael (1990), The Competitive Advantage of Nations , Free Press
• ↑ Lewis (2014, esp. Appendix B)
• ↑ Phil Donahue was fired from MSNBC in spite of having high ratings. BBC journalist Andrew Gilligan, chairman Gavyn Davies and director-general Greg Dyke resigned under fire for claiming that the British government had “sexed up” a report claiming Saddam Hussein had WMDs.
• ↑ Mitchell, Greg (November 19, 2010), "Missing in Memoir: When Bush Joked About Those Dang Missing WMDs" , The Nation , retrieved 2014-09-02
• ↑ "The Arming of Iraq" . Frontline . Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). 1990-09-11 . Retrieved 2016-10-11 .
• ↑ e.g., Journalist James Risen: will he be jailed for not revealing source? , FSRN / Free Speech Radio News, August 22, 2014 , retrieved 2014-09-14
• ↑ 35.0 35.1 35.2 Graves, Spencer B. (July 18, 2014), "Restrict secrecy more than data collection" , San José Peace & Justice Center Blog , San José Peace & Justice Center , retrieved 2014-09-14
• ↑ Ackerman, Bruce (2010). "5. Enlightening politics". The Decline and Fall of the American Republic . Harvard U. Pr.. p. 133. ISBN  978-0-674-05703-6 .  
• ↑ Ackerman, Bruce (May 6, 2013), "Reviving Democratic Citizenship?" , Politics & Society , Sage, 41 (2): 309–317, doi : 10.1177/0032329213483103 , retrieved June 16, 2013
• ↑ Hind, Dan (2010). "10. Public Commissioning". The Return of the Public . Verso. pp. 159-160. ISBN  978-1-84467-594-4 .  
• ↑ McChesney (2014, p. 236)
• ↑ McChesney and Nichols (2010, Appendix II. Ike, MacArthur and the Forging of Free and Independent Press, pp. 241-254)
• ↑ McSherry, Corynne; Stoltz, Mitch; Gillula, Jeremy (September 15, 2014), "ISPs Mislead Public, FCC About Protecting the Open Internet: EFF Takes on Net Neutrality's Critics in New Comments to FCC" , Press Release , Electronic Frontier Foundation , retrieved 2014-09-19
• ↑ A leader in this effort in California is the California Clean Money Campaign , which has worked with many other organizations to secure passage of legislation to strengthen reporting requirements for political fund raising and expenditures.
• ↑ Nader, Ralph (2014), Unstoppable: The Emerging Left-Right Alliance to Dismantle the Corporate State , Nation Books, ISBN   978-1-56858-454-6
• ↑ McChesney (2014, p. 229)
• ↑ Simons, Henry C. (1948), Economic policy for a free society , U. of Chicago Pr. , cited from McChesney (2014, p. 229).
• ↑ McChesney (2014, pp. 225-229)
• ↑ McChesney (2014, p. 230)
• ↑ Greeley, Brendan; Moritz, Scott (November 4, 2013), "Bananas: How T-Mobile Plans to Survive by Blowing Up One of the Most Profitable Business Models Around", Bloomberg Business Weekly : 66 , cited from McChesney (2014, p. 225)
• ↑ McChesney (2014, pp. 225-226)
• ↑ McChesney (2014, p. 226), citing TELECOMMUNICATIONS: Federal Broadband Deployment Programs and Small Business , United States Government Accountability Office, February 2014 , retrieved 2015-12-07
• ↑ McChesney (2104, p. 227)
• ↑ Schiffrin, André (2011), The World of Money , Verso , cited from McChesney (2014, p. 230)

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Essay on Corruption

Here we have shared the Essay on Corruption in detail so you can use it in your exam or assignment of 150, 250, 400, 500, or 1000 words.

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Essay on Corruption in 150-250 words

Essay on corruption in 300-400 words, essay on corruption in 500-1000 words.

Corruption is a pervasive problem that plagues societies worldwide, undermining progress, eroding trust in institutions, and hindering economic development. It involves the abuse of entrusted power for personal gain, often through bribery, embezzlement, or nepotism.

Corruption has severe consequences for societies. It diverts public resources away from essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure, exacerbating inequality and impeding socio-economic progress. It undermines the rule of law, erodes public trust in government institutions, and fosters a culture of impunity.

Addressing corruption requires a comprehensive approach. Transparency, accountability, and strong institutions are essential. Governments must enact and enforce stringent anti-corruption laws, establish independent oversight bodies, and promote transparency in public procurement and financial transactions. Strengthening the judicial system and providing protection to whistleblowers are also crucial steps.

Moreover, fostering a culture of integrity and ethical behavior is vital. Education and awareness campaigns should highlight the damaging effects of corruption and promote the values of honesty, fairness, and accountability. Civil society plays a crucial role in monitoring and advocating for anti-corruption measures, and individuals must reject corrupt practices and demand ethical conduct from their leaders.

In conclusion, corruption is a pervasive problem that undermines societal progress and hampers economic development. Combating corruption requires the concerted efforts of governments, institutions, and individuals. By promoting transparency, accountability, and a culture of integrity, we can build a society that upholds the values of honesty, fairness, and justice, fostering a brighter future for all.

Corruption is a deep-rooted issue that plagues societies worldwide, undermining trust in institutions, hindering economic growth, and perpetuating inequality. It refers to the misuse of power or position for personal gain, often through bribery, embezzlement, or nepotism.

Corruption has far-reaching consequences. It siphons public resources away from essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure, leaving societies deprived of much-needed development. It perpetuates a culture of unfairness and inequality, as those with wealth and connections can manipulate systems for their advantage while the marginalized suffer the consequences.

Furthermore, corruption erodes the rule of law and weakens institutions meant to uphold justice and fairness. It erodes public trust in governments and fosters cynicism among citizens, leading to apathy and disengagement from civic life. Corruption also undermines investment and economic growth, as it deters both domestic and foreign investors who fear unfair competition and lack of accountability.

Addressing corruption requires a multi-faceted approach. Strong institutions, transparency, and accountability are crucial. Governments must enact and enforce robust anti-corruption laws, establish independent oversight bodies, and ensure the swift prosecution of offenders. Strengthening the judicial system and providing protection to whistleblowers are essential steps toward combating corruption effectively.

Promoting a culture of integrity and ethics is equally important. Education and awareness campaigns should emphasize the damaging effects of corruption and instill values of honesty, fairness, and accountability in individuals from an early age. Anti-corruption education should be integrated into school curricula, and training programs should be provided to public officials to promote ethical behavior and strengthen their resistance to corruption temptations.

Civil society plays a crucial role in fighting corruption. NGOs, media outlets, and citizen-led initiatives can monitor and expose corrupt practices, advocate for transparency, and hold public officials accountable. Empowering and protecting whistleblowers is vital to encourage reporting and ensure their safety.

Individuals also have a responsibility to reject corruption and demand ethical conduct from their leaders. By exercising their rights, participating in civic activities, and promoting transparency and accountability, citizens can contribute to building a corruption-free society.

In conclusion, corruption remains a grave challenge that hampers progress and undermines societal well-being. Tackling corruption requires a comprehensive approach involving strong institutions, transparency, education, and citizen participation. By promoting integrity, demanding accountability, and fostering a culture that values ethics and fairness, we can build a more just and prosperous society for all.

Title: Corruption – A Cancer Eating Away at Societal Progress

Introduction :

Corruption is a deeply rooted problem that plagues societies worldwide, hindering progress, eroding public trust, and perpetuating inequality. It refers to the misuse of power, position, or resources for personal gain, often through bribery, embezzlement, or nepotism. This essay explores the causes and consequences of corruption, its impact on society and development, effective measures to combat it, and the importance of promoting transparency, accountability, and ethical behavior.

Understanding Corruption

Corruption manifests in various forms, including grand corruption at the highest levels of government and petty corruption in everyday interactions. It arises from factors such as weak governance, lack of transparency, inadequate accountability mechanisms, and a culture of impunity. Additionally, socioeconomic factors, such as poverty and income inequality, can exacerbate corruption by creating opportunities for bribery and favoritism.

Consequences of Corruption

Corruption has severe consequences for societies. It diverts resources away from essential public services, leading to inadequate healthcare, education, and infrastructure. The marginalized and vulnerable bear the brunt of corruption, as it perpetuates inequality and undermines social justice. Moreover, corruption weakens institutions, erodes the rule of law, and fosters a culture of unfairness, eroding public trust in governments and democratic processes.

Economically, corruption hampers development and stifles investment. It distorts markets, creates an uneven playing field, and deters domestic and foreign investors who fear unfair competition and lack of transparency. The misallocation of resources and compromised governance systems hinder economic growth and perpetuate cycles of poverty.

Effective Measures to Combat Corruption

Combating corruption requires a multi-pronged approach at various levels:

a. Strengthening Institutions

B. legislation and enforcement, c. transparency and access to information, d. international cooperation, e. ethical leadership and political will.

Governments must establish strong, independent institutions and enforce the rule of law. This includes establishing robust anti-corruption agencies, promoting transparency and accountability, and ensuring the impartiality and efficiency of the judicial system.

Enacting comprehensive anti-corruption laws and enforcing them rigorously are vital. Governments should criminalize bribery, embezzlement, and illicit enrichment while providing protection for whistleblowers and witnesses.

Governments should promote transparency in public administration, budgeting processes, and procurement practices. Implementing freedom of information laws and establishing mechanisms for public scrutiny can curb corrupt practices and empower citizens to hold officials accountable.

Corruption often crosses borders, necessitating international cooperation in combating it. Governments should collaborate to trace and recover stolen assets, exchange information, and strengthen legal frameworks to prevent money laundering and illicit financial flows.

Leaders must lead by example, demonstrating a commitment to ethical behavior and the fight against corruption. Governments should promote a culture of integrity, fostering ethical conduct in public service and discouraging tolerance for corruption.

Promoting Transparency and Accountability

Transparency and accountability are essential in preventing corruption. Governments should establish mechanisms for public oversight, such as independent auditing bodies and ombudsman offices, to monitor the activities of public officials and ensure adherence to ethical standards. Promoting the use of technology, such as e-governance platforms and online portals for public information, can enhance transparency and reduce opportunities for corruption.

Civil society plays a crucial role in holding governments accountable and advocating for transparency. NGOs, media outlets, and citizen-led initiatives can monitor public spending, expose corrupt practices, and raise awareness about the damaging effects of corruption. Whistleblower protection laws should be enacted and enforced to encourage reporting and safeguard those who expose corruption.

Changing Attitudes and Promoting Ethics

Addressing corruption also requires a shift in societal attitudes and values. Education plays a vital role in promoting ethics, integrity, and responsible citizenship. Incorporating anti-corruption education into school curricula can foster a culture of transparency and ethical behavior from an early age.

Furthermore, promoting a culture of integrity in both public and private sectors is essential. Businesses should adopt robust anti-corruption policies, implement ethical practices, and adhere to international anti-corruption standards. Ethical behavior should be recognized, rewarded, and celebrated, while those engaged in corrupt practices should face consequences.

Conclusion :

Corruption remains a global challenge that undermines societal progress, perpetuates inequality, and hampers development. Addressing corruption requires a comprehensive approach that encompasses strong institutions, transparency, accountability, and a culture of integrity. By enacting and enforcing anti-corruption legislation, promoting transparency and access to information, and fostering ethical leadership, societies can root out corruption and build a more just and prosperous future for all.

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American Economic Journal: Applied Economics

• January 2018

Social Media and Corruption

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Write an Essay on Corruption

Sample essay on corruption in English. Essay on corruption, and its causes. What is corruption, and its causes, and effects? Consequences of corruption in the society.

An Essay on Corruption

The word corruption comes from the word “Corrupt”, and refers to someone who is basically dishonest to his work, or his commitment. Corruption is a very broad word, and ranges from a lot respective to where the corruption happens.

An example of corruption will explain you better of how corruption actually happens, and what the theory behind it is. Consider that you have hired a contractor who is supposed to make your building, he takes the initial investment from you, and tell you what kind of material he’ll be using. Now you being a busy person can’t always be watching so you decide to trust him. He being a corrupt person decides to use a less expensive, and weak material for your building whilst taking the same amount of money from you. You know that he’s using the expensive material but he behind your back isn’t. This is corruption, and he is a corrupt man.

Corruption is a form of greed, and spreads like a plague among people of all ages. One gets something for their hard work, and just don’t stop there, seeking more, and more out of something is basically corruption. If you’re a student you can be dishonest in your studies which are commonly referred to as cheating. Consider you’re just a random shopkeeper of buys items from a vendor but you decide to be dishonest, buy expired items, repack them with new expiry dates, and sell them.

We as a human race are so unfortunate that even our laws, the people that rule us are corrupt, and dishonest to their responsibilities. Politicians don’t care what the nation needs, and try to seek their own profits in every single aspect by the name of aid. Apart from the politicians today, the forces that claim to “Protect you”, yes I am talking of your local police are full of corrupt beings from the top of the hierarchy all the way to the bottom. This includes officers, your normal traffic wardens, and all you can think of. Corruption comes in the form of bribery for them. Accused today are not punished accordingly, it’s a hard to bear fact but it is a fact, The accused uses his riches, bribes the police, and comes out of the situation labeled an “Innocent”. Corruption is one of the main reasons of an increase in crime rate anywhere in the world? What happens when your law is not your law, and just the law of the riches? People take the law; people take the justice system in their own hands thus result an increase in the crime rate. This is just sad, and needs to be changed. There comes a question in my mind that I would like to ask all the corrupt people out there that would you like to be on the receiving end of corruption? Would you like your children to be fed with expired items, or mistreated in any aspect? Would you like to invest the money you make by working hard, and watch it drown right before you?

Some steps can be taken to decrease the corruption rate, and the sense of greed in normal people, and citizens. That is to make education much more common than it is right now. We need to educate our young ones about corruption, and how every field of life offers you corruption but being a person with a strong morale you’re not supposed to take it. You’re strong enough to decline it, and move on with a clean, and pure version of yourself.

May the God above help us all?

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Essay on Corruption for Students and Children

500+ words essay on corruption.

Essay on Corruption – Corruption refers to a form of criminal activity or dishonesty. It refers to an evil act by an individual or a group. Most noteworthy, this act compromises the rights and privileges of others. Furthermore, Corruption primarily includes activities like bribery or embezzlement. However, Corruption can take place in many ways. Most probably, people in positions of authority are susceptible to Corruption. Corruption certainly reflects greedy and selfish behavior.

Methods of Corruption

First of all, Bribery is the most common method of Corruption. Bribery involves the improper use of favours and gifts in exchange for personal gain. Furthermore, the types of favours are diverse. Above all, the favours include money, gifts, company shares, sexual favours, employment , entertainment, and political benefits. Also, personal gain can be – giving preferential treatment and overlooking crime.

Embezzlement refers to the act of withholding assets for the purpose of theft. Furthermore, it takes place by one or more individuals who were entrusted with these assets. Above all, embezzlement is a type of financial fraud.

The graft is a global form of Corruption. Most noteworthy, it refers to the illegal use of a politician’s authority for personal gain. Furthermore, a popular way for the graft is misdirecting public funds for the benefit of politicians .

Extortion is another major method of Corruption. It means to obtain property, money or services illegally. Above all, this obtainment takes place by coercing individuals or organizations. Hence, Extortion is quite similar to blackmail.

Favouritism and nepotism is quite an old form of Corruption still in usage. This refers to a person favouring one’s own relatives and friends to jobs. This is certainly a very unfair practice. This is because many deserving candidates fail to get jobs.

Abuse of discretion is another method of Corruption. Here, a person misuses one’s power and authority. An example can be a judge unjustly dismissing a criminal’s case.

Finally, influence peddling is the last method here. This refers to illegally using one’s influence with the government or other authorized individuals. Furthermore, it takes place in order to obtain preferential treatment or favour.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Ways of Stopping Corruption

One important way of preventing Corruption is to give a better salary in a government job. Many government employees receive pretty low salaries. Therefore, they resort to bribery to meet their expenses. So, government employees should receive higher salaries. Consequently, high salaries would reduce their motivation and resolve to engage in bribery.

Tough laws are very important for stopping Corruption. Above all, strict punishments need to be meted out to guilty individuals. Furthermore, there should be an efficient and quick implementation of strict laws.

Applying cameras in workplaces is an excellent way to prevent corruption. Above all, many individuals would refrain from indulging in Corruption due to fear of being caught. Furthermore, these individuals would have otherwise engaged in Corruption.

The government must make sure to keep inflation low. Due to the rise in prices, many people feel their incomes to be too low. Consequently, this increases Corruption among the masses. Businessmen raise prices to sell their stock of goods at higher prices. Furthermore, the politician supports them due to the benefits they receive.

To sum it up, Corruption is a great evil of society. This evil should be quickly eliminated from society. Corruption is the poison that has penetrated the minds of many individuals these days. Hopefully, with consistent political and social efforts, we can get rid of Corruption.

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Media reporting of corruption: policy implications

• Published: 24 October 2015
• Volume 64 , pages 153–175, ( 2015 )

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• Adam Masters 1 &
• Adam Graycar 2  

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Are policy responses related to experiences or perceptions of corruption? This article examines newspaper reporting of corruption in an Australian jurisdiction and compares these with perceptions of corruption and experiences of corruption in the community. The policy challenge is to understand the gaps between media reporting about corruption, the perceptions of corruption they help generate and peoples concrete experiences of corruption. Research cited in this article shows that corruption tends to be perceived at a higher level than the evidence would suggest in both high income and low income countries. Such perceptions have policy relevance as they can shape the structure of national integrity systems. This leads to our research question: how does the media portray corruption and asks whether policy responses are related to experiences or perceptions of corruption? The lessons here can be applied in other jurisdictions.

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The notable exceptions being Germany, Japan and New Zealand, all of whom have signed the UNCAC, but have not yet ratified it through their domestic law.

The use of ‘*’ captured all conjugations – e.g. ‘corrupt*’ captured corrupt, corrupts, corrupted, corruptible, corruption, corrupting, corruptible etc.

This finding was despite the Australian media emerging as the institution with the highest levels of perceived corruption [ 26 ], a result linked to the ongoing press coverage of the News of the World hacking scandal.

The South Australian ICAC and Tasmanian Integrity Commission were established during the media survey period. Neither rated a mention in the Victorian press.

Although not part of this analysis, it is worth noting that this council officer falls into 8 of 15 high risk functions identified by [ 9 ]: 209–10). These are ‘1. Inspecting, regulating or monitoring the standards of premises, businesses, equipment or products; 2. Providng a service to new immigrants [in this case sex-workers]; 3. Issuing qualifications or licences to indicate their proficiency or enable them to undertake certain types of activities; 4. Providing a service to the community where demand frequently exceeds supply; … 6. Issuing, or reviewing the issue of, fines or other sanctions; … 10. Making determinations/handing down judgements about individuals or disputes; … 12. Having discretion concerning land re-zoning or development applications; … 15. Having regular dealings with the private sector other than for the routine purchasing of goods and services.’

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Politics | Boodlers and bandits: In Illinois and Chicago,…

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Politics | Boodlers, bandits and notorious politicians

In chicago, corruption is a source of both shame and perverse pride.

On many nights during his long career as alderman of the 43rd Ward, Mathias “Paddy” Bauler would hold court in the North Avenue tavern that served as his headquarters from the 1930s into the 1960s. Often with a beer in hand, he would loudly proclaim, “Chicago ain’t ready for reform.”

He might as well have said or added, “Chicago is always ready for corruption.”

This city, and by extension the state, have long been and remain what a University of Chicago political science professor – and many others, from writers to late-night television hosts – have derided as “the only completely corrupt city in America.” As one local, the late Studs Terkel, charmingly put it in 1986: “Chicago is not the most corrupt of cities. The state of New Jersey has a couple. Need we mention Nevada? Chicago, though, is the Big Daddy. Not more corrupt, just more theatrical, more colorful in its shadiness.”

How did we get so “lucky”?

Political wrongdoers have come at us in a steady stream just about from the time the first settlers arrived. Since then, we have watched (or withstood) all manner of scandals and crimes, orchestrated by boodlers, bandits and outright crooks.

According to a report the University of Illinois at Chicago’s political science department issued last year, Chicago was the country’s most corrupt city for the fourth year in a row. The most recent examples of infamy – convicted former Ald. Ed Burke and accused former Speaker of the House Michael Madigan, two of the most powerful politicians in this city’s long history – have been prominent in newspaper headlines and on television. And, depending on your age, you surely remember some of the better-known names of scandals and those involved.

Burke and Madigan are the latest additions to a l ist the Tribune has compiled of roughly 200 convicted, indicted or otherwise notorious politicians. It is a stunning gathering really, almost exclusively men elected or appointed to varying positions – most predominantly aldermen (more than three dozen of them convicted of crimes since the early 1970s), but other offices too. Have a look .

Historian Richard Lindberg told me: “This was a city and state that first drew people who were adventurers, rogues and men of large ambitions and this was for a time a place with no rules and flexible morals and ethics. And as each succeeding wave of immigrants arrived they would look at what others had done before them and wanted to grab a slice of the action by whatever means they could concoct.”

One obvious road to such “success” was getting elected to public office, and it is here one can hear the echo of something said by a long-gone English historian, Lord Acton: “Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”

True enough, and it’s important to remember that temptation is all around us and has the ability to touch not only politicians but also those in the realms of business, sports, religion, law enforcement, the military and on and on.

With variations and embellishments, political corruption takes two principal forms. There’s using public authority or resources for political gain (such as buying votes or rewarding campaign workers with taxpayer-funded jobs), and there’s using one’s position for private gain (think of taking bribes, or of putting Uncle Harry into a ghost-payrolling job where he doesn’t even have to show up to get paid).

Many see political corruption as an inevitability, a fact of Chicago life, tied to the patronage system that began in the early 20th century and flourished during the decades that followed.

“You’ve got to mention Lorimer,” said Mike Flannery, a political reporter for newspapers and television for more than three decades. He retired last year but was called back for Democratic National Convention duty for WFLD-Ch. 32.

His mention of William Lorimer goes back to the early years of the 20th century, when U.S. senators were still not elected by the popular vote of citizens but rather appointed by state lawmakers. That ended forever in 1913 with the ratification of the 17th Amendment, which provided for direct election of U.S. senators by vote of the people. Part of the impetus was the revelation Lorimer attained his Senate post in 1909 by bribing legislators. His “election” deemed invalid, he was booted from the Senate.

Jail? Are you kidding? He came back to Chicago and was greeted with a parade.

“Lorimer was one of the first statewide bad guys,” Flannery said. “But you can see how past corruption echoes and has influenced generations, convincing many that they could get away with plenty. Much of it has been nickel-and-dime stuff but with some big-name crooks. It’s really been a culture of corruption .”

Since the city’s earliest days, there have always been people who railed against the corruption they were witnessing, with some of the loudest voices coming from the pages of various publications.

In the early 1890s, the Herald newspaper put it this way: “The average representative in the City Council is a tramp, if not worse. … He is in nine cases out of ten a bummer and disreputable who can be bought and sold as hogs are bought and sold at the stockyards.”

Around this same time, the weekly magazine Graphic complained: “It has been an open secret for many months that the council is controlled by a gang of corruptionists and that municipal franchises are as clearly matters of bargain and sale as goods at a bargain counter … from year to year men of notorious official and political corruption have been reelected as lawmakers for the people.”

The men who set the bar for aldermanic corruption were a couple of characters named John “Bathhouse John” Coughlin and Michael “Hinky Dink” Kenna, who served as aldermen of the First Ward at a time when the city was divided into 35 wards and each was run by two elected aldermen.

The tiny, cigar-chomping Kenna was a genius at political organization and the owner of the Workingman’s Exchange, a popular saloon near Clark and Van Buren streets. Coughlin had been a bathhouse masseur, wrote terrible poetry and wore garish clothes. He blustered while Kenna said little. They shared the duties for an area that included dwellings of the rich, tenements for the poor and the notorious Levee, home to pimps, prostitutes and pickpockets. (The area is bordered today roughly between 18th and 22nd streets and Wabash Avenue and Clark Street.)

In City Council, the two were eagerly abetted by others who included Ald. John “Johnny de Pow” Powers of the 19th Ward, about whom the Times-Herald newspaper wrote, “He is bloodless, personally unattractive … autocratic, arrogant and insolent.”

Dubbed “the gray wolves” by muckraking reporter Lincoln Steffens “for the color of their hair and the rapacious cunning and greed of their natures,” these men and a few cronies exercised wicked control of the City Council.

Corruption continued and thrived with the 1915 election of Republican Mayor William Hale Thompson, a former cowboy and athlete, who launched the city into one of its most politically raucous eras. The day after his election, he bellowed: “The crooks had better move out of Chicago. In no manner is this to be a political machine-building organization. I am my own man!”

Well, nonsense. My father, Herman, and his newspaper pal Lloyd Wendt wrote a Thompson biography, 1953’s “Big Bill of Chicago,” and in it one can read about the close alliance Thompson had with a fellow named Al Capone.

“From the start, Capone’s money rolled into Big Bill’s campaign coffers,” they wrote. One of Capone’s associates, “an oily pimp and gambler named Jack Zuta proudly proclaimed, ‘Big Bill’s for me hook, line and sinker.’”

I read “Big Bill” when I was 12, when I already knew my 43rd Ward alderman, Bauler, and our precinct captain. I was like many who grew up here, living where politics was close by and knowledge of corruption came early. Who among you did not learn, when you were old enough to drive, how to beat a speeding ticket?

“If you’re caught, just wrap your driver’s license in a $5 or $10 bill when you hand it to the cop,” your father, uncle, big brother or maybe even your mom would tell you. “Do that, smile and say, ‘Sorry,’ and you’ll soon drive away.”

Few knew the pervasiveness of political corruption better than columnist Mike Royko. He knew it from its humblest level, growing up above his parents’ Milwaukee Avenue tavern, the Blue Sky Lounge. He knew the aldermanic foot soldiers known as precinct captains and would later write: “A decent precinct captain used to be out there with a wad of bills big enough to choke his clout, handing a few dollars to every needy voter. And there was nothing wrong with that. With the kind of aldermen Chicago has had, people should be paid to vote for them.”

Royko also noted, “I wouldn’t call any alderman a loudmouth because it wouldn’t be accurate. Most of them have prudently learned to talk in a whisper. A whisper is harder for a listening device to pick up.”

And he once suggested that the city’s motto be changed from the Latin phrase “Urbs In Horto,” meaning “City in a Garden,” to “Ube Est Mea,” which means “Where’s mine?”

You will notice that the Tribune’s “Dishonor Roll” is dominated by aldermen, but you should also know that many on the list have never been convicted of a crime. Some of them, including Bauler, Kenna and Coughlin, are filed under the label “notorious,” which is also to say “colorful.” Bauler, for instance, used to amuse Mayor Anton Cermak, who laid the foundation for the city’s Democratic machine, by rolling around the City Hall floor in wrestling matches with his 275-pound self.

John Davies made a recent movie about corruption, an hour-long documentary, called “Lincoln Is Crying: The Grifters, Grafters and Governors of Illinois.” It covers a lot of bases and bad deeds and does so in a purposefully lighthearted way. One critic called it an “entertaining take on the state’s history of systemic political corruption.”

“When people from other states see this film they are shocked,” Davies said. “The idea came to me over the years. Look, I am not a serious news producer, so with some advice from people at The Second City, we decided to take a humorous look at corruption. Yes, it is a serious matter, and there are many places and sources where that can be explored.”

He continued, “This could easily have been a 10-hour miniseries with endless cases of bribery and thievery or attempted bribery and thievery by Illinois politicians representing both parties.

“But many of my friends and those who live here have become so used to this corruption they just think it’s the way it’s been done for years so why worry about it? ‘Besides, it’s funny,’ one friend told me. That’s the comment that made me decide to tell this story with a sense of humor. It’s so ugly and so depressing you probably couldn’t watch or listen to it otherwise.”

Writer Bill Bryson once wrote that “Chicago was to corruption what Pittsburgh was to steel or Hollywood to motion pictures. It refined and cultivated it, and embraced it without embarrassment.”

There are undoubtedly people who take a strange pride in the city and state’s blatant wickedness. But others have fought for reform.

“There is great value in being loudly anti-corruption,” Flannery said. “And those on the federal level have more tools, power and resources.”

James Thompson, after becoming a federal prosecutor in the early 1970s, energetically went after political corruption and, among other high-profile targets, obtained a conviction against former governor Otto Kerner for his use of improper influence on behalf of the horse-racing industry.

He also secured the indictments of powerful alderman Thomas Keane, County Clerk Matt Danaher and others, setting the corruption-seeking tone for those who followed him into the office of U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Illinois.

His cases established a heroic image that helped keep him in the Illinois governor’s office for four terms. But other reformers have not been particularly effective. The first ethics reform ordinance in the history of Chicago wasn’t passed until 1987, and progress has been incremental at best.

Many fine books detail the dark side of the city. The aforementioned Richard Lindberg has a shelf full, including such titles as “To Serve and Collect,” “Gangland Chicago” and “Whiskey Breakfast.”

Dick Simpson was a reform-minded alderman of the 44th Ward from 1971 to 1979. He also was a professor of political science (now emeritus) and the author of many fine books, among them 2001’s “Rogues, Rebels, And Rubber Stamps: The Politics of the Chicago City Council from 1863 to the Present” in 2001.

Few have observed city and state politics more closely or spoken about them more articulately.

Some years ago, sitting with me in a bygone local tavern, he said, “I have always been – and remain – hopeful that our better angels will win out. There is great power in the people, and we must trust the people to help make Chicago not just a global city but a livable and humane city.”

The new edition of “Illinois Politics: A Citizen’s Guide to Power, Politics, and Government,” published by the University of Illinois Press, has a fine chapter titled “Political Corruption.” In it the authors write, “Illinois cannot change its history of political corruption, but it does not have to constantly repeat it.”

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Will Harris’s Lead Last? A Few Questions That Will Shape the Answer.

A certain kind of change candidate that is proving tough for Donald Trump to attack.

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By Nate Cohn

Kamala Harris has wrapped up an extraordinary month.

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All this was hard to imagine before President Biden dropped out, when a majority of Americans had an unfavorable view of her. Her previous run for president did not go well. If anything, her record in national politics saddled her with considerable baggage, including a high-profile role on immigration policy in the Biden administration and a series of unpopular policy pronouncements in her last presidential campaign.

But Vice President Harris turned around her fortunes anyway — and quickly. Clearly, many Americans did not have a strong view of her, and after a month of well-delivered speeches and upbeat appearances in the national spotlight, she has successfully reintroduced herself to the country. Now, more battleground state voters say they have a favorable than unfavorable view of her — no small feat in a jaded and divided country.

But this extraordinary turnaround wasn’t just about Ms. Harris. It was also about voters’ immense dissatisfaction with a Biden-Trump rematch, which had brought anxiety and dismay to millions. In an instant, Ms. Harris’s candidacy offered these voters what they had been yearning for: something new, different and more hopeful than that dreaded rematch. It uncorked years of pent-up Democratic enthusiasm. It let Ms. Harris bring the joy back .

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It was enough to give Ms. Harris a lead heading into her convention. If history is any indication, her edge could expand further in the next wave of polls, taken after tens of millions watched her nationally televised address.

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