case study for liberalism

The Politics Shed- A Free Text Book for all students of Politics.

LInks: Liberalism Karl Marx  

Case study War in Ukraine  

Liberalism Theory

Key liberal thinkers  .

Liberalism has been the dominant ideological force shaping western political thought. Indeed, some portray liberalism as the ideology of the industrialized West and identify it with western civilization itself. Liberal ideas and theories had a considerable impact on the discipline of international relations as it took shape following WWI, although they drew on a much older tradition of so-called ‘idealist’ (see p. 62) theorizing which dates back, via Kant’s (see p. 16) belief in the possibility of ‘universal and perpetual peace’, to the Middle Ages and the ideas of early ‘just war’ thinkers such as Thomas Aquinas. Marginalized during the early post-1945 period due to the failure of the liberal inspired Versailles Settlement and the ascendancy of realist thought, liberal ideas nevertheless attracted growing attention from the 1970s onwards, often in the form of so-called neoliberalism. This largely stripped liberalism of its idealist trappings. The end of the Cold War (sometimes seen as the ‘liberal moment’ in world affairs), the growing impact of globalization  and a new wave of democratization in the 1990s each gave liberal theory additional impetus. 

Interdependence liberalism

Republican liberalism  

Liberal institutionalism  

Liberalism Theory is in part a reaction to  realism, but also a response to a number of developments in the latter half of the 20th century that could not be explained by realism.

 • The decline in conflict: The number of deaths in battle had fallen to less than 10,000 in 2006 compared with 600,000 in 1951. The nature of conflict also had changed, from predominantly inter-state conflict (war between states) to intra-state conflict, or civil war.

• The rise in democracy: By 2006, over half of all countries had become democracies – a significant development as democracies tend to be less aggressive than authoritarian regimes. According to democratic peace theory, no two democracies have ever been to war with each other. Since 2010 however there has been a reversal of democracy in Hungary, Burma, Russia and China. These countries are more authoritarian and nationalist.     Problems with Democracy  

• The growth in world trade: Worldwide exports were worth $629 million in 1960. By 2010, they were worth $30 trillion. This suggests that states are becoming increasingly interdependent, which is thought to reduce the potential for conflict between them. States will not risk conflict if it jeopardises the sale of exports and the supply of imported goods. However, the policies of Donald Trump saw a return to some protectionist policies which restricted free trade with China.

Liberalism is governed principally by the belief that states can, and should, work together, and that international agreements, laws and institutions are both helpful and possible. The liberal viewpoint includes the following:

■ Nation States are increasingly linked by many organisations, from trade like the WTO or militarily like NATO or diplomatic like the UN.  They can help states become aware of different viewpoints and policy choices, adding to a richness of ideas and debate. The USA and China may be military competitors but have a shared interest in climate change.

■ International law is  desirable. Most nation states see considerable advantage in having in clearly agreed international rules. These can help to hold states accountable for their actions and ensure that all states conform to basic standards. For example, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) sets out basic principles of human rights that all states should respect.

■ A state’s primary aim should not merely be to become more powerful, particularly not at the expense of other states. Liberals reject the idea of a zero- sum game, where global politics is a question of one state winning and another losing.

■ On the contrary, there is mutual benefit in states cooperating and working together on matters such as security, trade and development. IGOs, such as the EU and the UN, offer clear rules and forums for achieving this

■ Democracy plays a key role in keeping states safe and peaceful. Democratic states are less likely to fight each other.

■ International trade binds states together in common interests, making them more dependent on each other and reducing the likelihood of conflict.

Liberalism, complex interdependence and globalisation

This is the idea that states and their fortunes are inextricably linked. Globalisation is seen as a key factor in increasing states’ links to and dependence on each other.

Globalisation can be thought of as increased links between and dependence on states and all other non-state actors in global politics. It has primarily occurred due to improved communications links and technology. Liberals are convinced that globalisation is a reality that needs to be managed through increased cooperation. They believe that greater interconnectedness and cooperation is the direction of travel for global politics.

■ Economic: much-improved communication and transportation have increased trade between states. There is greater economic interconnectedness because more states are trading with each other as it becomes easier to do so. International economic organisations, such as the WTO, have played their part in this expansion of new trade agreements. Developed economies have invested heavily in many developing economies.

■ Political: political decision making has become increasingly globalised, through the increase in international and regional governmental organisations. The increasing number of political challenges that require a collective response has also increased, including climate change, organised crime, health pandemics (such as the 2015 Ebola crisis) and global terrorism. The number of international and regional political institutions managing shared interests has increased, as has their membership.

■ Social: communities that were previously relatively self-contained have become increasingly connected in terms of shared media and culture. Increased global immigration has created much more diverse societies, although some argue that this has led to an erosion of national culture. It has also enabled ideas to travel quickly across borders. For example, the speed with which the Arab Uprisings spread from Tunisia to Egypt and other middle eastern and north African states has been attributed to the power of social media (such as Facebook and Twitter) and satellite news channels (such as Al Jazeera). An analogy often used to explain complex interdependence and liberalism is that of a cobweb. In contrast to Dalton’s Billiard Ball Model, the Cobweb Model represents the links between states. If one strand breaks, the cobweb may begin to disintegrate. This demonstrates the extent to which states are dependent and rely on each other.

Constraints on conflict

Unlike realists, who believe that global politics is naturally prone to conflict, liberals — notably the philosopher Immanuel Kant — identify three strands of liberalism that act as constraints on conflict.

1 Democracy: Conflict between democratic states is very rare and it may be that democracy acts as an important restraint on states fighting each other. This may be because governments in democratic states are more accountable to their citizens than in undemocratic states. Usually, governments of democratic states have to seek the permission of their national legislature to engage in military action. For example, in 2013 the UK Parliament voted against military action against the Assad regime’s chemical weapons programme in Syria. (It has become increasingly common — but not compulsory — for the UK Parliament to be consulted before UK armed forces are committed to military action. The refusal of the UK Parliament to support military action was considered to be a factor in the Obama administration's later deciding not to put possible military action in Syria to a vote in Congress.)  While wars can start with popular support the media coverage can quickly change public opinion against the war,  (particularly if there are large numbers of casualties).  E.g Vietnam. Democracies tend to avoid war where there is no clear exit strategy. Not only is this  not a concern that leaders of undemocratic states but authoritarian leaders may seek war conflict to deflect attention from domestic problems or bolster their popularity, particularly if they have a limited popular mandate. E.g. Putin's military actions in the Ukraine.

Democratic states offer a more stable base with which other states can trade. They are more transparent and are less prone to corruption, which is a factor that puts off potential foreign investors. Democratic states are more likely to be peaceful and more stable, making them more attractive to foreign investment.

2 IGOs:   'Jaw, jaw is better than war, war,' -Churchill.

 IGOs can act as a restraint on conflict because they are a means of peaceful dispute resolution between states. While IGOs do not have full authority over nation-states (and states can ignore them or opt out, or they can be locked in gridlock on more complex problems), liberals believe they are the closest possible challenge to the dangerous notion of an anarchical system of global politics. They may not resolve every dispute, but they offer a forum to defuse some disputes altogether, reduce tensions in some and keep open the possibility of dialogue in others.

Membership of IGOs can help to build democracy within states. The EU, for example, makes it a requirement for member states to meet certain democratic criteria. Turkey has so far failed to be accepted into the EU, partly because of weaknesses in its democracy.

3 Economic interdependence and trade : liberals believe that the more states are trading with each other, the more they are dependent on each other and the more likely it is that conflict would be mutually harmful. Liberals also believe that free trade in a global system governed by rules has formalised and legitimised the global sharing of resources. Previously, states fought each other for territory and resources, but in modern times, widespread global free trade has offered a peaceful means for states to gain from each other’s resources.

These three restraints on conflict are visualised through the Kantian Triangle. Even before IGOs and free trade existed in the sense that we know them today, liberal philosopher Immanuel Kant identified that:

republican constitutions [democratic states], commercial exchange [economic interdependence] and a system of international law would help foster peaceful relations between states. The Kantian Triangle helps us to understand the relationship between the three core elements, and how each: (a) helps to strengthen the others (b) contributes towards the overall outcome of a more peaceful status quo

 Many IGOs have been founded to make economic interdependence easier. IGOs such as the EU and the ASEAN offer their members a framework within which they can trade with each other freely, based on a commonly agreed set of rules. One state can potentially open up more trade links more quickly with other states through joining a bloc of nations, rather than acting alone.

Liberalism, the international community and liberal interventionism

While realists believe that states should only act when their national interest requires it, there is a strand of liberal thinking that believes states should act regardless of their national interest. The media and political leaders often employ the phrase ‘international community’ to describe a coordinated response to a crisis, often referring to what the international community believes or what it ‘should do’. It is a notoriously vague expression, with no clear definition. Who is the ‘international community’? Do those using this term have a defined group of states in mind?

For liberals, the idea of an ‘international community’ does exist as an aspiration to work towards. They believe states share interests, values and attitudes. For example, human rights apply to all human beings regardless of where they live in the world. Consequently, liberals believe that human rights are worth defending, since they are a globally shared value and interest.

Therefore, if a state abuses basic human rights, the ‘international community’ should do something to prevent the abuse. Why? Because preventing human rights abuses is in the global interest — if human rights abuses go unchecked, the argument runs, the entire global system of human rights would be weakened.

Of course, realists disagree that there are shared global attitudes and values. They believe that attitudes, interests and values come primarily from states themselves and are not always aligned.

Tony Blair’s Chicago speech

The idea of an international community with shared interests and values to be defended was underlined in a key speech given by former UK prime minister Tony Blair, in Chicago in 1999. The speech came after the successful NATO-led military intervention in Kosovo, in former Yugoslavia, where Serbian forces’ expulsion of ethnic Albanians had prompted a humanitarian crisis. Blair argued that such an international community did exist, stating that ‘just as within domestic politics, the notion of community — the belief that partnership and cooperation are essential to advance self-interest — needs to find an international echo’. Blair argued that national interest and international interest were increasingly difficult to separate. Military intervention in another state should not be decided purely on whether there was a threat from that state to the outside world, but on the basis of the nature of the threat to the state’s own domestic population. Put simply, other states should intervene for humanitarian reasons, in order to prevent human suffering in its own right, rather than for narrow self-interest alone.

The UN and the Responsibility to Protect

The failure of UN peacekeepers to prevent a genocide from taking place in the African state of Rwanda in 1994 prompted the UN’s interest.

There was also agreement that the legitimacy of intervening in other states to protect lives needed to be made clearer. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, agreed by the UN World Summit in 2005, confirmed that states had a ‘responsibility to protect’ (see page 195) the populations of other states if they were suffering, or were likely to suffer, serious harm. Military action would be justified by several core principles of liberalism:

■ The purpose of military action was solely to protect civilians, rather than to pursue narrow self-interest.

■ The state/s could only intervene once it/they had made every effort to resolve the situation through non-military means, such as diplomacy and negotiation.

■ Intervention could only take place if a UNSC Resolution authorised it (thereby making the intervention legitimate in the eyes of international law).

■ The military action must be proportionate, must be likely to succeed and must not make the situation worse. Liberalism and the likelihood of global governance

Liberals disagree that global politics is naturally without order and instead believe that global governance is possible and desirable. They do not necessarily agree that a form of world government, with full authority to force states to comply, is possible. But they point to the huge number of IGOs that have been created since the end of the Second World War as evidence that a more informal type of governance can indeed work.

Impact and growth of intergovernmental organisations IGOs are a feature of the post-Second World War global order. Before 1945, very few IGOs existed. Apart from the League of Nations, states worked together by agreeing ad-hoc treaties with a flexible, rather than fixed, number of partner states.

After the horrors of the Second World War, during which nationalism had once again given rise to global conflict, world leaders believed that security and stability would be best delivered if states tried to find more ways of working together in a more formal and sustained manner.

Several of the world’s now most-established and influential IGOs emerged during the time immediately after the end of the Second World War. The UN, the IMF and the World Bank were all founded in 1945. NATO was founded in 1949, as divisions between the Soviet Union and the USA and its allies deepened.

Since the Second World War, international organisations:

■ have increased in number

■ have increased in the range of policy areas with which they are involved (for example, military, economic, trade and development objectives)

■ have seen the number of states joining them (member states) increase

■ have prompted the founding of other regional organisations (for example, the ASEAN, the AU and the Gulf Cooperation Council). 

• Request new password
• Create a new account

World Politics: International Relations and Globalisation in the 21st Century

Student resources.

The Cold War, ideology and globalisation

The Cold War was a forty-year conflict that dominated International Relations between the late 1940s and late 1980s. It involved a fluctuating relationship between the USA and the USSR, and it had significant global effects. The two ‘superpowers’ dominated international relations, because of their possession of large quantities of nuclear weapons and the global influence of their foreign policies. Their relationship centred on vastly different ideological interpretations of what was desirable in international relations. The USA sought the international spread of liberal democracy and capitalism, while the USSR wanted to see the advance of revolutionary communism, with the goal of dramatically changing the international order. The Cold War ended abruptly and unexpectedly in the late 1980s. It not only marked the end of the ideological division between the USA and the USSR, and the demise of international communism and its ideological challenge to liberal democracy and capitalism, but also signified the return to centrality of globalisation for our understanding of IR.

The post-Cold War era has been characterised by different ideological assumptions from the USA and Russia, the Soviet Union’s successor state. While the USA has continued to press the virtues of liberal democracy and capitalism via its foreign policy, Russia has sought to advance its national interests via ‘strong’ leadership and a ruling ideology that stresses the importance of power, including that derived from military means. Globalisation is the medium whereby both the USA and Russia sought to project their ideological preferences after the Cold War.]

• Help and information
• Comparative Politics
• Environmental Politics
• European Politics
• European Union
• Foreign Policy
• Human Rights and Politics
• International Political Economy
• International Relations
• Introduction to Politics
• Middle Eastern Politics
• Political Economy
• Political Institutions
• Political Methodology
• Political Philosophy
• Political Theory
• Politics of Development
• Security Studies
• UK Politics
• US Politics
• Share This Facebook LinkedIn Twitter

Foreign Policy: Theories, Actors, Cases (3rd edn)

• Praise for the previous edition, Foreign Policy 2e
• How to use this book
• Guided tour of the Online Resource Centre
• Acknowledgements
• Notes on contributors
• Introduction
• 1. The history and evolution of foreign policy analysis
• 2. Realism and foreign policy
• 3. Liberalism and foreign policy
• 4. Constructivism and foreign policy
• 5. Discourse analysis, post-structuralism, and foreign policy
• 6. Actors, structures, and foreign policy analysis
• 7. Foreign policy decision making: Rational, psychological, and neurological models
• 8. Implementation and behaviour
• 9. Public diplomacy
• 10. The role of media and public opinion
• 11. The primacy of national security
• 12. Economic statecraft
• 13. Duties beyond borders
• 14. The Cuban Missile Crisis
• 15. Canada and antipersonnel landmines: The case for human security as a foreign policy priority
• 16. Neoconservatism and the domestic sources of American foreign policy: The role of ideas in Operation Iraqi Freedom
• 17. China and the Tian’anmen Crisis of June 1989
• 18. India and the World Trade Organization
• 19. Rising Brazil and South America
• 20. Australia and global climate change
• 21. Israeli–Egyptian (in)security: The Yom Kippur War
• 22. What kind of power? European Union enlargement and beyond
• 23. Energy and foreign policy: EU–Russia energy dynamics
• 24. The failure of diplomacy and protection in Syria
• Bibliography
• Subject Index

p. 54 3. Liberalism and foreign policy

• Michael W. Doyle
• https://doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708902.003.0003
• Published in print: 11 August 2016
• Published online: September 2017

This chapter examines the implications of liberalism for foreign policy and foreign policy analysis. Liberal countries have long been known to maintain peaceful relations with each other. Liberal democracies tend to respect and accommodate other democratic countries and negotiate rather than escalate their inter-liberal disputes. However, liberalism can also exacerbate tensions with non-liberal states. The chapter first considers what scholars have meant by liberalism before describing the major features of liberal foreign relations and the three schools of liberal foreign policy analysis: individualist, commercial, and republican. It then explores the effects of liberalism on the international relations of liberal states: incentives for a separate zone of peace among liberal states, imprudent aggression against nonliberals, and complaisance in vital matters of security and economic cooperation. It concludes with reflections on preserving and expanding the liberal peace — while avoiding war with the wider non-liberal world.

• foreign policy
• foreign policy analysis
• liberal peace
• zone of peace
• foreign relations
• non-liberal state
• imprudent aggression
• complaisance
• international relations

You do not currently have access to this chapter

Please sign in to access the full content.

Access to the full content requires a subscription

Printed from Oxford Politics Trove. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).

date: 05 September 2024

• Cookie Policy
• Privacy Policy
• Legal Notice
• Accessibility
• [185.194.105.172]
• 185.194.105.172

Characters remaining 500 /500

• Society and Politics
• Art and Culture
• Biographies
• Publications

The Black Sash: a case study of liberalism in South Africa 1955-1990

Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Social Studies, Sub-Faculty of Politics, University of Oxford, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Abstract: The understanding of South African liberalism in the second half of the twentieth century, and particularly after 1960, has been impoverished by the scarcity of analyses of liberal political activity during this time. This study tries to redress this deficiency through an historical analysis of the Black Sach organisation, from its inception in 1955 until 1990. By means of a periodised narrative, this thesis examines the evolution to, changing social, economic and political conditions in South Africa. This study explores how the Black Sash prevailed in a political climate which was characterised by the almost complete decline of political liberalism. It shows how specific characteristics of the Black Sach's organisational identity, such as its White, middle-class, female membership, contributed to its resilience. It also shows how the particular focus of the Black Sach's activities, notably its concentration on extra-parliamentary politics and its nationwide network of legal advice offices, contributed to its political survival. The thesis also illustrates how attempts to articulate liberal values in South Africa involved the Black Sash in a process of political evolution, where experience and debate contributed to the development of its political identity. The Black Sach sustained an ongoing critique of its liberalism, reinterpreting and adapting traditional liberal concepts so that they more accurately reflected its evolving understanding of the liberal ideal in the South African context.

Know something about this topic?

Towards a people's history

• Middle East
• Eastern Europe
• Southeast Asia
• Central Asia
• International Law
• New Social Compact
• Green Planet
• Urban Development
• African Renaissance
• Video & Podcasts
• Science & Technology
• Intelligence
• Energy News
• Environment
• Health & Wellness
• Arts & Culture
• Travel & Leisure
• Hotels & Resorts
• Publications
• Advisory Board
• Write for Us
• Internships

The relationship between liberalism and nationalism has been of particular importance, especially in the 21 st today. Western Europe, particularly nations like Britain, France, Italy, and Germany, which were seen as champions of liberalism, are now hubs for rising nationalist movements. Liberalism and nationalism are often seen as two opposing ideologies. A nationalist government is seldom construed as ‘liberal’ in common parlance. ‘Liberal’ can mean many things. At the simplest level, there is a dichotomy between classical and modern liberalism. When one compares nationalism to liberalism, it is important to see which variant of liberalism is under comparison. The first half of this piece will attempt to compare the civic and ethnic notions of nationalism, predominantly derived from Hans Kohn’s work. The second half will look at the rising dangers of nationalism in Europe and its impact on modern liberalism with the case studies of Britain, Italy, and France.

Civic vs. Ethnic Nationalism: A Study of Hans Kohn

One of the most seminal works in comparing liberalism and nationalism is that of Hans Kohn. [1] He believed that nationalism was a worldwide phenomenon. But its connection to liberalism appeared when he distinguished between two types of nationalism- civic and ethnic. Civic (liberal) nationalism in which people were united by a sense of duty towards liberal values like citizenship, individual rights, universalism, and the rule of law. Kohn saw this as the model of nationalism prevalent in the west. Kohn believed that this notion of western nationalism was “central to liberalism and liberalism, central to it.” [2] As a Zionist, Kohn viewed the Jewish model as ‘messianic,’ a characteristic of liberal nationalism. It was based on morality and a sense of duty towards its people. As a cultural Zionist, Kohn believed that Jewish immigration must happen peacefully and in union with the sentiments of the Palestinians. An overthrow of the Palestinian people would be unacceptable. 

On the other hand, ethnic nationalism to Kohn was merely political. Ethnic nationalism was an idea propagated by the East who did not share the ‘liberal’ values of the West but sought to claim their place in a world dominated by the West. [3] In many ways, Kohn’s views can also be seen as imperialist. He believed that the western version of nationalism can be spread to the world as a ‘gift to humankind.’ With his example of World War II, Kohn took his justification a step ahead. He believed that both the Axis and Allied powers had their sense of nationalism. [4] He looked at Fascism as a type of nationalism that was irrational and failed to self-transcend, as opposed to the Allied version of nationalism which was ‘liberal’ and ‘universalist.’

Dangers of Nationalism in Europe: A Shift Away From Liberalism

Rising trends of ethnic nationalism in Europe in the 21 st century are disproving most of Kohn’s assumptions of western nationalism. This section will explore three case studies of Britain, France, and Italy which were once considered to uphold liberal and universal values, but are now seeing a shift to the extreme right.

Although Britain may not technically be under Europe anymore, it still serves as an integral example to look at the resurgence of ethnic nationalism in the West. The English Civil War was the first instance of nationalist thought in Britain. Hans Kohn wrote [5] that although it was not secular nationalism, it still brought an end to the conflict between the Catholics and protestants. He wished for English nationalist qualities like national law, dignity, liberty, and individualism to inspire his cultural Zionist model. Britain’s 1998 Human Rights Act discusses the freedom of religion in the country. [6] For most of the Post WWII era, Britain was (at least on paper), a proponent of civic nationalism. However, Britain today is different.

The consequences of Brexit, in numerous ways, exhibit ethnic nationalist tendencies. Hate crimes against ethnic minorities, border restrictions, and labour market restrictions significantly rose. Individualism, equality before the law, and universalism, all of which are values of civic nationalism, have little meaning now. Britain is now heading towards a direction in which nationalism is not based on shared values, but ethnicity and interests of the native population.

Today, with Rishi Sunak and Suella Braverman taking Britain’s highest offices, its situation is ironic. Braverman, an Indian-origin British citizen, has expressed her concerns over the UK-India trade deal which will result in Indian immigrants ‘overstaying their welcome.’ [7] Her other goal now is the execution of the Conservative Party’s Rwandan asylum plan for Ukrainian refugees. Whether it is immigration or foreign policy, the current Tory leadership is isolationist.

Italy is another fascinating example of a nation that has seen many shifts between civic and ethnic nationalism. Its WWII history was marked by Fascist nationalism and a non-existent sense of personal liberty. It sought to expand its influence throughout Europe. Italy’s fascist regime was autocratic and suppressed any opposing ideology, believing in its ethnonational superiority.

After the war, Italy took a turn and became a democratic republic with religious freedom, liberty, and equality. It was among the highest-performing nations in most global human freedom indices as of 2022. [8] It removed all forms of censorship that existed during the Mussolini regime in the 1948 revision of its constitution. As a part of the EU, it also encouraged free immigration, with almost 10% of the population coming from immigrant backgrounds. [9] Although it hasn’t experienced as much of a change as Britain, there is a looming fear of ethnic nationalism as its new Brothers of Italy party is now in power.

Italy’s new Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is a poster child of far-right thought. She is known to exhibit many of Mussolini’s policies, viewing him as an inspiration. [10] Her government now intends on having a zero-tolerance approach to immigration and overturn Italy’s just soli citizenship policy. [11] Her opposition to non-Christian immigrants and asylum seekers. Meloni is also known to propagate conspiracy theories like her opposition to Sorosian globalism and belief in the resurgence of the Karlegi Plan. [12] Although it has been less than a month since her election, it is an important factor showing a shift in Europe’s political thinking.

France’s rise in ultranationalism came as a shock to the continent. The values of the French revolution were not just the western but global epitome of civic nationalism in the modern world. Before and even shortly after the French revolution, France had its brand of ethnonationalism under Napoleon Bonaparte. If Kohn’s understanding is that the ideal model of civic nationalism involves imparting western ‘liberal’ values to the world, then France is a brilliant example. Through its many imperial conquests in Africa, Indochina, and the Caribbean, France sought to impose its brand of nationalism. Even its style of civic nationalism today seems hypocritical. For example, the French model of secularism is based on the notion of not having any religious expression in public. Of course, this has led to widespread protests with the introduction of the hijab ban, with many ethnic minorities interpreting this policy as an act of aggression.

France under Macron has been ultra-centrist. But ethnic nationalism has reared its head in many other ways. 2022 was a year that almost set France down a far-right spiral with Marine Le Pen closely losing to Macron. Her vote share this time was larger than any that the National Rally has had, with a 41% share. [13] According to French election laws, Macron can only stand for elections again five years after the end of his current term. One can infer that there is a strong chance for Le Pen to be elected the next time.

La Pen’s views are as radical as any European far-right candidate. Apart from strong support for the hijab ban, her ethnonationalism tendencies are reflected in social policies. Her policy proposals ahead of the 2022 general election were that immigrants cannot avail of many social services unless they have been employed in France for over five years, distancing from the European Union and NATO, restrained free trade practices, ethnic French interests over immigrant French interests, and ending jus soli rights. [14] Again, in this case, ethnic nationalism will prevail over nationalism for shared values.

Can Liberalism and Nationalism Reconcile?

Instead of looking at the question as a matter of liberalism vs. nationalism, this article tried to argue that even liberal nations have some nationalism embedded. Through the case studies, the essay posits that the debate now is between the civic and ethnic notions of nationalism. Taking inspiration from Kohn’s work, this piece aimed to critique his claims on civic nationalism. Despite clearly highlighting the consequences of ethnic nationalism, it is important to see that civic nationalism, if applied wrongly, can be equally problematic. The notion of civic nationalism is often seen as synonymous with imperialism. British and French colonialism till the 20th century, and US efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan, are some examples. Assuming that the western concept of liberalism can be applied universally, has yielded disastrous results.

Discussing the subject further would help arrive at a more effective conclusion if the West had consistently upheld its version of civic nationalism. But its efforts to bring its value to the East have only further fuelled Kohn’s earlier claim that the East’s version of nationalism seeks to secure its place in the world. Paradoxically, the rise of far-right parties in Europe has diminished any differences between civic and ethnic nationalism. As long as the world finds itself in this situation, neither does the East-West axis of nationalism play a significant role nor do any attempts to reconcile liberalism and nationalism…

[1] Craig Calhoun, “Inventing the Opposition of Ethnic and Civic Nationalism.,” in Nations Matter (Routledge, 2007).

[2] Ibid, p 118.

[3] Ibid. p 118.

[4] Ibid. p 133

[5] Ibid, p 133.

[6] Liberty, “The Human Rights Act,” Liberty, 2020, https://www.libertyhumanrights.org.uk/your-rights/the-human-rights-act/#:~:text=are%20under%20threat- .

[7] Rachel Hall, “Suella Braverman: Five Controversial Statements from UK Home Secretary,” The Guardian, October 26, 2022, https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2022/oct/26/suella-braverman-five-controversial-statements-home-secretary .

[8] “Italy: Freedom in the World 2022 Country Report,” Freedom House, 2022, https://freedomhouse.org/country/italy/freedom-world/2022 .

[9] “Italy Immigration Statistics 1960-2020,” www.macrotrends.net, n.d., https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/ITA/italy/immigration-statistics .

[10] Agencies, “As a Teenage Activist, Giorgia Meloni Had Once Praised Mussolini – Times of India,” The Times of India, September 27, 2022, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/europe/as-a-teenage-activist-giorgia-meloni-had-once-praised-mussolini/articleshow/94467256.cms .

[11] Nick Squires, “Giorgia Meloni: Heiress to Italy’s Fascists to Become the Country’s First Female Leader,” The Telegraph , June 19, 2021, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2021/06/19/giorgia-meloni-far-right-fatty-could-become-italys-first-female/ .

[12] Martino Mazzonis, “The Poisonous Roots of the Great Replacement Theory,” Reset DOC, May 25, 2022, https://www.resetdoc.org/story/the-poisonous-roots-of-the-great-replacement-theory/ .

[13] Le Monde, “Macron Wins French Presidential Election,” Le Monde.fr , April 24, 2022, https://www.lemonde.fr/en/politics/article/2022/04/24/macron-wins-french-presidential-election_5981506_5.html .

[14] Elaine Ganley, “Le Pen’s Far-Right Vision: Retooling France at Home, Abroad,” AP News, April 22, 2022, https://apnews.com/article/2022-french-election-marine-le-pen-vision-1dc32d753e839a2c1871db3bb47a3e2f .

• European Union
• Nationalism

What Will the Future Hold for the Western Pacific with Harris or Trump Victory?

Ai and the bomb: nuclear strategy and risks in the digital age – book review, 85 years after ww2: connecting the invasions of poland and ukraine, nepal between india and china, pepe unchained presale raises $12m as layer-2 meme coin challenges ethereum.

• Cookie Policy (EU)

MD does not stand behind any specific agenda, narrative, or school of thought. We aim to expose all ideas, thinkers, and arguments to the light and see what remains valid and sound.

• Fine Living

© 2023 moderndiplomacy.eu. All Rights Reserved.

Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.

To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to  upgrade your browser .

Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.

• We're Hiring!
• Help Center

Classical Realism and Classical Liberalism: Summary and Case Study of the Gulf War 1990-1991

As the first major international crisis to follow the Cold War, the Gulf War coincided with the hotly debated issue of the rise and dominance of liberalism as compared to Marxism (Fukuyama, 1992). For this paper’s analysis of classical realism and classical liberalism, the Gulf War (1990-91) has been chosen as a case study, as it occurred just as the Cold War has ended. The outbreak of the Gulf War raises the first elementary question, why did Iraq invade Kuwait? In terms of a realist view, the answer is simple: Iraq acted rationally from the angle of national interest. Classical liberal analysis of the Gulf War stems from two main theoretical points: the moral legitimacy of the US-led coalition’s military operation and the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in agreement with international law, and international cooperation in the course of collective security.

Related Papers

Younes Kenbib

Analysing the Gulf War from a Liberal point of view

Patrick Hung

How was the effects of realist theory the understanding the American hegemony in the context of the First and Second Gulf Wars ? This research examines the Gulf wars with a realist perspective of American hegemony in the international relations discipline of the 1st and 2nd Gulf wars. This article includes the first Gulf War events from 1990 to 11 September, the US policy on Iraq and American hegemony. The most important building block is to reach American hegemony and oil resources. Focusing on the content of this research, it is based on understanding the cause of the military interferences here when it sees the realist perspective as a threat to the interests of American hegemony. The main focus of American hegemony is to prevent the Gulf region oil from being under the influence of the enemy regional or global forces, and when it is approached with a realist perspective, it constitutes the subject of this research. The Gulf War and the American hegemony have increased its power or presence in the Gulf region, and have shown the world that it can control and respond harshly to these threats that are hostile to it or that may pose a threat to it. The biggest examples of this are the September 11 events, the execution of Saddam Hussein. This research explores how the American hegemony, security, or interests are controlled by a realist perspective when they think it is under threat in the international arena. Gulf Wars is one of the most important indicators of how American hegemony responds in an aggressive language. Keywords: Realism,the 1990 Iraq War, the 2003 Iraq War, Hegemony.

Eric A Heinze

This article explores the extent to which the decision to invade Iraq in 2003 coheres with the normative precepts of liberalism as an international relations theory. Beginning with a Lockean liberal theory of the state, this article first examines the evolution of international liberalism in order to identify the fundamental normative postulates of liberal theory as it pertains to international relations, especially regarding the use of military force. The article then advances two interrelated arguments: First, that the underpinnings of the decision to invade Iraq embodied in the Bush Doctrine draw heavily from the liberal tradition, though still depart from it in important ways. Second, that the Bush Doctrine as manifested in the Iraq war reflects in many ways the liberal thinking that prevailed during the interwar years and is therefore susceptible to the same charge of ‘utopianism’ that was leveled against interwar liberalism by E. H. Carr in his Twenty Years’ Crisis.

Peter Yu-chi Wong

Areij Abdullah

Since the end of the cold war in 1991. The US war on Iraq is considered to be the most debatable incident in the modern history. The incident witnessed myriad explanations by international relations theories , such as Liberalism and Realism. This paper's major concentration will be on explaining the war from a realist perspective, as it is regarded as the mainstream theory in international relations. This paper aims at illustrating the US war on Iraq from a realist perspective; explaining its dynamics, motivations, and the main actors involved in the war. This paper relies on qualitative methodologies such as academic journals, articles and speeches. This paper argues that realism is best explains the case of the of the US war in Iraq in 2003. For realists. The circular purpose for the US to invade Iraq ​was the maintenance of its security; especially after the incident of 9-11 by Al-Qaida. And to keep its hegemony over other countries of the world. The paper will be divided into three sections. The first section will analyse the theory of realism. The second section will explain the dynamics of the war and the main actors who involved from a realist perspective. The third section will investigate the motivations of the US to invade Iraq in a realist approach.

Jennifer Manning

The essay examines the 2003 United States occupation of Iraq. It argues that although oil was a contributing factor in occupying the country, oil was just an element embedded in the ideas and values of liberal modernity held by the United States.

Ramazan Özdemir

Mohammed Nuruzzaman

The American war on terror and the invasion of Iraq remain spectacular developments in the history of international relations. This article probes the explanatory powers of the existing academic realist theories to account for the Bush administration’s war against Al-Qaeda, a nonstate shadowy organization, and the invasion of Iraq. It argues that the realist theories are largely deficient frameworks to provide any satisfactory explanation of the war on terror and its subsequent extension to Iraq. This paper also proposes an alternative framework, the framework of ‘‘neo-conservative realism,’’ to offer a more satisfactory explanation of America’s war on terror. The framework of ‘‘neo-conservative realism,’’ in contrast to the existing realist theories, is more flexible to account for the current neo-conservative outgrowth of American foreign policy and national security strategy.

Christopher Chao , Kefu Cao

Theories on international system have long formed and evolved even before the appearance of the study of international relations. Two of the dominant paradigms, liberalism and realism, have gathered advocates both inside the government and academia, aiming to set normative standards, explain international events, as well as exert influence on policy prescription. At first glance, judging by the character and doctrine of these two paradigms, a simple conclusion might be drawn that that there are completely opposite and by no means can work together. However, a closer analysis of a recent international event might suggest that the decision made by state leaders will probably take both paradigms into consideration. As this paper will point out, single paradigm, though sophisticated and self-consistent enough, is becoming less capable of explaining international events all by itself. In order to establish a logical order and foster insight on the topic, while discussing the paradigms, the first step is to explain how does each paradigm view the international system, state interests, state power, cause of war, etc. Followed by that, it will be helpful to provide the historical and empirical account, both historical events and writings of scholars before World War 1, of how and why these perspectives come into existence. Lastly, as each paradigm will naturally adopt certain series of policy preferences which meet its criteria, the impact they impose on the behavior of states will be the subject of discussion. To begin with, realists hold the view that the international system is a system of what Hobbes described as a state of war (Hobbes 1904,18). Without an overarching authority to supervise and to guarantee that each actor will act properly, every single actor on the international stage is facing the threat of being attacked and can only rely on themselves. The only way for actors to eliminate such threat is by increasing power, whether by expanding armed forces or forming alliance to balance or counterbalance those who may jeopardize their survival. For realists though, the only power they believe is the power to go into war, and the only valid actors are states with sovereignty and autonomy to act. Liberals on the other hand, are convinced that this anarchical system will not be permanent. In general, liberals hold the idea that the situation of warring states is subject to change, since war is caused by misunderstanding or the lack of institution in the current international system. While liberals emphasize on the importance of international

Loading Preview

Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.

RELATED PAPERS

Gurakuç Kuçi

Taimoor Shah

LIBERALISM & REALISM AND THE 2003 WAR IN IRAQ

Brigid Gesami

Hasbaia Hadj

Abdelrahman Rashdan

Mishal Shahid

Perspectives on Global Development and Technology

Mehdi Amineh,

International Encyclopedia of Political Science

Stefano Recchia

Transnasional Vol.11 No.1 Juni 2016

Zulfa Ruhama

Jeffrey Meiser

Obada Mobayed

Dragoș-Ștefan Argăseală

Unpublished

William Etheridge

International affairs

Timothy J Lynch

Mariana Jacques

Henry Ufomba

Political Studies Review 9:1

AYDIN AYDIN , Aydin AYDIN

kene okafor

Robert Latham

International Journal

Journal of Global Security Studies

Aaron McKeil

Kevin D Reyes

RELATED TOPICS

•   We're Hiring!
•   Help Center
• Find new research papers in:
• Health Sciences
• Earth Sciences
• Cognitive Science
• Mathematics
• Computer Science
• Academia ©2024

Realism, Liberalism and the Possibilities of Peace

“Only the dead have seen the end of war” – Plato

“We can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that — for that is the story of human progress; that is the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth” – Barack Obama

When Plato said that only the dead have seen the end of war, his remarks echoed the history of his time. War was all too often of an occurrence in ancient Greece, so much so that it might’ve been considered a necessity in some cases but a menace in others. From Plato’s time to the contemporary period of political science and international relations theorizing, philosophers and theorists have been primarily concerned with discovering human nature, its role in social and political life as well as ways and means of giving meaning to human life. Peace has been central to this process of inquiry and thought which has led humanity to its present condition. Theories of peace and war have been central to this cognitive exercise. However, in the last three centuries, relations between nation-states have taken the central stage. Theories have come to light which illuminate our understanding of how nations interact, what causes them to go to war, what motivations might they have to establish peace and how these causes and motivations might be managed to reach a stage where peace is not “an armistice in a war” as Thucydides (431BCE) stated but “a virtue, a state of mind, a disposition for benevolence, confidence, justice” as Baruch Spinoza (1670) considered it to be. Nonetheless, there are still considerable obstacles that remain in the pursuit of peace. Theorists have outlined them and literature has shed light on these hurdles whereas in some cases the pre-occupation with peace has also led towards a more hostile state of international affairs amongst nations as well as peoples.

To understand the prospects for peace in international relations, one must understand as to why war is such a reoccurring event in the history of nation-states and also the nature of international affairs and the determining factors which cause action, reaction, cooperation, hostility and peace between states in the international system. Establishment of nation states in the 16 th century raised issues about whether human freedom and independence was central or the establishment of the state and its survival was the primary aim of political discourse. Two theories which take these arguments forward towards peace and resolution of conflicts in international theory are realism and liberalism. Over the last two centuries, realism and liberalism have accounted for much of what has taken place in the international arena and they continue to offer prescriptions of state behaviour and its possible effects on peace in-between nation states. This essay will elaborate on the possibilities for peace in the international system which have been put forth by realism and liberalism and their neo-variants in particular and then their critical analysis will be presented. The core features and assumptions of liberalism and realism will be outlined along with the possibilities for peace put forth by both the theories , followed up by critical discussion on of these prescriptions for peace and their possible implications for nation-state dominated international system. Firstly, liberalism’s core concepts and foundations will be explained followed up by what liberal’s put forth as their formulas to achieve peace in the world system. After that, realism’s foundations will be brought to the forefront of the discussion and the theory’s prescriptions for peace will be elaborated upon. Eventually, an analysis of suggestions for peace put forth by liberalism and realism will be scrutinized via a critical eye for contradictions and theoretical pitfalls that exist in both the theories.

Liberalism can be crudely defined as the “freedom for the individual” as it believes that human’s are good natured beings. Liberalism’s core ideals stress individualism, human rights, universality, freedom from authority, right to be treated equally under the protection of law and duty to respect and treat others as “ethical subjects” as well as freedom for social action. (Doyle, pp.206-207; Fukuyama, 1992, p. 42) Closely connected to these individual freedoms is the concept of representative government as well as the importance of the ownership of private property, right to free economic activity without state interference. (Doyle, 1983, p.208; Fukuyama, 1992, p.44) Liberal scholars such as Kant (1675) focused on harmony between people overseen by institutions such as judiciary and the representative form of the government where leaders exercise their authority with the consent of “free people existing in a political order”. (Doyle, 1983, p.209; Kant, 1675) As the liberal state is represented through sovereign government of the people, its sovereignty and integrity is not subject to any external control such as an authority. (Doyle 1983, p.213)

One particular brand of liberalism, which is known as liberal institutionalism came into prominence after the First World War when the President of the United States of America, Woodrow Wilson laid down the foundation for the League of Nations. This liberal gesture by Woodrow Wilson in fact held it’s foundations in Kant’s concept of Perpetual Peace which laid down three articles of peace, the first of which stressed that the constitution of the countries must safeguard the essential freedoms of their citizens. (Williams, 2006, p.25) The second article paid attention to the concept of pacific union and alliance between liberal states, Kant termed it as “a treaty of the nations among themselves” which “maintains itself, prevents wars, and steadily expands.” (Doyle, 1983, p.226) The third article called on states of this Pacific Union to treat civilians and visitors from other countries with respect and dignity, this has hence forth been known as the cosmopolitan law. (Doyle, 1983, p. 227; Williams, 2006, p.25). Despite the fact that the League of Nations failed to deliver on promises of peace and the criticism that liberalism received from the likes of Carr (2001), it re-emerged a reformed doctrine in shape of Neo-liberalism/Liberal internationalism.

Neoliberals share some of their assumptions about the international system with neo-realists, as the newest brand of liberalism has come to be known deals mainly with institutions and their effect on state behaviour in the international system. At the heart of the liberal internationalist ideology is its belief that states can be made to cooperate with each other in economic terms even if they exist in a system where there is security competition. Such cooperation can translate into interdependence entailing mutual benefits for both the parties involved, something that reduces the risk of war and increases the prospects of peace amongst nation-states. (Keohane & Martin, 1995, p.45; Martin & Simmons, 1998, pp.732-735) Neo-liberals emphasize absolute gains for states as their insecurities can be resolved by the use of institutions which help decision making by providing valuable information about cooperation (McMillan, 1997, p.34, Keohane & Martin, 1995, p.45-46) A central proposition for liberalism and neo-liberalism in the post-cold war period lies in the democratic peace theory. The democratic peace theory takes it’s foundations from Kant’s work and builds towards the conclusion that democracies rarely fight with each other. Liberals argue that democracies are inherently peaceful states which do not go to war easily and between two democracies, the occurrence of war has been a rather rare occurrence.  It has been stated that, the assumption that democracies hardly ever go to war with each other is “as close as anything to an empirical law in international politics”. (Levy, 1989, p.88)

The traditionalist version of the democratic peace theory builds on the belief that democracies are a by-product of progression of history influenced by dialectic discussion between societies influenced by Kant’s thesis of asocial sociability, where people learn from their past mistakes and eventually come to cooperate with one another by leaving war and conflict behind. (Fukuyama, 1992, pp. 58-64) Other Liberal theorists such as Doyle (1983) argues that democracies are intrinsically peaceful as the people are indirectly ruling their own country through a representative government and they stand to suffer the consequences of war. Jervis (2002) has further clarified that in a democratic system of government, the power is not concentrated into the hands of a single autocratic leader and that there are several veto groups which prevent a hasty decision to go to war with other states. Furthermore, it has also been elaborated that democratic values such as respect for human rights, rule of law, accommodation of multiple interest groups inside the state as well as a belief in reconciliation, makes compromise with and between democracies unproblematic as the democratic states appear to be non-violent. (Jervis, 2002, p.4)

Additionally, it has also been contended that as leaders in a democracy derive their power from a public electorate, thus it is not only in the public’s interest but also in the leader’s own interest that he or she practices restraint in aggressive policy formulation which might lead towards conflict and war and consequently extinguish his/her chances of getting elected in the future. Moreover, White (1990) has argued that as democracies are transparent and accountable systems of government which work towards “free flow of information” and thus reduce the risk of being misunderstood and mistaken as exploiters by other states. (White, 1990, pp.227-235) One more reason as to why democracies rarely go to war with each other is attributed to their commitment to free economic activity which translates into free trade as it is a method of exchange and maintenance of communication correspondence between people from different states. (Fukuyama, 1992, p.212) Furthermore, theorists have also pointed out that the cost of war is usually high thus trade between countries presents a much more viable method of gaining wealth which promotes economic interdepence between democracies who are as responsible for security of the country as its economy in the 21 st century. (Jervis, 2002, p.5)

Liberalism also argues that stability and relative peace can be achieved in the international system via a hegemon who sets the agenda for global institutions by playing an active part in international politics. (Nye, 1990, p.153; Doyle, 1983, p.223) This theory which is known as the hegemonic stability theory holds the view that a hegemon in the international system of states who has more economic and military power than other states can produce economic stability which is seen as a collective/public good in the international system and all the states benefit from it. The hegemon can do so without disregarding its own security interests because other countries benefit from the economic stability that is produced regardless of whether or not they contribute to it. (Webb & Krasner, 1989, p.184, Kindleberger, 1973, p.205) Nye (2004) further adds to this argument in the post-cold war world and emphasizes the nature of soft power that can be used by the United States of America, as the hegemon to control political environment and “getting others to want the same outcomes as it wants” which will decrease conflict of interest and promote stability in the world. (Nye, 2004, p.110) For the hegemonic stability theory to function the hegemon must, put lead trade liberalization, stay committed to an open market economy in recession and also encourage development in underdeveloped areas of the world. (Webb & Krasner, 1989, p.185)

In contrast to liberalism, its theoretical opponent realism does not attempt to paint an optimistic picture of international affairs; in fact realism’s main drive in international relations theory is to highlight the anarchic nature of international politics. Classical realists who are also known as traditional realists, held the view that international politics is an amoral exercise which is blighted by war and conflict because of human nature. Thomas Hobbes (1985) put forth the view that man operated in a state of nature where no law existed above him to prevent him from acting immorally or according to a specified set of rules. This state of nature shaped human nature which according to Hobbes was characterized by “competition, diffidence and glory” amongst humans. (Hobbes, 1985, p.185) For classical realists, the characteristics of human nature were put into practice in international politics where every state is functions to garner safety and as there is no power to keep states moral, they indulge in competition which often results in “war of all against all”. (Hobbes, 1985, p.185b) This realist thinking was given perspective in a much more formalized manner by Morgenthau (2006) who outlined six principles of political realism by stating that realism held it’s foundations in human nature, thus further cementing Hobbes hypothesis.

However modern realism which is known as neo-realism separates itself from the political rules which are situated in human nature and its characteristics and takes the view that the structure in which states exists in international relations is anarchic due to the absence of an overarching authority sovereign. (Waltz, 1979, p.103) Neo-realists thus explain that state’s serve their own interests in the international system by following a strict code of self help due to the absence of any authority above them. Moreover, as all states exist in a state of anarchy in the international arena of politics, they all pursue self interest and try to acquire power to secure themselves and ensure their survival in a system where no other state or authority will come to save them if they fail to do. (Waltz, 1979, p.104)  Theorists such as Waltz argue that it is the structural effect of the system which shapes the way its residing units act. Waltz argues, “because some states may at any time use force, all states must be prepared to do so-or live at the mercy of their militarily more vigorous neighbours”, however this does not apply that there is constant warfare and conflict amongst states in the state of anarchy but as Mearsheimer (1994) explains that there is not constant war but “relentless security competition with the possibility of war looming in the background”. (Waltz, 1979, p.102; Mearsheimer, 1994, p.9) In such a situation, no one state can trust another therefore cooperation is limited and unstable when it occurs. States function on a zero-sum principle because they are present in a structure which compels them to seek security which results in competition between states and creates the possibility of state’s cheating their way out of an alliance to gain more power and security. (Mearsheimer, 1994, p.11; Waltz, 1979, p.106) Thus due to anarchy in the realm of international relations, realists view states as unitary rational actors and the principle movers in the game of international politics, states seek self-preservation at a minimum but if given the chance they also dominate other units in the structure to make themselves more secure which creates a security dilemma as all the states exist in a self-help system of anarchy, positive moves can be deciphered as offensive ones amongst states due to the lack of trust and heightened suspicion that exists between them. (Waltz, 2001, p.181-188; Mearsheimer, 1994, 11-14)

Possibilities for peace in the neo-realist perspective which is pragmatic in its view of international politics amidst anarchy and security competition are limited. Unlike their neo-liberal counterparts, neo-realists are pragmatic when it comes to discussions of peace in international politics. Regardless, there have been suggestions that pursuing realist policies can lead to a more stable world where there is lesser conflict. Despite the dark brooding world of neo-realism in which states can’t trust one another and must always be prepared to gear up for conflict, Desch (2003) argues that states can act to serve moral purposes but only when their security interests are not being threatened and that scepticism which fills the realist view of the world produces more “just and humane policies”. (Desch, 2003, p.417)  Desch suggests that NATO involvement in the Balkans, driven by international cooperation and the moral compulsion to safeguard human rights to fight ethnic conflict between Serbs and Muslims in Bosnia had disastrous results for the Muslims. The international community asked the Bosnian Muslims to take refuge in U.N protected camps rather than descend into Muslim areas which eventually resulted in the deaths of thousands of Bosnian men and children when the camps themselves were overrun by Serbian militia in Srebrenica, ignoring the realist plea to abandon the policy of multi-ethnicity and form two separate states for muslims and Serbs each. (Desch, 2003, pp.421-422) Additionally, policies designed to avoid war and to look after the larger interest of the world community have backfired previously and resulted in casualties of genocidal proportions as suggested by Morgenthau (2006) when the British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain attempted to put regional peace ahead of national security motivated by “good motives to preserve peace” as he decided to avoid conflict with Germany and adopted a policy of appeasement towards Adolf Hitler. (Morgenthau, 2006, p.6) Unfortunately as per the dictates of history, Nazi Germany went onto conquer France, Austria and Poland, amongst other states in the Second World War which followed.

Neo-realism also puts forth a theory for relative peace to be achieved by suggesting the concept of mutually assured destruction based on the fundamental principles of nuclear deterrence. A concept which helped maintain peace during the cold war between the Soviet Union and the United States of America courtesy of their possession of the nuclear weapon. (Sagan & Waltz, 2010, p.91) However nuclear deterrence never proposes to establish world peace, nonetheless it does work towards the maintenance of relative peace between two nuclear powers. As states are seen as maximizers of security, nuclear weapons are its last resort to seeking security in a world which offers none on its own. If a state feels sufficiently scared or threatened by the actions of another state in the system of anarchy, then it can pursue nuclear weapons as they are the ultimate deterrent and providers of security. (Sagan & Waltz, 2010, p.92) The concept of mutually assured destruction functions on the basis of fear of whole scale destruction between two nuclear weapon states. If one state launches its nuclear weapon, it can be assured that the other one will respond in kind via its second strike apparatus and thus ensuring destruction of both the states in question courtesy of the highly destructive powers of the weapon in question. (Sagan &Waltz, 2010, p.92b) Since, the Second World War, no two nuclear states have fought against each other and the example of India and Pakistan is seen as a primary one in this regard outside of the deterrence which existed between U.S and the Soviet Union. Despite fighting three large scale wars against each other since 1947 over the territorial dispute of Kashmir, Pakistan and India have not fought against one another since 1998 when both the countries achieved nuclear strike capabilities, something which goes onto further elaborate on the “peaceful” powers of nuclear weapons and the theory of mutually assured destruction.

The balance of power theory is yet another one which sheds light on the possibility of peace inside the neo-realist paradigm. The balance of power theory stipulates as to how states can achieve a balance of power against their rivals in the anarchic system of politics by internal and external efforts. Internal efforts include increasing economic and military strength whilst external factors include alliance formation. (Walt, 1979, p.118) The balance of power once achieved puts both the alliances/competitors on equal footing and thus from there on in, it is a game of preserving the balance of power to ensure survival and preservation for unit actors such as states. However for such equilibrium to be formed, states who are in an alliance must accept the restrains on them due to the framework that they are a part of to achieve mutual goals and interests. As Waltz states, “only if stakes recognize the rules of the game and play for the same limited stakes can the balance of power fulfil its functions for international stability and national independence”. (Waltz, 1979, p.120)

Whilst liberalism and realism both offer certain concrete proposals for peace in the international relations theory, both theories are not devoid of fault lines which actually exhibit some of the issues that lie within their arguments for peace. Taking the liberal democratic peace theory, which has been termed “almost as good as an empirical law in international relations”, has its weaknesses where it fails to address democratic states’ and their attitudes towards non democratic nations. Levy, 1989, p.88b) Liberalist pre-occupation with a normative agenda such as human rights and their universal appeal has allowed liberals to disregard the sovereignty of countries where non democratic governments prevail. (Fukuyama, 1992, p.42b) Liberal’s such as Fukuyama have hurt the prospects of peace despite their belief in the democratic peace theory due to liberal democracy’s status as the end point of human civilization, which cannot be bettered. (Fukuyama, 1992, p.45) Fukuyama’s claim that Islam is “grave threat” to liberal democratic project as well as the belief that certain value systems are “hard to digest” have had a counterproductive impact on the maintenance of peace in other parts of the world where liberal democracies have taken it up on themselves to spread the universal idea of human freedom and dignity through coercive and in some cases outright militant means. (Fukuyama, 1992, pp.44, 235)

Realists have presented their own thesis with regard to the democratic peace theory and stated that the democratic peace theory’s assumptions such as democracies and their peaceful predispositions, decentralized distribution of power should hold when confronted with conflict of interests with non-liberal states. (Jervis, 2002, p.5b) However in a monadic perspective, where liberal states should act peacefully with other non-liberal states, democratic peace theory’s assumptions have turned up to be hollow, supporting the neo-realist view of security competition in the anarchic arena of international relations. Some realists such as Mearsheimer (1994) and Jervis (2002) have attributed democratic peace between democratic nations due to the security blanket provided by the United States of America, since the end of the second world war, nonetheless liberals have provided their own counter argument by pointing out the successful transfer of hegemony in international politics between liberal democracies such as Britain and the United States of America at the starting point of the 20 th century as a transfer of global power between both the states without any conflict and hostility between the two nations. (Doyle, 1983, p.223)

Pitfalls in the democratic peace theory are further highlighted by when liberal imperial interventions aimed at instilling democracy and restoring universal human rights in other countries around the world are taken into account. Doyle (1983) admits that liberalism has failed in third world countries whilst Fukuyama (1992) is quick to deflect the blame towards cultural dispositions in the places where liberal democracy has not yet flourished. (Doyle, 1983, pp.324-333, Fukuyama, 1992, pp.235-238) Additional critique has been presented by Mearsheimer (2011) as he outlined the problems in American project to bring democracy to third world countries in order to achieve an international peace as per the democratic peace principles. Taking the realist perspective, Mearsheimer argues that America’s liberal project has resulted in the superpower being at war for “two out of every three years since 1989”, therefore portraying that America’s liberal imperialist project to safeguard human rights and spread democracy has actually resulted in more global conflict by destroying the peace that it seeks to establish. (Mearsheimer, 2011, p.19) Downs & Mesquita (2004) have shed additional light on the problems of liberal imperialism and how social engineering in third world countries has been particularly unsuccessful for the United States of America. Regardless, liberals argue that the peace held together between democratic nations such as the European Union as well as the United States of America, Canada, Japan, Australia and India is directly attributable to the democratic peace theory, if not it’s monadic then certainly it’s dyadic effect, as peace still exists between two democracies

Similar problems emerge in the hegemonic stability theory which depends on a hegemon’s ability to lead the way in international relations, set the focal point for institutions and perform its duties as the benign or in some cases liberal hegemon. (Mearsheimer, 2011, p.19; Webb & Krasner, 1989, p.184b; Martin & Simmons, 1998, pp.732-735b) United States did take up its role as the liberal hegemon and used its soft power to spread liberal ideas around the world as Nye (1990) had urged it to do but this had negative impact on international stability as rather than encouraging peace it brought violence. In the aftermath of September 11 th , 2011 when America came under attack from Al-Qaeda, the global hegemon turned imperial and adopted an aggressive stand towards those who did not agree with its liberal outlook of the world. This failed policy resulted in states such as Iran, Iraq and North Korea being termed as the axis of evil. America proceeded to invade Iraq in 2004 and due to the security threat North Korea declared itself a nuclear power whereas suspicions are rife that Iran is reaching nuclear capability as well. (Mearsheimer, 2011, p.30, Waltz, 2007, p.137) However convincing the realist arguments might appear to be, U.S’s role as a global hegemon and the potential impact of the United State’s withdrawing from its role in international institutions as a benign hegemon is captured by Kindleberger (1973) who attributes the great depression which lasted in the inter-war period to the failure of the United States of America to leading a more active international role and thus stabilize the international system in times of economic crisis.

On the economic interdependence principle, which the liberals claim increases cooperation in international relations by using institutions, theorists have outlined that states seldom trust one another in order to participate in an exchange of absolute gains because of the trust deficit which exists between one state and another due to the structure of anarchy. It has also been argued that the international institutions such as the United Nations and the WTO are just representations of the distributions of power that exist in today’s world due to America’s control over them and their function. (Mearsheimer, 1994, p.  9-14) Neoliberals such as Keohane & Martin (1995) have accepted the fact that institutions will not be significant if a conflict of interest exists between two states at the international level as such a conflict cannot possibly be resolved by institutions alone due to the pursuit of interests by each state. However they do outlined that institutions can provide a mechanism through which states can cooperate and thus increase the possibilities of peace in international relations via solving the information dilemma between two states, which might help them cooperate and prefer long term gains over short term gains that they might be able to gain by “cheating”. (Keohane & Martin, 1995, pp. 43-45)

On the other hand, realist theories which aim to provide relative peace have also appeared to be short of what their claims imply. Sagan contends the mutually assured destruction theory and argues that nuclear weapons in the post-cold war world have developed an unstable side to them with the emergence of non-state actors such as terrorists groups. Whilst realist interpretations of states as rationalist actors retains its value, such a luxury cannot be extended to terrorist groups who function on ideas of mass murder based on religious belief and thus stand to benefit from nuclear proliferation especially towards states who have a history of supporting such groups. (Sagan & Waltz, 2010, p.88) The realist reply contends that decision makers choosing to make use of nuclear weapons remain rational due to its power to cause mass destruction but they overlook the fact that certain states such as Iran and Syria have been continuously supporting terrorist groups and using such non-state actors to pursue their geo-political interests and therefore it is unwise to allow proliferation of nuclear weapons to such states. (Sagan & Waltz, 2010, p.89) Sagan (2010) also puts forth the argument that nuclear deterrence will still hold in a world where nuclear weapons have been dismantled because every state will know that if it can revert back its commitments to abandon nuclear weapons, other can do so as well, providing nations incentives to maintain a nuclear weapons free world. There is also the issue of a state over-estimating the amount of nuclear cover it can operate under. Waltz’ deterrence argument holds true but nuclear weapons might actually result in overtly aggressive state behaviour on a regional as well as a global scale because hiding behind the curtain of deterrence, states can undertake violent ventures as illustrated by Pakistan’s skirmish with India in 1999 was a result of Pakistani general’s cover attempt to retake the territory of Kashmir via military action under nuclear cover. (Sagan & Waltz, 2010, pp.90-94)  Realist response to the nuclear cover argument remains absent however Desch (2003) argues that United States can prevent nuclear weapons from falling into the wrong hands by engaging countries such as Pakistan and India and developing secure command and control protocol for the weapons in question.

Realist and liberal claims and theories for peace remain littered with loopholes and theoretical pitfalls which goes onto show the weak prospects for peace that exist in international relations. Despite strong claims by both sides backed up by empirical and theoretical arguments, both liberalism and realism are found lacking in their prospects for peace. Whilst realism does not make a claim to be a theory of peace, liberalism’s claim towards peace between democratic nations and cooperation through economic interdependence remains largely relevant. Nonetheless, liberal interventions in other parts of the world still pose a threat to peace in both relative and absolute terms, something that is counterproductive for a theory which actually takes an optimistic and reformist outlook on the subject of international relations.

Conversely, realism’s claims of mutually assured destruction suffers imbalances when empirical evidence such as Pakistan’s Kargil conflict with India is used to highlight the potential for nuclear blackmail under nuclear cover and the overestimation of deterrence. On the other hand, claims that realist policies actually lead to a more humane world should not divert attention away from the fact that realists still claim that security competition can lead towards war which is often the case in international politics. It has been argued that both realism and liberalism provide insufficient accounts and possibilities of peace in the international system. Liberalism with its focus on universalism and harmony makes for an unstable world; whereas realism and its pessimism does not say much about prospects for peace.

References Desch, M. C. (2003) It is kind to be cruel: The humanity of American Realism. Review of International Studies. 29(4), pp. 415–426 http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayFulltext?type=1&fid=163110&jid=RIS&volumeId=29&issueId=03&aid=163109

Downs, G.W., Mesquita. B. B. (2004, 04 February) Gun-Barrel Democracy Has Failed Time and Again. Los Angeles Times . Retrieved from http://articles.latimes.com/2004/feb/04/opinion/oe-downs4

Doyle, M. W. (1983) Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs. Philosophy & Public Affairs, 12(3), pp. 205-235 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2265298

Doyle, M. W. (1983) Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs, Part 2. Philosophy & Public Affairs, 12(4), pp.323-353 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2265377

Fukuyama. F. (1992) The end of history and the last man . New York: Macmillan, Inc.

Hobbes, T. (1985). Leviathan . London: Penguin Classics

Jervis, R. (2002) Theories of War in an Era of Leading-Power Peace. The American Political Science Review, 96(1), pp.1-14 http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=208442

Kant, I. (1795) Perpetual Peace. Retrieved on 13 th of December, 2011 from http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/kant/kant1.htm

Kindleberger. C. P. (1973) The world in depression, 1929-1939. London: Allen Lane

Keohane, R. O., Martin, L.L (1995) The Promise of Institutionalist Theory. International Security, 20(1), pp. 39-51 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2539214

Levy, Jack S. (1989) Domestic Politics and War.  In Robert I. Rotberg and Theodore K.  Rabb. (eds) Origins and Prevention of Major Wars , (pp.  79- 100) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Martin, L.L., Simmons, B. A. (1998) Theories and Empirical Studies of International Institutions. International Organization, 52(4), pp. 729-757 duke.edu/~kkk4/Fall_07/IR_Methods/martin_simmons.pdf

McMillan, S. M. (1997) Interdependence and Conflict. Mershon International Studies Review, 41(1), pp.33-58 http://www.jstor.org/stable/222802

Mearsheimer, J.J (2011) Imperial by Design. The National Interest , No. 111 , pp. 16-34. mearsheimer.uchicago.edu/pdfs/A0059.pdf

Mearsheimer, J. J (1994) The False Promise of International Institutions. International Security , 19(3), pp. 5-49. www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2539078.pdf

Mearsheimer, J. J. (2001) The Tragedy of Great Power Politics . New York: W. W. Norton & Company

Morgenthau, H. J. (2006). Politics Among Nations. (7 th Ed.) Boston: McGraw-Hill/Irwin

Nye, J.S. (1990) Soft Power. Foreign Policy, 80, pp. 153-171 http://www.jstor.org/pss/1148580

Nye, S. J. (2004) Soft Power: The means to success in world politics. Cambridge: Perseus Books Group

Sagan, S. D., Waltz, K. (2007) A Nuclear Iran: Promoting instability or courting disaster. Journal of International Affairs, 60(2), pp.135-150. iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/21918/Sagan_ Nuclear _ Iran .pdf

Waltz, K. N. (1979) Theory of International Politics. Boston: McGraw-Hill Higher Education

Waltz, K. N. (2001) Man, State and War . (Rev. Ed) New York: Columbia University Press

Waltz, K. Sagan, S. D. (2010) The Great Debate: Is Nuclear Zero the best option? Retrieved on 13 th of December, 2011 from http://nationalinterest.org/greatdebate/nuclear-option-3949

Webb, C. M., Krasner. D. S (1989) Hegemonic stability theory: an empirical assessment. Review of international studies, 15, pp.183-198. http://www.jstor.org/pss/20097178

White, Ralph. (1990) Why Aggressors Lose. Political Psychology , 11(2) , pp. 227-42. http://www.jstor.org/pss/3791688

Williams, A. (2006) Liberalism and War: The victors and the vanquished . New York: Routledge

Written by: Hamza Jehangir Written at: University of Salford Written for: Chris Agius Date written: December 2011

Further Reading on E-International Relations

• Rehabilitating Realism Through Mohammed Ayoob’s “Subaltern Realism” Theory
• Offensive Realism and the Rise of China: A Useful Framework for Analysis?
• An Outdated Debate? Neorealism’s Limitations and the Wisdom of Classical Realism
• An Ethical Dilemma: How Classical Realism Conceives Human Nature
• Intermestic Realism: Domestic Considerations in International Relations
• How Successful Has the UN Been in Maintaining International Peace and Security?

Please Consider Donating

Before you download your free e-book, please consider donating to support open access publishing.

E-IR is an independent non-profit publisher run by an all volunteer team. Your donations allow us to invest in new open access titles and pay our bandwidth bills to ensure we keep our existing titles free to view. Any amount, in any currency, is appreciated. Many thanks!

Donations are voluntary and not required to download the e-book - your link to download is below.

• CLASSIFIEDS
• Advanced search

American Board of Family Medicine

Advanced Search

A Case-Control Study to Identify Associations Between Modifiable Preconception Care Indicators and Pregnancy Outcomes

Original research, ashwini kamath mulki, md, mbbs, mph; melanie b. johnson, mpa; nicole m. burgess, bs; kyle shaak, mph; katie nisbett, pharmd; katarzyna jabbour, pharmd, bcps; roya hamadani, mph; beth careyva, md.

Corresponding Author:  Ashwini Kamath Mulki, MD, MBBS, MPH, VHP; Family Health Center Email:  [email protected] DOI:  10.3122/jabfm.2024.240133R1 Keywords:  Case-Control Studies, Counseling, Pennsylvania, Preconception Care, Pregnancy, Pregnancy Outcome, Preterm Birth, Primary Health Care, Retrospective Studies Dates:  Submitted: 03-26-2024; Revised: 08-09-2024; Accepted: 08-19-2024 Status:  In production for ahead of print. 

PURPOSE : This study explored gaps and opportunities in preconception care with a focus on determining whether modifiable preconception care indicators are associated with preterm births.

METHODS : This retrospective case-control study explored pre-pregnancy data of patients ≥18 years old who delivered preterm (cases) versus full term (controls) between June 1, 2018, and May 31, 2019, at a health care network in Pennsylvania. Cases were matched 1:2 with controls based on age, parity, and history of preterm delivery. A literature review yielded 11 key indicators of quality preconception care. Documentation of counseling on these indicators were extracted from patient charts from their most recent primary care visit prior to pregnancy (preconception care) and their pregnancy intake visit (prenatal care). Bivariate analyses were used to assess whether any of the 11 preconception indicators were associated with preterm birth. All analyses were conducted utilizing SPSS statistical software.

RESULTS : Our sample included 663 patient charts: 221 preterm births and 442 term births. Elevated blood pressure (>120/80) in the preconception period (Odds Ratio [OR] = 1.84) and at the prenatal intake visit (OR = 1.68) was significantly associated with preterm birth. In addition, patients with BMI ≤18 or ≥30 at their prenatal visit were nearly twice as likely (OR = 1.85) to have pregnancies resulting in preterm birth.

CONCLUSIONS : Our study highlights BMI and BP as key focus points for preconception counseling. Additional studies are needed to determine whether pregnancy outcomes other than preterm birth may be influenced by these and other preconception care indicators. 

ABSTRACTS IN PRESS

Video Case Study – How Avelo Airlines is Elevating Travel with PayPal

PayPal Editorial Staff

September 4, 2024

Known for leading the industry in on-time performance and low cancellation rates, Avelo Airlines collaborated with PayPal to enhance their customer experience and streamline operations.

From day one, Avelo Airlines has focused on delivering an unparalleled travel experience. To achieve this, they needed a payment solution that was not only robust but also aligned with their commitment to innovation and excellence. Enter PayPal.

Since implementing PayPal solutions, Avelo’s conversion rate has increased, offering a smoother, more convenient checkout process for their customers. Avelo views PayPal as more than just a payment processor; it’s their number one technology partner.

We spoke with Andrew Levy, Founder, Chairman & CEO, and Hunter Keay, Chief Financial Officer, of Avelo Airlines, who share how PayPal has become an integral part of their success story.

Watch the video to learn how PayPal is helping Avelo Airlines inspire travel and innovate to stay ahead in the fast-paced airline industry.

Was this content helpful?

Related content

Connect with our sales team.

Let's talk about how PayPal can power your growth.

Tell us a little about your business so we can connect you with the right people

*All fields are required

I consent to PayPal contacting me by phone or by email, and to sending me product or industry information relevant to my query. I know I can unsubscribe at any time.

Want to speak with an account specialist right away?

Need help with your existing account?

We use cookies to improve your experience on our site. May we use marketing cookies to show you personalized ads? Manage all cookies

Digital University For All

• Shared Values
• Pro-Chancellor
• Board of Governors
• Executive Management Committee
• METEOR Board of Directors

Administration

• President/VC's Office
• VP/DVC's Office
• - Academic & Research
• - Learner Experience & Technology
• - Business Development
• - Registrar's Office

Achievements

• Awards & Recognition
• Undergraduate
• Postgraduate
• Faculty of Business & Management
• Faculty of Technology & Applied Sciences
• Faculty of Education
• Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities
• Research Hub
• Digital Library
• Recognition & Accreditation
• Request Info
• Visit Learning Centre

55 Programmes Available

Future Learners

• Learning Centres

Current Learners

• Online Score Entry System
• Support & Guidance
• Financial Aid
• PsyQiQ plus
• Alumni Portal
• Convocation
• Verify Graduates

Malaysian Learners

• How To Apply
• Requirements
• Programmes Offered

International Learners

• Financial Assistance
• Online Application

Top Searches:

• TSDAS Digital Library
• Scholarships
• Application

RM24,000

Discount for the Physically Challenged Learners (OKU) and Senior Citizens

* Fees applicable to Malaysians and Permanent Residents only. * The University reserves the right to revise the fees without prior notice.

The University offers 50%  discount for: 1. Senior citizens aged 60 and above on registration date; and 2. Physically challenged learners – a valid Orang Kelainan Upaya (OKU) is required. The discounts are not valid for second time registration and repeating of subjects. Learners who receive this discount are  not entitled  to other discounts and promotions.

Note Processing fee:  RM50 Re-registration fee of RM220 per semester is chargeable for extension of the Research Thesis/Dissertation 

EPF (Account 2); or	JomPAY
Education or Personal Loan from commercial banks; or	Internet Banking
HRDF (subject to employer’s eligibility); or	Debit/Credit Card.

* The University reserves the right to revise the fees without prior notice.

**LATEST UPDATE: 31 October 2021

Entry Requirements

Program educational objectives (peo).

PEO1	To produce professional graduates who appreciate knowledge and are highly skilled in the area of social sciences specifically, psychology, communication and political science.
PEO2	To produce graduates who can lead with good leadership quality, professionalism and efficiencies in advancing their career and knowledge, as well as the ability to work in a team within the organisation and society.
PEO3	To produce graduates with creativity, innovation, and critical thinking traits especially in addressing social issues, and communicate effectively in today’s challenging environment.

Programme Learning Outcomes (PLO)

PLO1	Acquire knowledge of concepts, principles, practices and standards of communication, psychology and political sciences, and other relevant disciplines for the purpose of academic or work. ( ).
PLO2	Apply practical and theoretical understanding in any social sciences issues especially in communication, psychology and political science. ( ).
PLO3	Adapt different roles required in society and contribute positively to the community and relevant stakeholders. ( ).
PLO4	Demonstrate ethical and moral values as well as professionalism in daily practice to fulfil their professional and social responsibilities. ( ).
PLO5	Perform related roles individually or in teams, able to lead, communicate effectively and be good team players. ( ).
PLO6	Think critically and suggest possible solutions using the acquired knowledge and skills in solving problems related to issues within the social sciences’ fields. ( ).
PLO7	Recognise the need to engage in life-long learning for continuous self-development and professional development. ( ).
PLO8	Enhance managerial and entrepreneurship skills in striving to accomplish the highest achievement. ( ).

How to Apply

Request information, financing your education, do you have more questions.

Here are some common types of career fields and examples of career opportunities for graduates with a Bachelor of Liberal Studies with Honors:

Career Field	Career Opportunities
Education	1. Teacher or Instructor 2. Educational Administrator 3. Curriculum Developer
Communications	1. Public Relations Specialist 2. Content Writer or Editor 3. Media Analyst
Nonprofit and Advocacy	1. Nonprofit Program Manager 2. Fundraiser 3. Advocacy Coordinator
Business	1. Management Trainee 2. Business Analyst 3. Sales Representative
Human Resources	1. HR Specialist 2. Recruitment Coordinator 3. Training and Development Manager
Public Administration	1. Government Analyst 2. Policy Advisor 3. Public Affairs Specialist
Healthcare Management	1. Healthcare Administrator 2. Healthcare Consultant 3. Hospital Administrator
Social Work	1. Social Worker 2. Case Manager 3. Counselor
Environmental Studies	1. Environmental Consultant 2. Conservationist 3. Sustainability Analyst
International Relations	1. Foreign Service Officer 2. Diplomat 3. International Development Specialist
Public Relations	1. PR Specialist 2. Media Relations Coordinator 3. Event Planner
Writing and Publishing	1. Author 2. Editor 3. Technical Writer 4. Content Manager
Cultural Studies	1. Museum Curator 2. Cultural Program Coordinator 3. Historian
Political Science	1. Political Analyst 2. Campaign Manager 3. Lobbyist
Law Enforcement	1. Police Officer 2. Detective 3. Correctional Officer
Art and Design	1. Graphic Designer 2. Art Director 3. Creative Director

The struggle to balance study and work gave me better insight into productivity and efficiency. I was able to apply the lessons learned to my occupation. My study at OUM was my progress in development. The encouragement and guidance from OUM gave me the platform and confidence to succeed in my studies. Today, my degree has given me generous employment recognition, added edge in promotion, and salary advances.

Look for other programmes that you might be interested:

• Bachelor of Islamic Studies (Islamic Management) (Honours)
• Bachelor of English Studies (Honours)
• Bachelor of Communication (Honours)
• Bachelor of Psychology (Honours)
• Bachelor of Liberal Studies (Honours)
• Bachelor of Political Science (Honours)
• Diploma in Islamic Studies with Education
• Doctor of Philosophy (Arts) 220 Humanities
• Doctor of Philosophy (Arts) 310 Social and Behavioural Sciences
• Master of Psychology
• Master of English Studies
• Master of Counselling
• Master of Islamic Studies
• Master of Corporate Communication
• Postgraduate Diploma in Islamic Studies
• OUM Graduates
• Staff Portal
• Centre for Teaching & Learning Management
• Vendor Registration
• Procurement Notices

• Live In The D
• Newsletters

Takeaways from AP's report on JD Vance and the Catholic postliberals in his circle of influence

Peter Smith And Michelle R. Smith

Associated Press

Ohio Sen. JD Vance’s 2019 conversion to Catholicism helped shape his political worldview, he has written.

It has also put him in close touch with a Catholic intellectual movement, viewed by some critics as having reactionary or authoritarian leanings, that has been little known to the American public.

Recommended Videos

That's changing with Vance’s rise to the national stage as the Republican vice presidential nominee and running mate to former President Donald Trump.

The professors and media personalities in this network are generally known as “postliberal.” Vance has used that term to describe himself as well.

Here are some takeaways from the AP's reporting on Vance's Catholicism and the Catholic thinkers in his circle of influence.

What is postliberalism?

It's a movement primarily among Catholic intellectuals that rejects both the progressive left, with its focus on individual rights and identity, and “economic liberalism,” the ideology that favors a free market and small government.

Postliberals do share Catholic conservatives' longstanding opposition to abortion and LGBTQ+ rights.

But Catholic postliberals want a muscular government — one that they control.

They envision people who share their views taking over government bureaucracies, universities and other institutions from within, replacing entrenched “elites” and acting upon their vision of the “common good.”

“What is needed … is regime change — the peaceful but vigorous overthrow of a corrupt and corrupting liberal ruling class and the creation of a postliberal order,” wrote Patrick Deneen, a prominent author in the movement, in his 2023 book, “Regime Change.”

Is JD Vance a postliberal?

Vance has identified as postliberal , spoken alongside prominent postliberals at public events , met with them privately and praised some of their work.

And he has taken stances similar to those of other postliberals.

He’s said the next time his allies control the presidency or Congress, “ we really need to be really ruthless when it comes to the exercise of power.” He has said Republicans should seize institutions, including universities “to make them work for our people.” He’s advocated for government policies to spur childbearing , a notion reflected in his digs at “childless cat ladies” with allegedly no stake in the nation’s future.

The Trump-Vance campaign did not respond to questions about where Vance sees himself in the movement and whether he shares some of the beliefs promoted by many postliberals.

How big is this movement?

Not big, but it has a following among influential Catholic professors and writers.

But now, postliberals have an avid listener in Donald Trump’s running mate.

“You can go from people writing on an unusual Catholic theology blog to the vice presidential candidate in the course of less than a decade,” said James Patterson, professor of politics at Ave Maria University in Florida.

Some Catholics, including conservatives, have raised alarms about the company Vance has kept. They say postliberalism has historical connections to 20th century European movements that are associated with authoritarian regimes like Francisco Franco’s in Spain.

“We’re talking about people that prefer right-wing authoritarian regimes,” Patterson said. In a postliberal society, he said, citizens become “subjects” and personal liberty subjected to “administrative despotism.”

What do postliberals want?

Postliberals’ ideas vary, but there are common themes, said Kevin Vallier, author of “ All the Kingdoms of the World ,” a 2023 book on the modern postliberal and integralist movements and their centuries-old roots.

Depending on who’s talking, a postliberal regime change could involve encouraging childbearing, easing or removing church-state separation, banning pornography for adults and children alike, reimposing laws that limit business on the Sabbath, supporting private-sector unions and strengthening safety nets for the middle class.

It’s common to hear postliberals praising Hungary’s nationalist prime minister, Viktor Orban, who has championed an “illiberal democracy.” Vance himself has praised Orban for Hungary’s financial subsidies to childbearing couples and for “smart decisions” in seizing control of universities.

How has Catholicism shaped Vance's politics?

Vance has said his faith helped shape his political worldview — emphasizing the need to promote both individual moral responsibility and social reform.

But Vance has recently tried to downplay his Catholicism’s impact on policy-making.

Trump’s Supreme Court appointees provided the crucial majority to overturn Roe v. Wade, which had legalized abortion nationwide.

But the issue has become a political liability, with voters in several states rejecting abortion restrictions.

Vance strongly opposed abortion, even in cases of rape and incest, in the runup to his 2022 senatorial win. But Vance has aligned with the Republicans’ first post-Roe platform in 2024, in which it backed off from its longstanding support for nationwide abortion restrictions.

Vance told the New York Post in August that Catholic social teaching “certainly influences how I think about issues.” But he said he accepted that there are "a lot of things the Catholic Church teaches that frankly, Americans would just never go for.”

Would Vance advocate for postliberalism as a vice president?

Vance has other influences besides postliberals, said Julian Waller, a political science professor at George Washington University.

“Someone like JD Vance can read them, be interested in them, attend talks, know them personally, get insights from them,” Waller said. “But he’s not on the hook to obey them.”

For an example of what an administration using state power for postliberal ends might look like, Waller pointed to Florida and Gov. Ron DeSantis’ efforts to rid public higher education of diversity initiatives and critical race theory.

“Forcefully changing institutions, capturing institutions. He’s interested in firing federal bureaucrats. This has been a long standing interest, that he’s interested in reformatting or abolishing certain departments.”

Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.

Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.

Click here to take a moment and familiarize yourself with our Community Guidelines.

The NDP-Liberal deal is done. What happens now?

Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, left, and NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh, prepare for the start of the federal election English-language Leaders debate in Gatineau, Que., on Sept. 9, 2021. The NDP has pulled out of a confidence and supply agreement with the Liberals. Justin Tang/The Canadian Press

The NDP has pulled out of a confidence and supply agreement with the Liberals. What happens now?

In March 2022, the Liberals and NDP penned a deal that would keep the minority government led by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in power until June 2025 and move ahead on some mutually agreeable policies. It was called a confidence and supply agreement.

What happens now?

The end of the deal does not necessarily mean an election will take place before next year.

It does mean the NDP will now vote on Liberal legislation on a case-by-case basis.

The first big test could come this fall if the government tables an economic update in Parliament. If the Liberals survive, another decisive moment will be the vote on the next federal budget implementation bill, likely next spring.

What did the confidence and supply agreement involve?

There are two things that can topple a minority government: confidence votes and budget (supply) votes. The confidence and supply agreement was basically a promise by the NDP not to oppose the Liberals in those key moments as a way to keep them in power.

In exchange, the Liberals adjusted their legislative agenda to make room for some NDP priorities.

How was it different from a coalition?

A coalition is a much more formal partnership. If the parties had opted for a coalition, New Democrat MPs would likely have had seats at the cabinet table, and might have been expected to align on legislation — even if they were not confidence votes.

How did it work?

The parties agreed to a list of priorities on which to advance, including a dental-care program for low-income Canadians and national pharmacare.

In exchange, the Liberals have counted on NDP support on the budget, budgetary policy and budget implementation bills. The NDP also promised not to move a vote of non-confidence or vote for a non-confidence motion until the House rises ahead of the next fixed-date election, which would be in 2025.

An oversight group met regularly to make sure the agreement was still working for both parties.

What did the deal achieve?

The Liberals acted on several NDP priorities, including dental-care benefits, one-time rental supplements for low-income tenants, 10 days of paid sick leave for federally regulated workers and a temporary doubling of the GST rebate.

The New Democrats also used the deal to push forward items such as pharmacare, a ban on replacement workers during a strike or lockout at federally regulated workplaces, and a housing accelerator fund that allocated billions of dollars to help build homes across Canada.

Report an editorial error

Report a technical issue

Follow related authors and topics

• Federal Politics (Canada)
• Justin Trudeau
• Policy and Regulation

Authors and topics you follow will be added to your personal news feed in Following .

Interact with The Globe

Owner "Knowingly" Used Basement: CBI To Court In UPSC Aspirants' Death Case

In light of the "seriousness" of the allegations, the cbi sought special court's permission for "custodial interrogation" of coaching institute owner abhishek gupta and other accused..

The basement of the building was allegedly being used for a library, the CBI said.

The owner of Rau's IAS study circle coaching institute where three UPSC aspirants drowned due to waterlogging in old Rajinder Nagar on July 27 "knowingly" used the basement for commercial purposes in contravention of the usage approved by the Municipal Corporation of Delhi, the CBI has alleged.

In light of the "seriousness" of the allegations, the CBI sought special court's permission for "custodial interrogation" of coaching institute owner Abhishek Gupta and other accused Deshpal Singh, Harvinder Singh, Parvinder Singh, Sarabjeet Singh and Tajinder Singh who have been in judicial custody.

Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate Nishant Garg on Saturday sent all six to CBI custody till September 4.

In its submission to the court, the CBI has said that its probe has also shown that the institute did not have a fire safety certificate for nearly one year after the issue was flagged before the Delhi High Court in 2023.

When the matter was raised before the high court last year that many coaching institutes in the area do not have mandatory fire safety certificates, the MCD had issued a show cause notice to the owner of Rau's IAS study circle also to comply with the masterplan-2021.

In response on August 8, 2023, he assured the MCD that he had applied for the fire safety certificate. Finally, the certificate was issued to the institute on July 9, 2024.

The CBI probe has shown that the MCD had given an occupancy certificate to the building on August 9, 2021 "explicitly" stating that the basement can only be used for a staircase, lift, lobby, toilet, parking, household storage and car lift.

The owner of the coaching institute Abhishek Gupta entered into a lease agreement with the co-owners of the building on January 5, 2022, taking the building on lease for nine years at Rs four lakh per month rent, the CBI has alleged.

The basement of the building was allegedly being used for a library and examination hall, having an 80-90 seating capacity. Students used to sit throughout the day for studies and taking tests, the agency found.

"In contravention of the approved usage of the basement, the lessor and the lessee knowingly agreed to use the basement for the commercial purpose of running the coaching institute," the CBI has told a special court.

The CBI also found that Old Rajinder Nagar used to get flooded even after moderate rains, being a low-lying area, and the rainwater used to enter the premises. In order to block the water from entering, steel gates were used in the building.

Citing the postmortem report, the CBI has said that the three UPSC aspirants died during the flooding on July 27 due to asphyxia caused by ante-mortem drowning.

The agency said its investigation revealed that on July 27 at about 6.30 PM, several students were studying in the library located in the basement of the coaching institute and heavy rainfall was taking place outside.

"The rainwater entered suddenly in the ground floor due to sudden fall of sliding gates of the main building and subsequently entered into the basement resulting in flooding of the same," it had said earlier.

The CBI said that few students survived but three students namely Shreya Yadav, Tanya Soni and Nevin Dalvin died.

The agency said its investigation shows that Rau's IAS Study Circle is being run in a building that has "Basement, Stilt/Parking, Upper Ground Floor, First Floor, Second Floor and Third Floor." "All the floors including the basement were used by the said coaching institute. The basement was used for the purpose of the library where students used to sit throughout the day for study as well as for taking test conducted by the coaching institute," it said.

The case has been filed under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), including Section 105 (culpable homicide not amounting to murder), was transferred from the Delhi Police to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) by the high court on August 2.

"Considering the submissions in the application and in particular the scope of investigation in terms of the order dated August 2, 2024 of the High Court of Delhi, custodial interrogation of the accused persons would be necessary for the purpose of investigation and for ascertaining the role played by various individuals who might have been involved in corrupt practices or criminal negligence," the court said on Saturday.

Promoted Listen to the latest songs, only on JioSaavn.com

The court passed the order on an application filed by the CBI seeking police custody of all the six accused for four days for their interrogation. The accused were produced before the court on expiry of their judicial custody granted earlier in the case. 

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

Track Budget 2023 and get Latest News Live on NDTV.com.

Track Latest News Live on NDTV.com and get news updates from India and around the world .

India Elections | Read Latest News on Lok Sabha Elections 2024 Live on NDTV.com . Get Election Schedule , information on candidates, in-depth ground reports and more - #ElectionsWithNDTV

Watch Live News: