causes of the haitian revolution essay

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Haitian Revolution

The Haitian Revolution: Origin Story, Causes, Outcome and Major Effects

by World History Edu · March 11, 2023

Origin story and causes of the Haitian Revolution

Haitian Revolution: the only slave uprising that resulted in the birth of the world’s first black republic

Having grown tired of over three centuries of the worst form of oppression, social hierarchy and brutal enslavement, black African slaves in the prosperous French colony of Saint-Domingue began a brutal revolt against the white plantation class and slave owners in 1791. The revolt, which lasted until 1804, came to be known as the Haitian Revolution, the first successful slave uprising that culminated in the overthrow of French and European control and then the birth of the world’s first black republic.

It was the first time in all of history that blacks were able to challenge the prevailing stereotypes about their race being inferior and lacking the capacity to rule themselves. The Haitian Revolution, which was anything but a simple affair, sent shockwaves throughout the world.

And even to this day, the successful insurrection, which is known in French as révolution haïtienne, continues to serve as a potent inspiration in the struggle against racism, oppression, and all forms of neo-colonialism across the world.

What exactly triggered the Haitian Revolution? Who were the leaders? And what did the revolution accomplish?

Below, World History Edu explores the root causes, outcome and major effects of the Haitian Revolution.

How did France begin its colonial rule of Haiti?

Famed Italian navigator and explorer Christopher Columbus is credited with being the first-known European for setting eyes on Haiti in December 1492. The explorer called the island La Isla Española (“The Spanish Island”) in honor of the Spanish monarchs that backed his expedition to the New World.

Ultimately, the island came to be called Hispaniola in English. In the decades that followed, not only did the natives of the island suffer and die as a result of diseases brought forth by the European settlers, the natives were enslaved and sent to work in the mines under terrible conditions. Such was the devastation unleashed (directly or indirectly) by the Europeans on Hispaniola that by the early 17th century, there were hardly any natives on the island.

Therefore, the European settlers did what every European power was good at the time: slavery. Several tens of thousands of black slaves were brought to Hispaniola to shore up the depleting human capital. Many of those slaves arrived from the slave coast of West Africa, while the rest were simply transferred from other Caribbean islands.

Saint-Domingue was the western part of the island of Hispaniola. The eastern part, Santo Domingo, was held by Spain. Image: Saint-Domingue

Saint-Domingue becomes France’s wealthiest overseas colony

Control of the western part of Hispaniola gradually began to move into the hands of the French as the gold mines got depleted. In mid-1660s, French colonists founded the Port-de Paix settlement in the northwestern part (Saint-Domingue) of the island. By the end of the 17th century, the French settlers had started turning their side of the island into massive plantations of sugarcane and coffee. Owing to how labor-intensive those plantations were at the time, the French landowners in Saint-Domingue began mass importing thousands and thousands of African slaves.

France would rake in a fortune from those sugarcane plantations on its part of Hispaniola. This resulted in more and more importation of African slaves. Basically, the vast wealth generated by the French colony of Saint-Domingue was built upon the backs of African slaves whom were treated worse than animals. For many decades, the slave population endured insufferable conditions.

The oppressive social hierarchy in Saint-Domingue and the size of the slave population

To put into perspective just how many slaves were at the beck and call of white slave owners in Saint-Domingue; it’s estimated that the slave population shot up from a mere 4500 in the late 1600s to about half a million by the end of the 1700s. At the peak of slavery on the island, slaves outnumbered white plantation class by 12 to 1.

The social structure of Saint-Domingue in the late 18th century had the European white plantation owners at the top, followed by the white shopkeepers, administrators and artisans. Next were the affranchis, i.e. free people of mixed-race. Firmly at the bottom, and with the slimmest of chance to rise, were the enslaved Africans that numbered about 500,000.

It was often the case that those three classes hated each other for obvious reasons. For example the rich whites were hated by the poor whites. And the middle-class whites ( petit blancs ) were often jealous of the aristocratic whites ( grands blancs ). Then, the mulattos (mixed-race) class hated the white-ruling class in general. The free Africans envied the mulattos, while the Creoles (i.e. slaves born on the island) perceived newly arrived slaves from Africa as a bit uncultured. The African-born slaves made up about 60% of the enslaved population in Saint-Domingue.

The social hierarchy of the French colony of Saint-Domingue had White colonists (les blancs) at the top, followed by the free people of color (gens de couleur libres), and then the African-born slaves. In the late 1700s, white colonists were in the region of 40,000, free people of color 28,000, and the enslaved population were around half a million. Image: slaves working on a sugarcane plantation

Why Le Cap had the largest slave population of Saint-Domingue

Just as Saint-Domingue had the largest population of enslaved Africans, it also had the largest population of grands blancs in the Caribbean. Many of them resided in the northern part (Plaine-du-Nord) of the island. This was because that region had some of the most fertile lands in the Caribbean. As a result, many of the sugar plantations were set up in that region. The northern port Le Cap (Le Cap Français) even served as the capital of Saint-Domingue from 1711 to 1770.

Causes of the Haitian Revolution

Saint-Domingue slave revolt broke out in August 1791. Led by Dutty Boukman, the rebels were merciless in their march, killing scores of enslavers. The first few days of the revolt were filled with enormous hatred that turned into extreme violence, including the decapitation of white children

Basically, the causes of the Haitian Revolution came in three folds. First, the mixed-race population although free had grown very frustrated by the lack of equality between them and the white plantation class. The mixed-race class hoped for more radical changes in the social structure. The second and equally important cause was the sheer level of brutality slave owners unleashed upon slaves. Finally, ideas of equality, liberty and fraternity that stemmed from French Revolution sent repels across the world. When those ideas hit the shores of Haiti, the disenfranchised and enslaved classes on the island embraced them and mounted a fierce fight for their independence.

Discontent from the free mulattoes

Although the population of mixed African and European descent were free, there was growing discontent among them because France never recognized them as equal to the European colonists.

What’s even interesting is that some of the mulattoes were wealthy enough to own plantations filled with many slaves. However, the majority of those mulattoes were nowhere close to the level of social and economic status that the whites on the island had. They also had to endure some level of discrimination from the whites, who considered all non-whites inferior.

At social gatherings, the free people of color (i.e. gens de couleur libres ) were required to stand up when in the presence of the white colonists. They also required to wear certain kinds of clothing. Basically, their civil rights – in terms of employment, housing and security – were nowhere near the white colonists.

This explains why this class of people were some of the first to push for radical social changes as they were free but not equal.

In 1791, citizenship rights were granted to some mulattos after an impassionate petition was made to the French National Assembly. However, the white colonists were far from pleased with those new civil protections granted to the mulattos. White colonists refused to comply with those limited reforms and even began threatening the mixed-race population.

It was as a result of this animosity that some free people of color decided to cast their lot with the slaves when the Haiti Revolution began in August 1791. Some of them even became leading figures of the revolution.

The French Revolution and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen

On August 26, 1789, French Revolutionaries in the newly formed National Assembly (formed on June 20, 1789) came out with a bold declaration – i.e. the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen – to support the ideals of the revolution. Similar to the ideas propagated by French Enlightenment thinkers, the Declaration fell short when it came to granting equality slaves, women and even French citizens of the colonies.

The ideas of equality, liberty and fraternity that stemmed from French Revolution sent repels across the world. When those ideas hit the shores of Haiti, the disenfranchised and enslaved classes on the island embraced them and mounted a fierce fight for their civil liberties and independence.

RELATED: 9 Major Causes of the French Revolution

How the French Revolution influenced the Haitian Revolution

The French Revolution sent ripples across the world, heavily influencing enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue to revolt

For example, the ambiguity of the Declaration (i.e. “all men free and equal”) obviously enraged many white farmers in the colonies. A significant number of them wanted to break free France and declare themselves independent, almost similar to what the American colonies did in the 1770s and early 1780s.

To many enslaved Africans, an independent Saint-Domingue headed by the white planters would only make their already deplorable situation much worse. For many years, Paris and the monarch were the only things that kept the white planters from going all out berserk on the slaves in Saint-Domingue.

Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, painted by French illustrator Jean-Jacques-François Le Barbier

Again, almost similar to the political issues (i.e. request for representation in London, England) raised by American colonists in the lead up to the American Revolutionary War (1775-1783), many people of color in Saint-Domingue passionately appealed to Paris to grant them more civil protections. Notable advocates of the cause included Vincent Ogé and Julien Raimond. After all appeals fell on deaf ears, the former, who was a wealthy businessman, embarked on a brief insurgency with about just a few hundreds of followers. The colonial authorities on the island were quick to clamp down on the armed rebellion, and in the process, Ogé was executed in 1791. The colonial governor hoped that Ogé’s execution would send a stern message to would-be insurgents and rebels that such actions was not going to be tolerated.

Vincent Ogé, a Saint-Domingue native and a person of mixed-race, was an extremely wealthy businessman led a failed rebellion against the colonial authorities. Ogé banded with other rich members of his class and demanded social reforms, especially more civil protections for free people of color.

Vincent Ogé (c. 1757-1791) was a wealthy mixed-race member of the colonial elite of Saint-Domingue

Other causes of the Haitian Revolution

With many European powers locked in an endless struggle for big slice of the New World, the Spanish had started growing very jealous of France’s extremely wealthy colony of Saint-Domingue. Spain and other European monarchies, including Britain, desired nothing more than to wrestle the colony away from France.

By so doing, those European countries could deny France all the riches that the Saint-Domingue generated. This would in turn cripple French Revolutionaries’ efforts against the rest of Europe.

Spain and other European powers tried to court political dissenters in Saint-Domingue. They hoped that the instability created on the island would affect the riches that were generated by France from the island, which in turn were used by the French revolutionaries to fight Spain and other powers in Europe.

Life of a slave in Saint-Domingue

Luckily for the mulattoes they did not have to suffer like enslaved Africans on the island. Slaves were basically forced to work from dawn to dusk, working until the point of exhaustion or even to death.

The severest kinds of punishments were visited upon any slave who resisted in the slightest bit, or those who broke any of their master’s command.

Slaves lived in an environment of relentless terror, suffering all manner of physical and mental abuse, including amputations for runaways that tried to flee into the mountainous interior. The unlucky ones were beaten, hung and then left to die: a stern message to would-be offenders.

Basically, the lives of slaves were given little value as French colonists used brutal tools to maintain control of the island.

If the backbreaking jobs on the fields and physical abuse didn’t kill a slave, then a slave’s life was often cut short by tropical diseases (like malaria and yellow fever) and infections, starvation, and malnutrition.

Slave traders and owners found out that since the mortality rate of the slaves was very low, it was better to work the slaves to exhaustion. With slave owners paying very little regard to the lives of their slaves, especially the males, women began engaging in polyandry. This meant that France had to continually ship in new slaves to the island.

Mortality rate of enslaved people in Saint-Domingue exceeded the birth rate. It’s not surprising that polyandry became common on the island as there were more men than women. This was also the reason why more and more slaves were imported into the island, as it was needed to maintain the labor force needed to slave on the sugarcane and coffee plantations. Image: A St. Dominican girl with her nanny

Did you know?

The commonest destination for runaway slaves in Saint-Domingue was in the mountainous regions of the island. The slaves there (known as Maroons) banded together and did their best by living of whatever the land offered them. In some cases, they mounted a number of guerrilla attacks against white settlements in order to secure vital supplies for their survival.
Less than five years before the outbreak of the Haitian Revolution, French ships transported about a 21,000 slaves from Africa to Saint-Domingue. This further emphasis the point: slavery was an important part of the sugar production on the island.
French slave masters took were considered the cruelest in the Caribbean. They adopted relentless terror as a means to control the slave population, which outnumbered them by more than 10 to 1. In the northern part of the island, that ratio was worse. It’s said that slave-owning class usually feared of a slave rebellion.
With France becoming infamous for brutalizing slaves in its territories, King Louis XIV of France passed the Code Noir in 1685 in order to mitigate the level of violence directed towards the enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue.
The name Haiti comes from the Taino language. The name means “high mountains”. It was often the case that runaway slaves fled to the interior of the mountainous regions.

The Vodou ceremony at Bois Caïman and its importance

In early August, 1791, enslaved blacks had their first major meeting at Bois Caïman to plan a massive slave insurrection, which would later morph into the Haitian Revolution.

Vodou ritual ceremonies were seen as an important event where enslaved people could meet and reconnect with their African roots. Those rituals helped to bring them together. The whites and slave-owning class permitted the Vodou rituals because they did not see them as a threat. However, beneath those gatherings and events, laid pent up energy and desire to one day break the shackles that held enslaved Africans on the island.

At one particular Vodou ritual on the night of August 14, 1791, slaves from many nearby plantations attended a gathering. The ceremony, which was held at Bois Caïman, was led by an enslaved Jamaican Vodou priest (Houngan) called Dutty Boukman. Also present the Bois Caïman session was the Vodou high priestess (a mambo) Cécile Fatiman.

The Vodou religious ceremony at Bois Caïman is often seen as the first Haitian congress and the beginning of the Haitian Revolution. It was there that the slaves decided to no longer be in shackles. Renowned for his speaking abilities, Boukman Dutty constantly encouraged the gatherings to first free their mind and begin to think of themselves as free people. The participants of the ceremony made a bold decision to take their destiny into their hands: They planned to revolt.

Also at the meeting, which was said to have been attended by about 200 enslaved Africans, Boukman made a big prophecy that stated the likes of George Biassou and Jean François would lead enslaved Haitians to victory against the slave owners.

They strategized and agreed to begin the revolt in two weeks’ time. Before the meeting ended, the priests carried out animal sacrifices (probably pig), drank the blood of the animal, and then swore every member of the meeting to secrecy. The biggest take from the meeting was the plan to have their uprisings in multiple locations at a particular time. Most importantly, Boukman encouraged the members to be swift and decisive once the uprising began. The would-be slave rebels were also asked to not hold back and seek the highest form of revenge against their masters.

The Haitian Vodou religion served a huge purpose before and during the Haitian Revolution. Generally permitted by the slave owners, Vodou religious ceremonies helped create a common culture among enslaved Africans on the island. Bear in mind, those enslaved people, although predominantly from the slave coast of West Africa, came from different tribes. The Vodou religious gatherings allowed the slaves to band together. Steadily, the discussions held there morphed from the simple religious talk to plotting the downfall of their masters. They took a communion and ordered the members to keep what they saw and heard to themselves.

Did you know…?

In some accounts, it is said that during the meeting at Bois Caïman, high priestess Fatiman’s body was possessed by a Vodou spirit called Erzulie Dantor.
It is said that many of the enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue were from the West African kingdom of Dahomey (located in present-day Benin). Others came from Nigeria, Angola and Congo.

French Enlightenment writer Guillaume Raynal (1713-1796)

August 22, 1791: the Haitian Revolution begins

Just a few weeks the Vodou meeting at Bois Caïman, over 1,000 enslaved Africans unleash terror upon the ruling white en slavers in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, marking the beginning of the Haitian Revolution.

Records show that the brutal uprising began on August 22, 1791 in a relatively coordinated manner as slaves from neighboring plantations unleashed mayhem. They showed no mercy as they were out to get full revenge for the centuries of oppression and enslavement. The rebellion completely caught the white slave-owning population by surprise, with many of them being killed while they slept.

Bookman, the leading figure of the rebel slaves at the time, encouraged the slaves to be brutal and visit upon the white the same level of violence the whites had used against them.

Vodou high priest Dutty Boukman initially served as the leader of the slave revolt that broke out in 1791

Steadily, more and more slaves joined the revolt, and sugarcane fields and refineries were set ablaze. Homes of slave owners were also destroyed. Beginning with 1000 slaves, the revolt soon swirled to 20,000. The goal was simple: Destroy the system that suppressed them for centuries. In just a few days, the slaves had successful laid waste to large parts of the Northern Plain (Plaine-du-Nord) of the island. Almost 200 sugar plantations and 1000 coffee farms were destroyed.

Some mixed-race people were not sparred, as the rebels saw them collaborators of the white Europeans. As a result, both whites and mixed-race people fled to the capital city, Port-au-Prince.

George Biassou (1741-1801) is generally revered as one of the early leaders of the 1791 slave rebellion in Saint-Domingue.

French colonists kill Boukman

Many slaves firmly believed that Boukman’s hands were being steered directly by the gods. This belief almost made the Vodou priest appear invincible. As a result, more and more slaves joined the uprising. After suffering heavy losses in the first few days of the slave uprising, the French managed to regroup a bit and went on the search of Boukman. Their goal was to take out Boukman in order to quickly douse the rebellion. Bookman was captured and beheaded November 7, 1791. His head was put in a spike to show the rebels that priest was mortal and did not have any supernatural power.

Regardless of Boukman’s death, the number of rebels continued to swirl. In the months that followed, the number reached around 110,000 in the north. In the south, the slaves were led by a free black coffee plantation owner named Romaine-la-Prophétesse. Romaine was even able to secure a peace treaty with whites and gain control of Léogâne and Jacmel, two very important cities in the south.

Once the slave forces laid waste to the plantations of the whites, they took vital supplies, including weapons, which were then used to attack other plantations.

It’s been estimated that in the early few weeks of the Haitian Revolution, the damage done was in the region of 2-3 million francs.

Toussaint Louverture leads the slave revolt

A very determined and ambitious man, Toussaint Louverture, although born a slave, had some sort of privileges that his fellow slaves did not have. For starters, he was allowed to read and write, things that permanently changed how he viewed the world. It’s said that he had a very endearing personality, making him a likable figure by the plantation administrators and managers.

There were some few cases where some slaves managed to escape slavery either by mounting a successful runaway or by using their wits and remarkable enterprise to buy their freedom. One of such former slaves was Toussaint Louverture. Born a slave, Louverture once stated that nature blessed him with the soul of a free man.

Born to slave parents around 1743, Louverture was raised on a plantation in Haut de Cap in Saint-Domingue. His charming personality made very likable to the plantation owner and administrator, including Bavon de Libertad who gave him access the young slave access to his personal library. It’s said that Toussaint was allowed to gain some bit of education, and it’s most likely that he came into contact with some works of early Enlightenment philosophers and writers like Guillaume Raynal. Those Enlightenment ideas of liberty and freedom undoubtedly permanently changed Toussaint.

However, Toussaint, like many of the few educated free and educated people of color in Saint-Domingue, felt those French Enlightenment writers and philosophers fell short in advocating for freedom and liberty for black people and people of mixed race in the various French colonies. It is said that Toussaint straddled both worlds of “enlightened folks” and “ignorant folks”.

He believed that true liberation of enslaved Africans could only come when the divide between those two worlds has been bridged. He certainly did not consider Western Enlightened ideas as innately superior to the culture and collective knowledge of enslaved Africans. Instead, he reasoned that both cultures could merged into one.

As a free man, he impressed the white and mixed-race population with his organizational prowess, which augured well for the few business ventures he tried to establish.

Haitian Revolution and Toussaint Louverture

Born into slavery, Toussaint Louverture ultimately gained his freedom through sheer wits and enterprise. As a free man, he impressed impressed the white and mixed-race population with his organizational prowess, which augured well for the few business ventures he tried to establish. Image: An engraving of Louverture

March 1792: The National Assembly grants full civil protections to free men of color

By the beginning of 1792, about 30% of Saint-Domingue was in the hands of the slave rebels. Eager to bring down tensions in the colony, the National Assembly in March of that year quickly granted full civil protections to all free men of color in French colonies. Lawmakers in Paris hoped that such a gesture would pacify the slave rebels a bit.

The island’s new governor Léger-Félicité Sonthonax abolishes slavery in the north

The Assembly also sent over 5,500 French troops to the island to restore order. And as a sign of good faith, Paris also appointed a new governor for the island – in the person of Léger-Félicité Sonthonax. Known for his long stance against slavery, Sonthonax first action taken was to abolish slavery in the Northern Province. As expected, the white slave-owning class were furious.

French commissioner and abolitionist Léger-Félicité Sonthonax

Outbreak of French Revolutionary Wars adds fuel to the Haitian Revolution

Spanning from 1792 to 1802, the French Revolutionary Wars refer to a series of bloody conflicts between Revolutionary France and European monarchies at the time, including Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria. Those European monarchies were fighting against France in a bid to halt the spread of revolutionary ideas that were poised to bring down the monarchies in those countries.

In the Declaration of Pillnitz (on August 27, 1791), Austrian and Prussian monarchies vowed to punish France severely should something bad happen to France’s King Louis XVI and his royal family. Britain and other European monarchies took similar stance. France then went on to declare war on those European nations, marking the beginning of the French Revolutionary Wars. Making matters were the executions of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette in January and October 1793, respectively.

Cap-Haïtien, also known as Le Cap (Le Cap Français), was a vibrant port in the northern part of Saint-Domingue. Nicknamed “the Paris of the Antilles”, Le Cap was the economic powerhouse of the island. It boasted many fine residential houses that housed the aristocratic whites. Image: Fire of Cap Français, 21 June 1793

European powers court slave-owning class in Saint-Domingue

Spain and other European powers tried to court political dissenters in Saint-Domingue, hoping that the instability created on the island would affect the riches that were generated by France from the island, which in turn were used by the French revolutionaries to fight Spain and other powers in Europe.

Aggrieved by the National Assembly’s recent concessions made to people of color, the plantation class on the island decided to enter into an alliance with the British. This move was seen by the French revolutionaries as nothing short of treason.

The grands blancs on the island invited the British to also help put down the rebellion. Many of the whites hoped that should the island fall to the control of Britain, slavery would be restored in the north. Moreover, Britain as well as many other European countries were wary of slave revolt spreading to other parts of the Caribbean. Likewise, the United States, especially the slave-owning class in the south, was concerned about the unfolding events in Saint-Domingue. Basically, the breakout of the Haitian Revolution made many European powers nervous.

Britain and Spain could easily send forces, weapons, medicine and other provisions from their colonies – Jamaica and Santo Domingo (i.e. the eastern part of the island of Hispaniola and now the Dominican Republic), respectively. In the first few years of the revolution, British forces were able to overpower French forces and restore slavery wherever they went.

1794 – France’s National Assembly abolishes slavery in all its colonies

With the island descending into a civil war, the two French commissioners on the island – Léger-Félicité Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel – hoped to gain an edge by abolishing slavery in both the western and southern provinces, respectively. Enslaved Africans on the island managed to portray themselves as the true republicans – people who simply wanted their freedom. The leaders of the slave revolt maintained that they had the same ideals that coursed through the blood of the French Revolutionaries.

In 1794, the French National Assembly confirmed the decision of both Sonthonax and Polverel, proceeding to abolishing slavery in all of France’s overseas colonies. The Assembly hoped that such a profound gesture would be enough to convince slave rebels to join the French army.

Louverture changes alliance

Despite France’s abolishing of slavery in all its colonies, Toussaint Louverture, the general of the rebel forces, did not instantly join the French army. Louverture continued to fight against the French until May 1794, when he turned against Spain. The rebel general stated that he was always willing to align with any nation that promoted the rights of slaves as well as abolished slavery. His vision for Saint-Domingue was to have equality for all, regardless of race or color. At the time, he insisted that he and his forces were not fighting for independence from France.

In late 1795, Britain decided to send a fleet of British ships carrying over 28,000 men to Saint-Domingue. Britain’s goal was to conquer all of the island. British forces suffered immense losses due to many tropical diseases and the outbreak of yellow fever. They were given no respite as Toussaint and the mixed-race General André Rigaud consistently managed to halt them in their tracks. Toussaint had successfully trained former slaves, many of with no military background, into a fierce fighting force capable of mounting very successful guerilla warfare attacks.

British officer Thomas Maitland meeting with General Louverture (far left) to negotiate

Defeats after defeats caused the public in England to begin to call for a withdrawal of British forces from Saint-Domingue. Toussaint had even threatened to invade Britain’s Jamaica colony. With every city that Toussaint and his forces took, the morale in the British camp dropped.

In late August 1798, Toussaint signed treaty with Britain, stating that in exchange for Britain’s complete withdrawal from Saint-Domingue, he promised not to support any slave rebellion in Jamaica.

By the time they had withdrawn from the French colony in 1798, Britain had sunk more than 3.5 million pounds into the expedition. They also suffered more than 95,000 casualties.

Toussaint, aka “the Black Napoleon”, declares himself Governor-General for Life

With the British forces driven out of Saint-Domingue, Toussaint and his ally Rigaud became the two leading generals of the French colony. In the months that followed, the former slave-turned general became very suspicious of Riguad. The two generals faced off against each other at the War of Knives (June 1799 – July 1800), which saw Toussaint emerge victorious. That victory meant that Toussaint became the de facto leader of the whole of the Saint-Domingue, while Rigaud committed himself into exile.

With slight support from the United States during his victory over Rigaud, Toussaint emerged as the island’s dictator. The general who had been born into slavery and then became a free man came to be known as “the Black Napoleon” for his astute military skills and bravery. His military brilliance and the feats that he chalked make him one of the most renowned black generals of all time.

Toussaint was one of those few military generals that also gifted politicians. He expertly displays his political prowess in a carefully orchestrated political maneuver that forces many of his political rivals out of Saint-Domingue. In the first few years, Toussaint knew when and with whom to develop alliances in order to advance his cause of securing freedom for all enslaved people on the island.

Once General Louverture attained full control of the island, he made sure to hold on to power, preventing any interference from France. In the constitution he wrote for Saint-Domingue, the general proclaimed himself governor-for-life.

As dictator of Saint-Domingo, Toussaint issued a constitution for the territory in 1801. It was in that constitution that he proclaimed himself governor-for-life. He also proclaimed the first black independent republic. On the other side of the Atlantic, France’s new leader Napoleon Bonaparte was furious with not just the loss a rich colony as Saint-Domingo but with Toussaint’s recent proclamations. The stage was set for the clash of Napoleon and Toussaint.

To maintain his dictatorial rule over Saint-Domingue, Toussaint took to either destroying or deporting his critics, including the very popular French civil commissioner Sonthonax. The anti-slavery colonial official was exiled in 1797.

Toussaint’s reputation among the former slaves took some major hits as he tried to rebuild the devastated economy. He forced a very reluctant population to return to the sugarcane field and restart export of sugar. Bringing the economy back to life was very important in order to maintain the island’s new found civil and political freedom. However, many of the former slaves found Toussaint’s orders a lot more like slavery; they wanted to grow crops for food rather than for export. This and many more factors affected the general’s ability to fend off a French invasion.

The Toussaint-Napoleon showdown

Both Toussaint and Napoleon shared a lot of things in common. Both men came from humble beginnings, and armed with sheer determination and bravery, both men distinguished themselves brilliantly. They both became astute political leaders as a result of their military feats. Therefore it came as no surprise when Napoleon dispatched a large French expeditionary force to Saint-Domingue in 1801.

The French expeditionary force, which was led by Napoleon’s brother-in-law, Gen. Charles Leclerc, was tasked to bring Saint-Domingue back into the control of France. Beneath all of that, laid a sinister plot to have slavery restored to the island and bring Toussaint into custody, or killed. Napoleon, who despite the various disagreements he had with Toussaint, had some bit of admiration for the black general. Game does indeed recognize game!

Image: The Emperor Napoleon in His Study at the Tuileries, by French painter Jacques-Louis David, 1812

Still sour about their loss to Toussaint, Rigaud and Alexandre Pétion joined forces with the invading French force. After arriving (on February 2, 1802), Gen. Leclerc order Toussaint and his generals to surrender the city of Le Cap to the French. Fully aware of the might of the French troops, the Haitian forces refused to do so, and would rather burn the city instead of handing it over to the invading forces.

Toussaint to one of his generals Jean-Jacques Dessalines

Toussaint order his lieutenants to employ scorched-earth tactics, burning towns and plantations in order to deprive the French army access to provisions. When the opportunity presented itself, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, one of Toussaint’s lieutenants, unleashed violence on French settlements, including burning down Léogâne. Haitian forces targeted only white French. They simply refused to relinquish their recently found freedom back to the French. For this, they were willing to put their body on the line and even die.

The Haitian forces suffered a number of defeats, including at the Battle of Crête-à-Pierrot in March 1802. In that particular battle, Toussaint lost about 1400 men, while the French suffered a little bit over 200 casualties.

General Charles Emmanuel Leclerc was dispatched by Napoleon take back control of the island of Saint-Domingue

As the French bombarded the Haitians, the defiant Haitian soldiers sang songs of the French Revolution. At some point, the French soldiers began to see the double standard nature of their military commanders. Many wondered why they were trying to put down a group of enslaved people fighting for their liberty.

The French forces were clearly better equipped than the Haitians, who resorted to the use of guerrilla tactics. Come the rainy season, the French forces had to contend with tropical diseases like malaria and yellow fever. The latter claimed over 4500 French troops.

After three months of intense fighting, Toussaint suffered a huge blow: One of his lieutenants, Christophe, defected in late April 1802. Perhaps Christophe and many other Haitians had grown frustrated by Toussaint’s decision to revive the sugarcane farms. Toussaint was left with lackluster support from the island’s population.

French expeditionary forces to Haiti led by General Le Clerc

The French army led by General Le Clerc lands in Cap Français (1802)

May 6, 1802: Toussaint surrenders to the French Army

With the tides turning against him, Toussaint Louverture decided to surrender. The French promised to treat the Haitian general with respect. Toussaint was also promised that he could keep his freedom provided he integrated his forces into the French army.

Gen. Leclerc also promised that slavery would not be restored in Saint-Domingue. On May 6, 1802, Toussaint handed his sword to the French, bringing an end to his resistance. Once in custody, Toussaint bemoaned the manner in which he was treated, stating that he was treated like a criminal.

Imprisonment and death of Toussaint Louverture

Illustration of Louverture imprisoned at the Fort-de-Joux in France, where he died in 1803.

As it turned, the French had deceived Toussaint; they reneged on their promises, imprisoned Toussaint and sent him to France. The black general died in a freezing cell (at Fort-de-Joux) in the Jura Mountains of France in 1803.

Toussaint Louverture supported the anti-colonial revolution and anti-slavery revolution right to the bitter end.

Jean-Jacques Dessalines carries on the torch

When news of the death of Toussaint reached the island, the Haitian forces were certainly sad. However, many of their generals continued to corporate with the French Army, with Jean-Jacques Dessalines becoming the governor of Saint-Domingue. The Haitians were okay so long as France did not try to re-impose slavery on them.

Unbeknownst to them, Napoleon had different ideas. The removal of slave labor made Saint-Domingue not so profitable. Therefore, Napoleon reinstated slavery. Soon, Haitian forces took up arms again and prepared to fight for their freedom and liberty.

Pétion and Dessalines joined forces and led Haitian troops to fight against the French Army. By this time, Napoleon’s French forces were so depleted that he had to send about 5,000 Polish forces to support Gen. Leclerc. The Polish soldiers had been lied to about their mission. They were told that they were on the island to put down a prison revolt. Upon realizing that Napoleon and his generals had lied to them, the turned their guns against the French. The Poles began fighting alongside the Haitians.

Making matters worse for the French Army was the death of their commander Gen. Leclerc, who died of yellow fever on November 2, 1802. He was succeeded by Vicomte de Rochambeau, whose ruthless tactics made him very infamous. To say the French general committed war crimes would be an understatement. In response, Dessalines followed suit, killing almost every white that he came into contact with. Both sides committed unspeakable atrocities against the other.

In the end, Dessalines emerged the victor, as French Army continued to suffer from yellow fever and low morale. The final showdown took place at the Battle of Vertières on November 18, 1803. The French few remaining French forces and towns surrendered to the British in order to avoid suffering at the hand of the Haitians.

Dessalines declares Haiti’s independence

After more than 12 years of fighting, Haitian slaves had successfully won their freedoms and forced their masters, i.e. France, out of Saint-Domingue. Following the defeat, Napoleon abandoned his quest to have a slice of the Americas by selling the French possession of Louisiana territory to the United States in April 1803. The French leader wanted to focus solely on the raging war in Europe, i.e. the Napoleonic Wars . Great Britain and the rest of Europe certainly welcomed the news of Napoleon’s loss of Saint-Domingue.

For his bravery and military feats against the French, Dessalines etched his name, alongside Toussaint, as one of the greatest black military generals of all time.

On January 1, 1804, Dessalines, flanked by his lieutenants, declared the independence of Haiti. The new republic was renamed “Haiti”, a name derived from the indigenous Arawak. It was now up to Dessalines and his advisors to pick up the pieces and restore the island to its former glory. However, Dessalines and the various leaders that followed miserably failed to do so. The country’s devastated economy could not be revived as post-revolutionary political infighting became the order of the day.

Haitian Revolution and Jean-Jacques Dessalines

Jean-Jacques Dessalines (1758-1806) took command of the rebel forces following the imprisonment of Toussaint Louverture. The general went on to become the first ruler of an independent Haiti. He later became Emperor of Haiti, ruling from 1804 to 1806, when he was assassinated.

Like Toussaint Louverture, Dessalines tried to kick start the economy by forcing Haitians to go back to the plantations. It was almost similar to serfdom. Haitians decried the economic system, comparing to it to slavery. As he was in constant fear of the return of France or other European nation to the island, he sought to invest heavily in the military. About 10% of young fit men of the population were placed in the military. This took away vital resources from the plantations.

Frustrated with his policies, Dessalines was assassinated, and Henri Christophe and Alexandre Pétion took over the mantle. Christophe’s sphere of control was the north, while Pétion served as the leader of the south, which was mainly made up of mulattos. For several years, both sides to claim the other’s territory until Jean-Pierre Boyer successfully reunited the two states under his rule in 1820.

The 1804 massacre of white French and their loyalists

Following the defeat of France and the subsequent declaration of independence, General Jean-Jacques Dessalines encouraged the massacre of all remaining white French and their loyalists. Image: An 1806 engraving of Jean-Jacques Dessalines. It depicts the general, sword raised in one arm, while the other holds a severed head of a white woman.

After the declaration of independence in 1804, Haitian leaders sought revenge on all the whites that remained on the island. Known today as the 1804 Haiti massacre, the rampage was championed by Dessalines, who called the French colonists savage human beings and enemies of the revolution.

Mathurin Boisrond-Tonnerre and the 1804 massacre of the French

From February 1804 to April 1804, mass killings and rape took place across Haiti. The death toll was in region of 4,000. As he considered the French as the real threat to the new nation, Dessalines’ goal was to remove the white French population from Haiti.

Jean-Jacques Dessalines and the Haitian Revolution

Jean-Jacques Dessalines, who had declared himself emperor of Haiti, was assassinated on 17 October 1806. As first ruler of an independent Haiti, Jean-Jacques Dessalines has been referred to as the father of the nation of Haiti. Image: Assassination of Jean-Jacques Dessalines

How reparations to France and economic isolation permanently devastated Haiti

In 1825, King Charles X of France asked Haiti to pay a whopping 150 million gold francs in compensation for France’s loss of the colony. The monies were intended to go to French ex-slaveholders. Then Haitian president Jean-Pierre Boyer negotiated and was able to bring the indemnity down to 90 million gold francs. In exchange, France renounced all its claim to Haiti. At the time, the Haitian leader hoped that paying the indemnity would dispel all fears of France ever returning to retake the island.

The small Latin American country struggled to pay the indemnity, which ultimately bankrupted the country. Many have blamed those reparations for Haiti’s ill fortunes post-independence. Haiti’s poor economic situation helped fuel even more political instability in the years that followed.

Also, it must be noted that in the immediate aftermath of Haiti’s independence, many nations, especially the United States, wanted the new republic to fail miserably. A thriving republic formed by ex-slaves did not look good on countries that continued the slavery system. This explains why then-U.S. President Thomas Jefferson imposed economic sanctions on Haiti. And it was not until 1862 that the United States recognized Haiti.

Haiti becomes the haven for escaped slaves and freedom fighters

Following Haiti’s independence, the country promoted itself as the haven for former slaves and oppressed black Africans. Assurances of freedom and liberty were given to any slave that landed on the shores of Haiti. The leaders of Haiti worked very hard to integrate those people into the Haitian society. Haiti also offered aid to European colonies that were willing and ready to begin an uprising.

Haiti also took to the habit of granting asylum to revolutionary fighters across the globe. Notable freedom fighters that received aid and support from Haiti include Venezuelan revolutionaries Simón Bolívar and Francisco de Miranda, and Mexican nationalists José Joaquín de Herrera and Francisco Javier Mina.

RELATED: Causes and Major Outcomes of the Mexican Revolution

For their contributions in the latter part of the Haitian Revolution, the Polish forces that switched side and joined the Haitians came to be termed as the “the White Negroes of Europe”. And when Haiti finally gained independence in 1804, those Polish forces were allowed to acquire Haitian citizenship.
After Napoleon reinstated slavery in the French colonies in 1803, the French continued to practice the slavery system until 1848, when it was permanently outlawed.

Why Napoleon was bent on restoring slavery to Haiti?

The reason why Napoleon badly needed to restore slavery to Saint-Domingue was because the island extremely profitable sugar production could only remain profitable when the labor used was slave labor.

How many people lost their lives due to the Haitian Revolution?

Image: The 1804 Haiti massacre of whites

It’s been estimated that the Haitian Revolution claimed the lives of close to half a million Haitians and at least 100,000 European troops, including about 40,000 British. Yellow fever, a viral disease that was already a big culprit to the low mortality rates of enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, caused more deaths than the deaths on the battle field.

Other Major Outcomes of the Haitian Revolution

In quite a number of ways, the Haitian Revolution proved to be a niggling wrench in the works of Napoleon as he attempted to establish a French Empire in the Americas. Many historians claim that Napoleon’s decision to sell the Louisiana territory, i.e. France’s vast North American territory, to the U.S. [in the Louisiana Purchase deal of 1803] was as a result of Haitian Revolution. However, just as slavery came to an end in Haiti, slavery was expanded by the Americans into those newly acquired Louisiana territories.

Regardless, the fierce and long-fought struggle put up by Toussaint Louverture and his abled generals during the Haitian Revolution did indeed send shivers down the spines of many European powers and even the United States at the time. In the years that followed after France had abolished slavery in all its territories, Britain followed suit and brought an end to the transatlantic slave trade. The United States, on the other hand, took another 60 or so years to abolish slavery. There is no doubt that all those progresses would not have been chalked had it not been for the daring actions of those enslaved Haitians – brave men and women who were willing to face dangers and even death to gain and keep their freedom and liberty.

What were the early leaders of the Haitian Revolution truly fighting for?

Early leaders of the Haitian Revolution demanded freedom not independence from France. Image (L-R): Haitian leaders of the Revolution – George Biassou, Vincent Ogé, André Rigaud, Toussaint Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, and Henri Christophe

Early leaders of the revolution made it categorically clear that they were not fighting for independence from France; instead, they were fighting for the end of slavery. Many of the rebels even believed that their cause would catch the attention of Louis XIV, who would then step in and decree the end of slavery.

Why was Saint-Domingue called the Pearl of the Antilles?

The French colony of Saint-Dominigue, which occupied the western part of Hispaniola, was the most successful overseas French possession at the time. Known as the Pearl of the Antilles, the island raked in enormous amounts of profits from its vast sugar and coffee plantations. At the time, the former was seen as the item that greased the wheel of the world’s economy. Therefore, Saint-Domingue was a valuable asset which the French was ready to fight tooth and nail to keep.

The economic value of the sugar and other commodity crops shipped from Saint-Domingue was said to be the equivalent of all the crops shipped from the Thirteen American Colonies to Great Britain. The French colony was undoubtedly the richest colony in the Caribbean in the late 18th century.

Tags: André Rigaud Black history French Revolution George Biassou Haiti Haitian Revolution Henri Christophe Hispaniola Jean-Jacques Dessalines Napoleon Bonaparte Saint-Domingue Slave revolts Slavery Toussaint L'Ouverture Vincent Ogé

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The Haitian Revolution: The Slave Revolt Timeline in the Fight for Independence

The end of the 18th century was a period of great change around the world.

By 1776, Britain’s colonies in America — fueled by revolutionary rhetoric and Enlightenment thought that challenged the existing ideas about government and power — revolted and overthrew what many considered to be the most powerful nation in the world. And thus, the United States of America was born.

In 1789, it was the people of France that overthrew their monarchy; one that had been in power for centuries, shaking the foundations of the Western world. With it, the République Française was created.

However, while the American and French Revolutions represented a historic shift in world politics, they were, perhaps, still not the most revolutionary movements of the time . They purported to be driven by ideals that all people were equal and deserving of freedom, yet both ignored stark inequalities in their own social orders — slavery persisted in America while the new French ruling elite continued to ignore the French working class, a group known as the sans-culottes .

The Haitian Revolution, though, was led and executed by slaves, and it sought to create a society that was truly equal.

Its success challenged notions of race at the time. Most Whites thought that Blacks were simply too savage and too stupid to run things on their own. Of course, this is a ludicrous and racist notion, but at the time, the ability of Haitian slaves to rise up against the injustices they faced and break free from bondage was the true revolution — one that played just as much of a role in reshaping the world as any other 18th century social upheaval.

Unfortunately, though, this story has been lost to most people outside of Haiti.

Notions of exceptionalism keep us from studying this historic moment, something that must change if we are to better understand the world in which we live today.

Haiti Before the Revolution

Saint domingue.

Saint Domingue was the French portion of the Carribean island of Hispaniola, which was discovered by Christopher Columbus in 1492.

Since the French took it over with the Treaty of Rijswijk in 1697 — the result of the Nine Years’ War between France and the Grand Alliance, with Spain ceding the territory — it became the most economically important asset among the country’s colonies. By 1780, two thirds of France’s investments were based in Saint Domingue.

So, what made it so prosperous? Why, those age-old addictive substances, sugar and coffee, and the European socialites who were beginning to consume them by the bucketload with their shiny, new coffeehouse culture .

At that time, no less than half of the sugar and coffee consumed by Europeans was sourced from the island. Indigo and cotton were other cash crops which brought wealth to France via these colonial plantations, but in nowhere near as great numbers.

READ MORE: Who Invented the Cotton Gin? Eli Whitney and Cotton Gin Impact on America

And who should be slaving away (pun intended) in the sweltering heat of this tropical Carribean island, so as to ensure satisfaction for such sweet-tooth having European consumers and profit-making French polity?

African slaves taken forcibly from their villages.

By the time just before the Haitain Revolution began, 30,000 new slaves were coming into Saint Domingue every year . And that’s because the conditions were so harsh, so terrible — with things like nasty diseases especially dangerous to those who had never been exposed to them present, such as yellow fever and malaria — that half of them died within only a year of arriving.

Viewed, of course, as property and not as human beings, they did not have access to basic needs like adequate food, shelter, or clothing.

And they worked hard. Sugar became all the rage — the most in-demand commodity — across Europe.

But to meet the ravenous demand of the moneyed class on the continent, African slaves were being coerced into labor under the threat of death — enduring the dueling horrors of the tropical sun and weather, alongside blood-curlingly cruel working conditions in which slave drivers used violence to meet quotas at essentially any cost.

Social Structure

As was the norm, these slaves were at the very bottom of the social pyramid that developed in colonial Saint Domingue, and were most certainly not citizens (if they were even considered as a legitimate part of society at all).

But though they had the least structural power, they made up the majority of the population: in 1789, there were 452,000 Black slaves there, mostly from West Africa. This accounted for 87% of the population of Saint Domingue at the time.

Right above them in the social hierarchy were free people of color — former slaves who became free, or children of free Blacks — and people of mixed race, often called “mulattoes” (a derogatory term alikening mixed race individuals to half-breed mules), with both groups equaling around 28,000 free people — equal to around 5% of the colony’s population in 1798.

The next highest class were the 40,000 White people who lived on Saint Domingue — but even this segment of society was far from equal. Of this group, the plantation owners were the richest and the most powerful. They were called grand blancs and some of them did not even remain permanently in the colony, but instead traveled back to France to escape the risks of disease.

Just below them were the administrators who kept order in the new society, and below them were the petit blancs or the Whites who were mere artisans, merchants, or small professionals.

Wealth in the colony of Saint Domingue — 75% of it to be exact — was condensed in the White population, despite it making up only 8% of the colony’s total population. But even within the White social class, most of this wealth was condensed with the grand blancs, adding another layer to the inequality of Haitian society (2).

Building Tension

Already at this time there were tensions brewing between all of these different classes. Inequality and injustice were seething in the air, and manifesting in every facet of life.

To add to it, once in a while masters decided to be nice and let their slaves have a “slavecation” for a short time to release some tension — you know, to blow off some steam. They hid out in the hillsides away from Whites, and, along with escapee slaves (referred to as maroons ), tried to rebel a few times.

Their efforts weren’t rewarded and they failed to achieve anything significant, as they weren’t organized enough yet, but these attempts show that there was a stirring which occurred before the onset of the Revolution.

Treatment of slaves was unnecessarily cruel, and masters often made examples in order to terrorize other slaves by killing or punishing them in extremely inhumane ways — hands were chopped off, or tongues cut out; they were left to roast to death in the scalding sun, shackled to a cross; their rectums were filled with gun powder so that spectators could watch them explode.

The conditions were so bad in Saint Domingue that the death rate actually exceeded the birth rate. Something that is important, because a new influx of slaves was constantly flowing in from Africa, and they were usually brought from the same regions: like Yoruba, Fon, and Kongo.

Therefore, there was not much of a new African-colonial culture which developed. Instead, African cultures and traditions remained largely intact. The slaves could communicate well with each other, privately, and carry on their religious beliefs.

They made their own religion, Vodou (more commonly known as Voodoo ), which mixed in a bit of Catholicism with their African traditional religions, and developed a creole that mixed French with their other languages to communicate with the White slave owners.

The slaves who were brought in directly from Africa were less submissive than those who were born into slavery in the colony. And since there were more of the former, it could be said that rebellion was already bubbling in their blood.

The Enlightenment

Meanwhile, back in Europe, the Era of Enlightenment was revolutionizing thoughts about humanity, society, and how equality could fit in with all of that. Sometimes slavery was even attacked in the writings of Enlightenment thinkers, such as with Guillaume Raynal who wrote about the history of European colonization.

As a result of the French Revolution, a highly important document called the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen was created in August of 1789. Influenced by Thomas Jefferson — Founding Father and third president of the United States — and the recently created American Declaration of Independence , it espoused the moral rights of freedom, justice, and equality for all citizens. It did not specify that people of color or women, or even people in the colonies, would count as citizens, however.

And this is where the plot thickens.

The petit blancs of Saint Domingue who had no power in colonial society — and who had perhaps escaped Europe for the New World, in order to gain a chance at a new status in a new social order — connected with the ideology of Enlightenment and Revolutionary thinking. The people of mixed-race from the colony also used Enlightenment philosophy to inspire greater social access.

This middle group was not made up of slaves; they were free, but they were not legally citizens either, and as a result they were barred legally from certain rights.

One free Black man by the name of Toussaint L’Ouverture — a former slave turned prominent Haitian general in the French Army — began making this connection between the Enlightenment ideals populating in Europe, particularly in France, and what they could mean in the colonial world.

Throughout the 1790s, L’Ouverture began making more speeches and declarations against inequalities, becoming an avid supporter of the complete abolition of slavery in all of France. Increasingly, he began taking on more and more roles to support freedom in Haiti, until he eventually began recruiting and supporting rebellious slaves.

Due to his prominence, throughout the Revolution, L’Ouverture was an important liaison between the people of Haiti and the French government — though his dedication to ending slavery drove him to switch allegiances several times, a trait which has become an integral part of his legacy.

You see, the French, who were adamantly fighting for liberty and justice for all, had not yet considered what implications these ideals could have on colonialism and on slavery — how these ideals they were spouting would perhaps mean even more to a slave held captive and brutally treated, than to a guy who couldn’t vote because he wasn’t rich enough.

The Revolution

The legendary bois caïman ceremony.

On a stormy night in August of 1791, after months of careful planning, thousands of slaves held a secret Vodou ceremony at Bois Caïman in the north of Morne-Rouge, a region in the northern part of Haiti. Maroons, house slaves, field slaves, free Blacks, and people of mixed-race all gathered to chant and dance to ritual drumming.

Originally from Senegal, a former commandeur (meaning “slave driver”) who had become a maroon and Vodou priest — and who was a giant, powerful, grotesque-looking man — named Dutty Boukman, fiercely led this ceremony and the ensuing rebellion. He exclaimed in his famous speech:

“Our God who has ears to hear. You are hidden in the clouds; who watch us from where you are. You see all that the White has made us suffer. The White man’s god asks him to commit crimes. But the god within us wants to do good. Our god, who is so good, so just, He orders us to avenge our wrongs.”

Boukman (so called, because as a “Book Man” he could read) made a distinction that night between the “White man’s God” — who apparently endorsed slavery — and their own God — who was good, fair, and wanted them to rebel and be free.

He was joined by priestess Cecile Fatiman, daughter of an African slave woman and a White Frenchman. She stood out, as a Black woman with long silky hair and distinctly bright green eyes would. She looked the part of a goddess, and the mambo woman (which comes from “mother of magic”) was said to embody one.

A couple of slaves at the ceremony offered themselves up for slaughter, and Boukman and Fatiman also sacrificed a pig plus a couple other animals, slitting their throats. The human and animal’s blood was dispersed to the attendees to drink.

Cecile Fatiman was then supposedly possessed by the Haitian African Warrior Goddess of Love, Erzulie . Erzulie/Fatiman told the group of uprisers to go forth with her spiritual protection; that they would return unharmed.

And go forth, they did.

Infused with the divine energy of the incantations and rituals performed by Boukman and Fatiman, they laid waste to the surrounding area, destroying 1,800 plantations and killing 1,000 slave owners within one week.

Bois Caïman in Context

The Bois Caïman Ceremony is not only considered the starting point of the Haitian Revolution; it is considered by Haitian historians as the reason for its success.

This is due to the potent belief and powerful conviction in the Vodou ritual. In fact, it is still so important that the site is visited even today , once a year, every August 14th.

The historic Vodou ceremony is a symbol to this day of unity for Haitian people who were originally from different African tribes and backgrounds, but came together in the name of freedom and political equality. And this may even extend further to represent unity among all Blacks in the Atlantic ; in the Caribbean islands and Africa.

Furthermore, the legends of the Bois Caïman ceremony are also considered an origin point for the tradition of Haitian Vodou.

Vodou is commonly feared and even misunderstood in Western culture; there is a suspicious atmosphere around the subject matter. Anthropologist, Ira Lowenthal, interestingly posits that this fear exists because it stands for “an unbreakable revolutionary spirit threatening to inspire other Black Caribbean republics — or, God forbid, the United States itself.”

He goes further to suggest that Vodou can even act as a catalyst for racism, confirming racist beliefs that Black people are “scary and dangerous.” In truth, the spirit of the Haitian people, which was formed in tandem with Vodou and the Revolution, is of a human will to “never be conquered again.” The rejection of Vodou as a vicious faith points to embedded fears in American culture of challenges to inequality.

While some are skeptical about the precise details of what took place at the infamous rebellion meeting at Bois Caïman, the story nevertheless presents a crucial turning point in history for Haitians and others of this New World.

The slaves sought vengeance, freedom, and a new political order; the presence of Vodou was of the utmost significance. Before the ceremony, it gave slaves a psychological release and affirmed their own identity and self-existence. During, it served as a cause and as a motivation; that the spirit world wanted them to be free, and they had the protection of said spirits.

As a result, it has helped to shape Haitian culture even until today, prevailing as the dominant spiritual guide in daily life, and even medicine.

The Revolution Begins

The onset of the Revolution, kicked off by the Bois Caïman ceremony, was strategically planned by Boukman. The slaves began by burning plantations and killing Whites in the North, and, as they went along, they attracted others in bondage to join their rebellion.

Once they had a couple thousand in their ranks, they disbanded into smaller groups and branched out to attack more plantations, as pre-planned by Boukman.

Some Whites who were warned ahead of time fled to Le Cap — the central political hub of Saint Domingue, where control over the city would likely determine the outcome of the Revolution — leaving their plantations behind, but trying to save their lives.

The slave forces were held back a bit at the onset, but each time they retreated only into the nearby mountains to reorganize themselves before attacking again. Meanwhile, about 15,000 slaves had joined the rebellion at this point, some systematically burning down all plantations in the North — and they hadn’t even gotten to the South yet.

The French sent in 6,000 troops as an attempt for redemption, but half of the force was killed off just like flies, as the slaves went forth. It is said that, although more and more Frenchmen kept arriving on the island, they only came to die, as the former slaves slaughtered them all.

But eventually they managed to capture Dutty Boukman. They put his head on a stick to show the revolutionaries that their hero had been taken.

(Cecile Fatiman, however, could not be found anywhere. She later went on to marry Michelle Pirouette — who became president of the Haitian Revolutionary Army — and died at the ripe old age of 112.)

The French Respond; Britain and Spain Get Involved

Needless to say, the French had started to realize that their greatest colonial asset was beginning to slip through their fingers. They also happened to be in the midst of their own Revolution — something that deeply affected the Haitian’s perspective; believing that they too deserved the same equality espoused by the new leaders of France.

At the same time, in 1793, France declared war on Great Britain, and both Britain and Spain — which controlled the other portion of the island of Hispaniola — entered the conflict.

The British believed that they could make some extra profit by occupying Saint-Domingue and that they would have more bargaining power during peace treaties to end their war with France. They wanted to reinstate slavery for these reasons (and also to prevent slaves in their own Carribean colonies from getting too many ideas for rebellion).

By September of 1793, their navy took over a French fort on the island.

At this point, the French really began to panic, and decided to abolish slavery — not only in Saint Domingue, but in all of their colonies. At a National Convention in February 1794, as a result of the panic ensuing from the Haitian Revolution, they declared that all men, regardless of color, were considered French citizens with constitutional rights.

This really shocked other European nations, as well as the newly born United States. Although the push for including the abolition of slavery in France’s new constitution came from the threat of losing such a great source of wealth, it also set them morally apart from other countries in a time when nationalism was becoming quite the trend.

France felt especially distinguished from Britain — which was contrarily reinstating slavery wherever it landed — and like they would set the example for liberty.

Enter Toussaint L’Ouverture

The most notorious general of the Haitian Revolution was none other than the infamous Toussaint L’Ouverture — a man whose allegiances switched throughout the entirety of the period, in some ways leaving historians pondering his motives and beliefs.

Although the French had just claimed to abolish slavery, he was still suspicious. He joined ranks with the Spanish army and was even made a knight by them. But then he suddenly changed his mind, turning against the Spanish and instead joining the French in 1794.

You see, L’Ouverture didn’t even want independence from France — he just wanted former slaves to be free and have rights. He wanted Whites, some being former slave owners, to stay and rebuild the colony.

His forces were able to drive the Spanish out of Saint Domingue by 1795, and on top of this, he was also dealing with the British. Thankfully, yellow fever — or the “black vomit” as the British called it — was doing much of the resistance work for him. European bodies were much more susceptible to the disease, what with having never been exposed to it before.

12,000 men died from it in just 1794 alone. That’s why the British had to keep sending in more troops, even while they hadn’t fought many battles. In fact, it was so bad that being sent to the West Indies was fast becoming an immediate death sentence, to the point that some soldiers rioted when they learned where they were to be stationed.

The Haitians and the British fought several battles, with wins on either side. But even by 1796, the British were only hanging around Port-au-Prince and rapidly dying off with severe, disgusting illness.

By May of 1798, L’Ouverture met with the British Colonel, Thomas Maitland, to settle an armistice for Port-au-Prince. Once Maitland had withdrawn from the city, the British lost all morale and withdrew from Saint-Domingue altogether. As part of the deal, Matiland asked L’Ouverture to not go riling up the slaves in the British colony of Jamaica, or support a revolution there.

In the end, the British paid the cost of 5 years on Saint Domingue from 1793–1798, four million pounds, 100,000 men, and did not gain much at all to show for it (2).

L’Ouverture’s story seems confusing as he switched allegiences several times, but his real loyalty was to sovereignty and freedom from slavery. He turned against the Spanish in 1794 when they wouldn’t end the institution, and instead fought for and gave control to the French on occasion, working with their general, because he believed that they promised to end it.

He did all this while also being aware that he didn’t want the French to have too much power, recognizing how much control he had in his hands.

In 1801, he made Haiti a sovereign free Black state , appointing himself as governor-for-life. He gave himself absolute rule over the entire island of Hispaniola, and appointed a Constitutional Assembly of Whites.

He had no natural authority to do so, of course, but he had led the Revolutionaries to victory and was making the rules up as he went along.

The story of the Revolution seems like it would end here — with L’Ouverture and the Haitians freed and happy — but alas, it does not.

Enter a new character in the story; somebody who wasn’t so happy with L’Ouverture’s newfound authority and how he had established it without the approval from the French government.

Enter Napoleon Bonaparte

Unfortunately, the creation of a free Black state really pissed off Napoleon Bonaparte — you know, that guy who became Emperor of France during the French Revolution.

In February of 1802, he sent his brother and troops in to reinstate French rule in Haiti. He also secretly — but not-so-secretly — wanted to reinstate slavery.

In quite a devilish manner, Napoleon instructed his comrades to be nice to L’Ouverture and lure him to Le Cap, assuring him that the Haitains would retain their freedom. They planned to then arrest him.

But — by no surprise — L’Ouverture didn’t go when summoned, not falling for the bait.

After that, the game was on. Napoleon decreed that L’Ouverture and General Henri Christophe — another leader in the Revolution who had close allegiances with L’Ouverture — should be outlawed and hunted down.

L’Ouverture kept his nose down, but that didn’t stop him from devising plans.

He instructed the Haitians to burn, destroy, and rampage everything — to show what they were willing to do to resist ever becoming slaves again. He told them to be as violent with their destruction and killings as possible. He wanted to make it hell for the French army, as slavery had been a hell for him and his comrades.

The French were shocked by the gruesome rage brought forth by the previously-enslaved Blacks of Haiti. For the Whites — who felt slavery was the natural position of Blacks — the havoc being wreaked on them was mindbending.

Guess they’d never paused to think how the terrible, grueling existence of slavery could really grind someone down.

Crête-à-Pierrot Fortress

There were many battles then that followed, and great devastation, but one of the most epic conflicts was at Crête-à-Pierrot Fortress in the valley of the Artibonite River.

At first the French were defeated, one army brigade at a time. And all the while, the Haitians sang songs about the French Revolution and how all men have the right to freedom and equality. It angered some Frenchmen, but a few soldiers began to question Napoleon’s intentions and what they were fighting for.

If they were simply fighting to gain control over the colony and not reinstate slavery, then how could a sugar plantation be profitable without the institution?

In the end, though, the Haitains ran out of food and ammunition and had no choice but to retreat. This wasn’t a total loss, as the French had been intimidated and had lost 2,000 among their ranks. What was more, another outbreak of yellow fever struck and took with it another 5,000 men.

The outbreak of disease, combined with the new guerilla tactics the Haitains adopted, began to significantly weaken the French hold on the island.

But, for a short time, they weren’t weakened quite enough. In April of 1802, L’Ouverture made a deal with the French, to trade his own freedom for the freedom of his captured troops. He was then taken and shipped off to France, where he died a few months later in prison.

In his absence, Napoleon ruled Saint-Domingue for two months, and did indeed plan to reinstate slavery.

The Blacks fought back, continuing their guerilla warfare, plundering everything with makeshift weapons and reckless violence, while the French — led by Charles Leclerc — killed the Haitians by the masses.

When Leclerc later died of yellow fever, he was replaced by a horribly brutal man named Rochambeau, who was more keen on a genocidal approach. He brought 15,000 attack dogs from Jamaica trained to kill Blacks and “mulattoes” and had Blacks drowned in the bay of Le Cap.

Dessalines Marches to Victory

On the Haitian side, General Dessalines matched the cruelty displayed by Rochambeau, putting the heads of White men on pikes and parading them around.

Dessalines was yet another crucial leader in the Revolution, who led many important battles and victories. The movement had turned into a grotesque race war, complete with burning and drowning people alive, cutting them up on boards, killing masses with sulfur bombs, and a great many other terrible things.

“No mercy” had become the motto for all. When a hundred Whites who believed in racial equality chose to abandon Rochambeau, they welcomed Dessalines as their hero. Then, he basically told them, “Cool, thanks for the sentiment. But I’m still having you all hanged. You know, no mercy and all that!”

Finally, after 12 long years of bloody conflict and huge loss of life, the Haitians won the final Battle at Vertières on November 18, 1803.

The two armies — both sick from the heat, years of war, yellow fever, and malaria — fought with reckless abandon, but the Haitian force was almost ten times the size of their opponent and they nearly wiped out Rochambeau’s 2,000 men.

Defeat was upon him, and after a sudden thunderstorm made it impossible for Rochambeau to escape, he had no other choice. He sent his comrade to make negotiations with General Dessalines, who was, at that point, in charge.

He wouldn’t allow the French to sail, but a British commodore made a deal that they could leave in British ships peacefully if they did so by December 1st. Thus, Napoleon withdrew his forces and turned his attention fully back on Europe, abandoning conquest in the Americas.

Dessalines officially declared independence for the Haitians on January 1, 1804, making Haiti the only nation to win its independence via a successful slave rebellion.

After the Revolution

Dessalines was feeling vengeful at this point, and with the final triumph on his side, a vicious spite took over to destroy any Whites who hadn’t already evacuated the island.

He ordered an absolute massacre of them immediately. Only certain Whites were safe, like Polish soldiers who had abandoned the French army, German colonists there before the Revolution, French widows or women who had married non-Whites, select Frenchmen with connections to important Haitians, and medical doctors.

The Constitution of 1805 also declared that all Haitian citizens were Black. Dessalines was so adamant on this point that he personally traveled to different areas and countrysides to ensure that the mass killings were ensuing smoothly. He often found that in some towns, they were only killing a few Whites, instead of all of them.

Bloodthirsty and enraged by the merciless actions of French militant leaders like Rochambeau and Leclerc, Dessalines made sure the Haitians demonstrated the killings and used them as a spectacle in the streets.

He felt that they had been mistreated as a race of people, and that justice meant imposing the same kind of mistreatment on the opposing race.

Ruined by anger and bitter retaliation, he probably tipped the scales a little too far the other way.

Dessalines also implemented serfdom as a new socio-political-economic structure. Although victory had been sweet, the country was left to its new beginnings impoverished, with badly devastated lands and economy. They had also lost about 200,000 people in the war, from 1791–1803. Haiti had to be rebuilt.

Citizens were placed into two main categories: laborer or soldier. Laborers were bound to the plantations, where Dessalines tried to distinguish their efforts from slavery by shortening working days and banning the very symbol of slavery itself — the whip.

But Dessalines wasn’t very strict with plantation overseers, as his main goal was to increase production. And so they often just used thick vines, instead, to spurn the laborers to work harder.

He cared even more about military expansion, as he feared the French would return; Dessalines wanted Haitian defenses strong. He created many soldiers and in turn made them construct large forts. His political opponents believed his over-emphasis on militant efforts slowed down production increases, as it took from the labor force.

The country was already split between Blacks in the North and people of mixed-race in the South. So, when the latter group decided to rebel and assassinate Dessalines, the freshly born state rapidly devolved into civil war.

Henri Christophe took over in the North, while Alexandre Pétion ruled in the South. The two groups fought each other consistently until 1820, when Christophe killed himself. The new mixed-race leader, Jean-pierre Boyer, fought off remaining rebel forces and took over all of Haiti.

Boyer decided to make clear amends with France, so that Haiti could be recognized by them politically going forward. As reparations to former slaveholders, France demanded 150 million francs, which Haiti had to borrow in loans from the French treasury, though the former later decided to cut them a break and bring down the fee to 60 million francs. Even still, it took Haiti until 1947 to pay off the debt.

The good news was, by April of 1825, the French officially recognized Haitian independence and renounced France’s sovereignty over it. The bad news was that Haiti was bankrupt, which really impeded its economy or the ability to rebuild it.

After Effects

There were several after-effects of the Haitian Revolution, both on Haiti and the world. At a base level, the functioning of Haitian society and its class structure was deeply changed. On a large scale, it had a massive impact as the first post-colonial nation led by Blacks which had gained independence from a slave rebellion.

Before the Revolution, races were often mixed when White men — some single, some wealthy planters — had relations with African women. The children born from this were sometimes given freedom, and often given an education. Once in a while, they were even sent to France for a better education and life.

When these mixed race individuals returned to Haiti, they made up the elite class, as they were wealthier and more highly educated. Thus, class structure developed as an aftermath of what had happened before, during and after the Revolution.

Another important way the Haitian Revolution drastically impacted world history was the sheer demonstration of being able to fend off the biggest world powers at the time: Great Britain, Spain, and France. These forces themselves were often shocked that a group of rebel slaves without long-term adequate training, or resources, or education could put up such a good fight and could win so many battles.

After getting rid of Britain, Spain, and finally France, Napoleon then came, as great powers are wont to do. Yet the Haitians would never be slaves again; and somehow, the determination behind that spirit won out over arguably one of history’s greatest world conquerors.

This shifted global history, as Napoleon then decided to give up on the Americas altogether and sell Louisiana back to the United States in the Louisiana Purchase . As a result, the US was able to preside over much more of the continent, spurring on their affinity for a certain “manifest destiny.”

And speaking of America, it too was affected politically by the Haitian Revolution, and even in some more direct ways. Some Whites and plantation owners escaped during the crisis and fled to the Americas as refugees, sometimes taking their slaves with them. American slave owners often sympathized with them and took them in — many settled down in Louisiana, influencing the culture there of mixed race, French-speaking, and Black populations.

The Americans were frightened by the wild stories they heard of the slave uprising, of the violence and destruction. They were even more worried that the slaves brought from Haiti would inspire similar slave revolts in their own nation.

As is known, that didn’t happen. But what did was a stirring in the tensions among disparate moral beliefs. Stirrings which still seem to have exploded out in American culture and politics in waves, rippling until even today.

The truth is, the idealism propounded by revolution, in America and elsewhere, was fraught from the beginning.

Thomas Jefferson was President during the time Haiti gained its independence. Commonly viewed as a great American hero and a “forefather,” he himself was a slaveholder who refused to accept the political sovereignty of a nation built by former slaves. In fact, the United States did not politically recognize Haiti until 1862 — well after France did, in 1825.

Coincidentally — or not — 1862 was the year before the Emancipation Proclamation was signed, freeing all slaves in the United States during the American Civil War — a conflict wrought by America’s own inability to reconcile the institution of human bondage.

Haiti clearly did not become a perfectly egalitarian society after its Revolution.

Before it was established, racial divide and confusion were prominent. Toussaint L’Ouverture left his mark by establishing class differences with military caste. When Dessalines took over, he implemented a feudal social structure. The ensuing civil war pit lighter-skinned people of mixed-race against darker-skinned citizens.

Perhaps a nation bred out of such tensions from racial disparity was fraught from the beginning with imbalance.

But the Haitian Revolution, as a historical event, proves how Europeans and the early Americans turned a blind eye to the fact that Blacks could be worthy of citizenship — and this is something that challenges the notions of equality purported as the foundation for the cultural and political revolutions that took place on either side of the Atlantic in the later decades of the 18th century.

Haitians showed the world that Blacks could be “citizens” with “rights” — in these specific terms, which were so very important to the world powers who had all just overthrown their monarchies in the name of justice and freedom for all .

But, as it turned out, it was just too inconvenient to include the very source of their economic prosperity and rise to power — slaves and their non-citizen-ness — in that “all” category.

For example, in the United States, recognizing Haiti as a nation was a political impossibility — the slave owning South would have interpreted this as an attack, threatening disunion and even eventually war in response.

This created a paradox in which Whites in the North had to deny basic rights to Blacks in order to protect their own liberties.

All in all, this response to the Haitian Revolution — and the way in which it has been remembered — speaks to the racial undertones of our world society today, which have existed in the human psyche for eons but have materialized through the process of globalization, becoming more and more pronounced as European colonialism spread around the world starting in the 15th century.

The Revolutions of France and the US are seen as era-defining, but intertwined in these social upheavals was the Haitian Revolution — one of the few movements in history to so directly tackle the ghastly institution of racial inequality.

However, in most of the Western world, the Haitian Revolution remains nothing but a side note in our understanding of world history, perpetuating systemic issues that keep that racial inequality a very real part of today’s world.

But, part of human evolution means evolving, and this includes how we understand our past.

Studying the Haitian Revolution helps identify some of the flaws in the way we’ve been taught to remember; it provides us with an important piece in the puzzle of human history that we can use to better navigate both the present and future.

1. Sang, Mu-Kien Adriana. Historia Dominicana: Ayer y Hoy . Edited by Susaeta, University of Wisconsin – Madison, 1999.

2. Perry, James M. Arrogant armies: great military disasters and the generals behind them . Castle Books Incorporated, 2005.

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<a href=" https://historycooperative.org/the-haitian-revolution/ ">The Haitian Revolution: The Slave Revolt Timeline in the Fight for Independence</a>

The Haitian Revolution: Successful Revolt by an Enslaved People

One of the Few Complete Social Revolutions in Modern History

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Ph.D., Ethnomusicology, University of California Berkeley
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The Haitian Revolution was the only successful revolt by enslaved Black people in history, and it led to the creation of the second independent nation in the Western Hemisphere, after the United States. Inspired in large part by the French Revolution , diverse groups in the colony of Saint-Domingue began fighting against French colonial power in 1791. Independence was not fully achieved until 1804, at which point a complete social revolution had taken place where formerly enslaved people had become leaders of a nation.

Fast Facts: The Haitian Revolution

Short Description: The only successful revolt by enslaved Black people in modern history, led to the independence of Haiti
Key Players/Participants : Touissant Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines
Event Start Date : 1791
Event End Date : 1804
Location : The French colony of Saint-Domingue in the Caribbean, currently Haiti and the Dominican Republic

Background and Causes

The French Revolution of 1789 was a significant event for the imminent rebellion in Haiti. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen was adopted in 1791, declaring "liberty, equality, and fraternity." Historian Franklin Knight calls the Haitian Revolution the "inadvertent stepchild of the French Revolution."

In 1789, the French colony of Saint-Domingue was the most successful plantation colony in the Americas: it supplied France with 66% of its tropical produce and accounted for 33% of French foreign trade. It had a population of 500,000, 80% of whom were enslaved people. Between 1680 and 1776, roughly 800,000 Africans were imported to the island, one-third of whom died within the first few years. In contrast, the colony was home to only around 30,000 White people, and a roughly similar number of affranchis , a group of free individuals composed mainly of mixed-race people.

Society in Saint Domingue was divided along both class and color lines, with affranchis and White people often at odds in terms of how to interpret the egalitarian language of the French Revolution. White elites sought greater economic autonomy from the metropolis (France). Working-class/poor White people argued for the equality of all White people, not just for landed White people. Affranchis aspired to the power of White people and begun to amass wealth as landowners (often being enslavers themselves). Beginning in the 1860s, White colonists began to restrict the rights of affranchis. Also inspired by the French Revolution, enslaved Black people increasingly engaged in maroonage , running away from plantations to the mountainous interior.

France granted almost complete autonomy to Saint-Domingue in 1790. However, it left open the issue of rights for affranchis , and White planters refused to recognize them as equals, creating a more volatile situation. In October 1790, affranchis led their first armed revolt against White colonial authorities. In April 1791, revolts by enslaved Black people begin to break out. In the meantime, France extended some rights to affranchis , which angered White colonists.

Beginning of the Haitian Revolution

By 1791, enslaved people and mulattoes were fighting separately for their own agendas, and White colonists were too preoccupied with maintaining their hegemony to notice the growing unrest. Throughout 1791, such revolts grew in numbers and frequency, with enslaved people torching the most prosperous plantations and killing fellow enslaved people who refused to join their revolt.

The Haitian Revolution is considered to have begun officially on Aug. 14, 1791, with the Bois Caïman ceremony, a Vodou ritual presided over by Boukman, a maroon leader and Vodou priest from Jamaica. This meeting was the result of months of strategizing and planning by enslaved people in the northern area of the colony who were recognized as leaders of their respective plantations.

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Due to the fighting, the French National Assembly revoked the decree granting limited rights to affranchis in September 1791, which only spurred on their rebellion. That same month, enslaved people burned one of the colony's most important cities, Le Cap, to the ground. The following month, Port-au-Prince was burned to the ground in fighting between White people and affranchis .

The Haitian Revolution was chaotic. At one time there were seven different parties warring simultaneously: enslaved people, affranchis , working-class White people, elite White people, invading Spanish, English troops battling for control of the colony, and the French military. Alliances were struck and quickly dissolved. For example, in 1792 Black people and affranchis became allies with the British fighting against the French, and in 1793 they allied with the Spanish. Furthermore, the French often tried to get enslaved people to join their forces by offering them freedom to help put down the rebellion. In September 1793, a number of reforms took place in France, including the abolition of colonial enslavement. While colonists began negotiating with enslaved people for increased rights, the rebels, led by Touissant Louverture , understood that without land ownership, they could not stop fighting.

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Throughout 1794, the three European forces took control of different parts of the island. Louverture aligned with different colonial powers at different moments. In 1795, Britain and Spain signed a peace treaty and ceded Saint-Domingue to the French. By 1796, Louverture had established dominance in the colony, though his hold on power was tenuous. In 1799, a civil war broke out between Louverture and the affranchis. In 1800, Louverture invaded Santo Domingo (the eastern half of the island, modern-day Dominican Republic) to bring it under his control.

Between 1800 and 1802, Louverture tried to rebuild the destroyed economy of Saint-Domingue. He reopened commercial relations with the U.S. and Britain, restored destroyed sugar and coffee estates to operating condition, and halted the wide-scale killing of White people. He even discussed importing new Africans to jump-start the plantation economy. In addition, he outlawed the very popular Vodou religion and established Catholicism as the colony's main religion, which angered many enslaved people. He established a constitution in 1801 that asserted the colony's autonomy with respect to France and became a de facto dictator, naming himself governor-general for life.

The Final Years of the Revolution

Napoleon Bonaparte , who had assumed power in France in 1799, had dreams of restoring the system of enslavement in Saint-Domingue, and he saw Louverture (and Africans in general) as uncivilized. He sent his brother-in-law Charles Leclerc to invade the colony in 1801. Many White planters supported Bonaparte's invasion. Furthermore, Louverture faced opposition from enslaved Black people, who felt he was continuing to exploit them and who was not instituting land reform. In early 1802 many of his top generals had defected to the French side and Louverture was eventually forced to sign an armistice in May 1802. However, Leclerc betrayed the terms of the treaty and tricked Louverture into getting arrested. He was exiled to France, where he died in prison in 1803.

Believing that France's intention was to restore the system of enslavement in the colony, Black people and affranchis, led by two of Louverture's former generals, Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Henri Christophe, reignited the rebellion against the French in late 1802. Many French soldiers died from yellow fever, contributing to the victories by Dessalines and Christophe.

Haiti Independence

Dessalines created the Haitian flag in 1803, whose colors represent the alliance of Black and mixed-race people against White people. The French began to withdraw troops in August 1803. On January 1, 1804, Dessalines published the Declaration of Independence and abolished the colony of Saint-Domingue. The original indigenous Taino name of the island, Hayti, was restored.

Effects of the Revolution

The outcome of the Haitian Revolution loomed large across societies that allowed enslavement in the Americas. The success of the revolt inspired similar uprisings in Jamaica, Grenada, Colombia, and Venezuela. Plantation owners lived in fear that their societies would become "another Haiti." In Cuba, for example, during the Wars of Independence, the Spanish were able to use the specter of the Haitian Revolution as a threat to White enslavers: if landowners supported Cuban independence fighters, their enslaved people would rise up and kill their White enslavers and Cuba would become a Black republic like Haiti .

There was also a mass exodus from Haiti during and after the revolution, with many planters fleeing with their enslaved people to Cuba, Jamaica, or Louisiana. It's possible that up to 60% of the population that lived in Saint-Domingue in 1789 died between 1790 and 1796.

The newly independent Haiti was isolated by all the western powers. France would not recognize Haiti's independence until 1825, and the U.S. did not establish diplomatic relations with the island until 1862. What had been the wealthiest colony in the Americas became one of the poorest and least developed. The sugar economy was transferred to colonies where enslavement was still legal, like Cuba, which quickly replaced Saint-Domingue as the world's leading sugar producer in the early 19th century.

According to historian Franklin Knight, "The Haitians were forced to destroy the entire colonial socioeconomic structure that was the raison d'etre for their imperial importance; and in destroying the institution of slavery, they unwittingly agreed to terminate their connection to the entire international superstructure that perpetuated the practice and the plantation economy. That was an incalculable price for freedom and independence."

Knight continues, "The Haitian case represented the first complete social revolution in modern history...no greater change could be manifest than the slaves becoming masters of their destinies within a free state." In contrast, the revolutions in the U.S., France, and (a few decades later) Latin America were largely "reshufflings of the political elites—the ruling classes before remained essentially the ruling classes afterward."

"History of Haiti: 1492-1805." https://library.brown.edu/haitihistory/index.html
Knight, Franklin. The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism, 2nd edition. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990.
MacLeod, Murdo J., Lawless, Robert, Girault, Christian Antoine, & Ferguson, James A. "Haiti." https://www.britannica.com/place/Haiti/Early-period#ref726835
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Haitian revolution (1791-1804).

Battle of Vertières in 1803 Haitian Revolution

The Haitian Revolution has often been described as the largest and most successful slave rebellion in the Western Hemisphere. Enslaved people initiated the rebellion in 1791 and by 1803 they had succeeded in ending not just slavery but French control over the colony. The Haitian Revolution, however, was much more complex, consisting of several revolutions going on simultaneously. These revolutions were influenced by the French Revolution of 1789, which would come to represent a new concept of human rights, universal citizenship, and participation in government.

In the 18th century, Saint Domingue, as Haiti was then known, had become France’s wealthiest overseas colony, generating more revenue for France than all 13 North American colonies for Great Britain. This wealth came largely because of the island’s production of sugar, coffee, indigo, and cotton generated by an enslaved labor force. When the French Revolution broke out in 1789 there were five distinct sets of interest groups in the colony. There were white planters—who owned the plantations and the slaves—and petit blancs , who were artisans, shop keepers and teachers. Some of them also owned a few slaves. Together they numbered 40,000 of the colony’s residents. Many of the whites on Saint Domingue began to support an independence movement that began when France imposed steep tariffs on the items imported into the colony. The planters were extremely disenchanted with France because they were forbidden to trade with any other nation. Furthermore, the white population of Saint Domingue did not have any representation in France. Despite their calls for independence, both the planters and petit blancs remained committed to the institution of slavery.

The three remaining groups were of African descent: those who were free, those who were enslaved, and those who had run away. There were about 30,000 free black people in 1789. Half of them were mulatto and many of them were wealthier than the petit blancs . The slave population was close to 500,000. The runaway slaves were called maroons; they had retreated deep into the mountains of Saint Domingue and lived off subsistence farming. Haiti had a history of slave rebellions; the enslaved were never willing to submit to their status and with their strength in numbers (10 to 1) colonial officials and planters did all that was possible to control them. Despite the harshness and cruelty of Saint Domingue slavery, there were slave rebellions before 1791. One plot involved the poisoning of masters.

Inspired by events in France, a number of Haitian-born revolutionary movements emerged simultaneously. They used as their inspiration the French Revolution’s “Declaration of the Rights of Man.” The General Assembly in Paris responded by enacting legislation which gave the various colonies some autonomy at the local level. The legislation, which called for “all local proprietors…to be active citizens,” was both ambiguous and radical. It was interpreted in Saint Domingue as applying only to the planter class and thus excluded petit blancs from government. Yet it allowed free citizens of color who were substantial property owners to participate. This legislation, promulgated in Paris to keep Saint Domingue in the colonial empire, instead generated a three-sided civil war between the planters, free blacks, and the petit blancs . However, all three groups would be challenged by the enslaved black majority which was also influenced and inspired by events in France.

Led by former slave Toussaint l’Overture , the enslaved would act first, rebelling against the planters on August 21, 1791. By 1792 they controlled a third of the island. Despite reinforcements from France, the area of the colony held by the rebels grew as did the violence on both sides. Before the fighting ended 100,000 of the 500,000 blacks and 24,000 of the 40,000 whites were killed. Nonetheless the former slaves managed to stave off both the French forces and the British who arrived in 1793 to conquer the colony, and who withdrew in 1798 after a series of defeats by l’Overture’s forces. By 1801 l’Overture expanded the revolution beyond Haiti, conquering the neighboring Spanish colony of Santo Domingo (present-day Dominican Republic). He abolished slavery in the Spanish-speaking colony and declared himself Governor-General for life over the entire island of Hispaniola. Haitian control of Santo Domingo lasted until 1844.

By 1802 the Haitian Revolution had outlasted the French Revolution which had been its inspiration. Napoleon Bonaparte, now the ruler of France, dispatched General Charles Leclerc, his brother-in-law, and 43,000 French troops to capture L’Overture and restore both French rule and slavery. L’Overture was taken and sent to France where he died in prison in 1803. Jean-Jacques Dessalines , one of l’Overture’s generals and himself a former slave, led the revolutionaries at the Battle of Vertieres on November 18, 1803 where the French forces were defeated. On January 1, 1804, Dessalines declared the nation independent and renamed it Haiti. France became the first nation to recognize its independence. Haiti thus emerged as the first black republic in the world, and the second nation in the western hemisphere (after the United States) to win its independence from a European power.

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Thomas O. Ott, The Haitian Revolution 1789-1804 (Knoxville, Tennessee:University of Tennessee, 1973); http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/part3/3p2990.html .

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Wonder of the Day #2858

What Caused the Haitian Revolution?

SOCIAL STUDIES — History

Have You Ever Wondered...

What caused the Haitian Revolution?
Who led the Haitian Revolution?
How did the Haitian Revolution impact the world?
Social Studies ,
Black History ,
Black History Month ,
Hatian Revolution ,
St. Domingue ,
American Civil War ,
Enslavement ,
Santo Domingo ,
Dominican Republic ,
Great Britain ,
United States ,
Colonization ,
Colonizer ,
French Revolution ,
Toussaint L’Ouverture ,
Napoleon Bonaparte ,
Jean-Jacques Dessalines ,
Henry Christophe

Today’s Wonder of the Day was inspired by WonderTeam. WonderTeam Wonders , “ What caused the Haitian Revolution? ” Thanks for WONDERing with us, WonderTeam!

Today’s Wonder of the Day is about a major event in history. It dealt with the issue of slavery. It was a war that ended with freedom for thousands of formerly enslaved people. No, we’re not talking about the American Civil War. Today, we’re learning about the Haitian Revolution!

What caused the Haitian Revolution? To fully understand, we need to go all the way back to 1492. That year, Christopher Columbus became the first European known to make contact with people living in the area we know today as Haiti.

At that time, the native Taino and Ciboney people lived on the island. Contact with Europeans proved tragic for these cultures. This was especially true after Spanish invaders found gold in the area. They enslaved the native people, forcing them to mine gold.

Due to this brutal enslavement and the diseases brought by the Europeans, the Taino and Ciboney populations were wiped out by the end of the 16th century. After Spain took all of the island’s gold, French colonizers moved in. They named the region St. Domingue.

The gold was gone from St. Domingue, but the French found other natural resources. They built large plantations to grow sugar cane, coffee beans , indigo, and cotton. They kidnapped and enslaved people from western and central Africa to work these fields.

By 1789, the population of St. Domingue was 556,000 people. 500,000 of these people were enslaved—far outnumbering their white enslavers. Three other social groups also existed on the island. One was a free, wealthy group of Black and mixed-race people. There were also poor white people who owned no land. Another group, the maroons, had escaped from slavery and lived in the mountains.

Inspired by the events of the French Revolution , many people in St. Domingue sought change. There was a great deal of unrest between the social groups. This was largely caused by racism and economic anxiety.

On August 21, 1791, the enslaved people of St. Domingue revolted . Led by a formerly enslaved man named Toussaint l’Ouverture, they overtook their white captors. By 1792, the rebels had taken a third of the island.

Soon, both France and Great Britain had sent forces to bring back colonial rule. However, l’Ouverture’s troops held them off. By 1798, British soldiers left St. Domingue. In 1801, the rebels also succeeded in pushing Spanish forces out of neighboring Santo Domingo. Today, this nation is known as the Dominican Republic.

The Haitian Revolution was a very bloody war. Historians believe that around 20 percent of people living in St. Domingue were killed. In 1803, l’Ouverture himself was taken by troops sent by Napoleon Bonaparte . He later died in a French prison.

With l’Ouverture gone, Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Henry Christophe led the fight against France. It was Dessalines who named the nation Haiti. He declared its independence on January 1, 1804.

Haiti was the first nation founded by people who were formerly enslaved. In the western hemisphere, it was only the second country to win independence from a European nation. As a result, much of Europe refused to acknowledge Haiti. They feared losing other colonies.

In much of the world—and especially the southern U.S.—enslavers feared the spread of the anti-slavery movement after the Haitian Revolution. American enslavers did all they could to quiet news of the rebellion’s success. Still, historians agree that the Haitian Revolution influenced uprisings in the U.S. and perhaps even the Civil War itself.

It wasn’t until 1825 that France formally accepted Haiti’s independence. Today, Haiti continues to experience the negative effects of the history of European colonization.

Common Core , Next Generation Science Standards , and National Council for the Social Studies ."> Standards : C3.D2.Civ.12, C3.D2.Civ.14, CCRA.R.4, CCRA.L.3, CCRA.L.6 CCRA.R.10, CCRA.R.1, CCRA.SL.1, CCRA.L1, CCRA.W.2, CCRA.SL.3, CCRA.L.2, CCRA.R.2

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Today’s Wonder talked about Toussaint l’Ouverture, the formerly enslaved man who led the Haitian Revolution. Explore this article to learn more about his life and achievements. What did you find most interesting about his life and actions? Share some interesting facts with a friend or family member.
Sometimes there are very important moments in history that aren’t talked about as much in school as some other historical events. Did you know about the Haitian Revolution? Did anything you learned in today’s Wonder surprise you? Write a summary about what you learned and share it with a friend or family member. Ask them what they know about the Haitian Revolution.
Get a friend or family member and take a look at this online exhibit about the Haitian Revolution. What are some interesting things about the roles of the leaders in the revolution?

Wonder Sources

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Haitian-Revolution (accessed 03 Feb. 2022)
https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/haitian-revolution-1791-1804/ (accessed 03 Feb. 2022)
https://history.state.gov/milestones/1784-1800/haitian-rev (accessed 03 Feb. 2022)
https://www.history.com/news/toussaint-louverture-haiti-revolution (accessed 03 Feb. 2022)
https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/two-centuries-slave-rebellions-shaped-american-history (accessed 03 Feb. 2022)
https://learnersdictionary.com/ (accessed 03 Feb. 2022)

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Question 1 of 3

Who was the social group known as the maroons?

a people who had escaped slavery and lived in the mountains Correct!
b wealthy black and mixed-race people Not Quite!
c poor white people who owned no land Not Quite!
d white colonizers who owned slaves Not Quite!

Question 2 of 3

Haiti was the first nation to be founded by this group?

a wealthy European colonizers Not Quite!
b people who were formerly enslaved Correct!
c white people who owned no land Not Quite!
d a people who had successfully revolted Not Quite!

Question 3 of 3

Which resource did the Spanish force the native people to mine?

a iron ore Not Quite!
b copper Not Quite!
c silver Not Quite!
d gold Correct!

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Causes of the Haitian Revolution revealed in primary sources and its challenges on a fragile structure of an imperialist nation

Author: Kathleen Radebaugh

Henry C. Lea Elementary

Seminar: Roots of the American Empire

Grade Level: 7

Keywords: Creole , Haiti , Haitian Revolution , imperialist , Politics

School Subject(s): English , Language Arts , Literature , Social Studies

The Haitian Revolution was a turning point in France’s imperialistic reign in the late part of the eighteenth century. In addition, it was also a historical moment for the United States who had imperialistic desires, but was a young nation who couldn’t develop an empire while simultaneously developing a democracy. In this unit, seventh grade students in ELA who will evaluate the causes of the Haitian Revolution through the use of primary and secondary sources. Students will analyze journal entries and letters written by slaves, free Creole residents, French aristocrats, and abolitionists who describe different political and social unarrest on the island of Saint Domingue. Students will trace their argument for the predominate causes through the use of debate and analytical essays. This unit is developed in correlation with Social Studies standards and content and can be co-taught with the seventh grade Social Studies teacher. Most importantly, this unit offers an opportunity for students and teachers to discuss the roles and responsibilities of a nation and an empire and whether or not the United States wanted to pursue an imperialistic nation for economic and naval gains.

Download Unit: Radebaugh-Kathleen-unit.pdf

Did you try this unit in your classroom? Give us your feedback here.

Full Unit Text

Content objectives.

France was an imperialist power. France far surpassed England and Spain with their profitable colonies in the Caribbean. In the 18 th century, France had reign over a colony called St. Domingue, which is currently known today as Haiti. This reign was an economic success for the country and its allies in trade, like the United States. Ever since Christopher Columbus landed in the Americas in the 1490s, trade was revolutionized through the access of these Caribbean ports. At this point, the United States was not an imperialist nation, but American merchants had a profitable trade with St. Domingue. The root analysis of this unit is the causes of the Haitian Revolution and how the revolution may have shifted America’s viewpoint on slavery, slave labor, and how America could be a dominate imperialistic nation. Throughout this unit, students will analyze primary and secondary sources about the Haitian Revolution and key historical figures.

St. Domingue exported sugar and coffee. African slaves who were forcibly brought to the Caribbean across the Atlantic Ocean (trans-Atlantic slave trade) worked the plantations and sugar mills. Millions of enslaved Africans were forced into labor during the 18 th century. According to Roots of the Modern American Empire, by William Appleman Williams, St. Domingue produced “40 percent of Europe’s sugar and 60 percent of its coffee.” [i] The amount of money France was earning due to the trade and horrific slave labor was enormous. This profit clouded all morals, because slaves were seen as expendable and torture and terror were common everyday practices. In addition, these plantations and industries were technologically advanced. If slaves were running away or poisoning their masters, production did not take a serious hit. Profits kept flowing and more slaves could easily be brought to the Caribbean.

In this unit, students will have to distinguish between the major causes of the Haitian Revolution in three subcategories: the working and living conditions for slaves on sugar and coffee plantations, the political and racial upheavals of free colored [ii] men versus white colonists, and the French Revolution. Students will close read various primary and secondary sources about these three causes. Many of the primary sources will come from David Geggus’ The Haitian Revolution: A Documented History . Teachers will have to use their discretion with some of the primary sources, because they are graphic. There are several complicated causes argued by many historians, but Geggus’ book provides several documents from different people who were slaves, political leaders, colonists, and visitors of Saint Domingue in the 1780s and 1790s. Students will be able to evaluate and judge the impact of these historical events that lead to the Haitian Revolution.

This unit is intended for a seventh grade English or Social Studies class. This unit contains cross-curricular standards and objectives for English and Social Studies. An English teacher can work closely with the grade equivalent Social Studies teacher to divide the lessons. The Social Studies teacher can teach content and specifics while the English teacher can teach literary analysis and writing strategies. For the students’ writing portfolios, they will have to write an informative essay about one of three causes outlined within the unit. Students will learn how to cite primary and secondary sources within their essay. It is essential that teachers review with their classes how to avoid plagiarism.

The classroom is a setting for students to question and debate our nation’s past. My students want change. They want to change and improve the environment around them. They want better textbooks, lunches, and uniforms. My students are advocates, and they want to learn about how other people in our history inspired change. Henry C. Lea Elementary’s vision statement is “The Lea School community is dedicated to building a creative space where critical citizens are inspired and empowered to change the world.” This means students need to learn about our nation’s past and the conflicts that arouse during the foundational stages of becoming a democracy. Essential questions throughout the unit will reflect on slavery, violence, treason, economics, and ethics. My students watch national news and they read current event articles, and they compare the actions of historical figures in today’s time period to those 200 years ago. Sometimes, the actions of many historical figures today match the actions of generals, soldiers, and political leaders centuries ago. Our students need to decipher between the primary causes of social unarrest and the effects of the decisions made by political leaders that cause social unarrest.

In the late eighteenth century, America was Saint Domingue’s biggest client. [iii] United States declared their independence 20 years prior to the French Revolution and the United Sates was struggling with their own economic and social problems with slave labor and plantation owners who wanted their own trade markets. The United States heavily relied on Saint Domingue’s exports, but political leaders in the United States feared that paranoia of slave revolts would halt trade and cause revolts on southern plantations. Jefferson response to the Haitian revolution was not celebratory or supportive. Jefferson refused to recognize Haitian independence [iv] , a policy to which U.S. Federalists also acquiesced and Haitians would have to wait until 1862 for the United States to recognize Haiti’s status as a sovereign, independent nation. Jefferson supported slave labor and he needed votes from southern plantation owners.

Students have to critique leaders. They have to be able to judge and evaluate the actions of the Founding Fathers and why they made certain decisions for their political party and for the people of the United States. Students will compare and contrast the actions of political and social leaders in Saint Domingue and France between 1789-1791 to show that there are many parallels to the political and social climate of the United States. Jefferson wanted slavery, he wanted the chaos of the French Revolution to stop infiltrating into the United States, and he wanted to win the election. He feared the Haitian Revolution, because he didn’t want the slaves within the United States to rebel. Some students will infer that so many political powers disagreed with Jefferson and therefore, the country was weak and prone to rebellion.

Lastly, the racial and political discrimination amongst free colored colonists and white colonists in Saint Domingue mirrors the racial divide in the United States currently. I need to discuss with my students more topics surrounding race and politics. We need to know why many people are experiencing the same racial prejudice 200 years later. We need to develop decorum within our classroom that allows for intelligent and factual debate centered on issues of race and political access. It is not enough for my students to watch the news, read the newspaper, or identify the central idea of a primary and secondary source if we cannot fully describe its impact humanitarian need. There are several moments throughout the course of this unit that students will have to analyze the needs of a human and what does a human need from his or her neighbor, community, and government.

Historical Background

In 1625, France established a trade station on Saint Christopher’s Island. It was the first Caribbean settlement. Twenty years after Spain abandoned Saint Domingue, France colonized the island. Saint Domingue was two peninsulas; the west province contains the capital city of Port-au-Prince. Tobacco and cotton did not survive the climate. After a year and a half of rotating crops, sugar cane thrived. It was a very different crop to tobacco and cotton, because it required precise harvesting and factory-like tools. France learned how to harvest and manufacture sugar can from the Portuguese and the Dutch. [v]

By the 1700s, sugar plantation owners were investing in top of the line machinery and facilities to manufacture and produce the best and addicting sugar. Their plantations were innovative and efficient. Plantation owners developed advance irrigation system and powered windmills. Dry land wasn’t a problem, because every inch of land that could be cultivated was watered and fertilized. By the eighteenth century, slaves made up approximately 90 percent of the population on both islands. [vi] This means indentured servants were being replaced by slave labor, which allowed plantation owners to earn greater profits. Surviving records show that Saint Domingue imported 685,000 Africans between 1700-1791. [vii] Human life was indispensable. Slaves died of torture, malnutrition, sickness, and being overworked. It was the harshest and most cruel environment for slave labor due to the intense precision needed to harvest sugar cane.

Due to the enormous population of slaves compared to their white plantation owners and residents, violence against the slaves was a control tactics. Slaves were whipped, raped, and tortured by plantation masters and sometimes by other slaves to maintain discipline and power over the slave labors. Many female slaves bore children from their masters. Some of those children were set free or worked the plantation as well. Women and men shared the heaviest burden. On a sugar plantation, gender did not determine the type of work given to a slave.

Working and living conditions for slaves on sugar and coffee plantations

Justin Girod de Chantrans observed the working conditions of slaves in the northern hemisphere of Saint Domingue. [viii] There were 20 sugar plantations where he lived. He could hear “the crack of whips striking both animals and slaves” in the background of the noise of the cane mills. “On a large, well managed sugar plantation, the work never stops.” By dawn, slaves are in the sugar cane fields until ten to eleven o’clock that night. According to Girod, they have breakfast and lunch; the only two breaks within each day. “Some believe you can squeeze four out of the work of slave and only give him half in return.” This means the plantation owners see the lives of slaves as dispensable and meaningless.

Girod also wrote about the killing and torture of many slaves by the masters of the different plantations. France had a decree that forbade the killing of slaves, however, there wasn’t judicial oversight or protections on the colony. Many slave owners killed slaves without punishment or being sent to trail. “The manager watched the workgrang without pity, and several slave drivers arms with long whips, missed among the workers, dealt out harsh blows from time to time even to those who were obliged by weariness to slow down-mean and women, young and old, without distinction.” These oppressive and horrific working conditions did not prevent plantation workers to form communities amongst and preserved many elements of African culture. Slaves were able to communicate and share information they learned from trading their personal surplus crops with educated Creoles especially about the French Revolution or the freeing of slaves by King Louis before Bastille’s fall.

Colonies are often made up of a complicated mix of social classes. Saint Domingue is a perfect archetype. It is the mixture and tensions of these social classes that played a major role in the slave revolts and the Haitian Revolution. There were white plantation owners and their slaves. There were mixed race children that were free and enslaved. There were free people of color who had money and power because they were educated and valued. There were French immigrants and island born whites. There were poor white workers who hated the French monarchy and were jealous of the planters and merchants. Every social class was different and had needs. The slave revolution happened very quickly, because the slaves had help from other disgruntled social classes. There were several political battles among whites and free colored men in Saint Domingue years prior to the first slave uprising in the north in August of 1791. [ix]

Letter des deputes de Saint Domingue a leurs commenttants

Julien Raimond was a free-colored activists who intercepted a letter written by Saint Domingue deputies about their fears and concerns regarding the new laws granted by the National Assembly on August 11, 1789. [x] These laws abolished serfdom, forbidding bondage or servitude to land. This letter was intended for their constituents in the colony and not for public view. This letter shows the racial prejudice these deputies felt towards free colored people and slaves in Saint Domingue, when all along their were campaigning for unity and abolition. “Let us not awaken the enemy, but do not be taken by surprise.” This means the deputies were afraid that this new law would spark conversation and rebellion amongst the slaves in Saint Domingue. This was also the law that was one of the major turning points in France’s history and a contributing factor to the French Revolution.

These deputies campaigned on views in favor of abolition and equality, but this letter is filled with paranoia and discriminatory views about freedom of slaves and the advancement of colored people in Saint Domingue. “ARREST SUSPICIOUS PERSON. SEIZE WRITINGS IN WHICH EVEN THE WORD FREEDOM APPEARS.” This letter was clear indication for the free colored men and women and slaves that they were powerful and threatening. In October of 1790, Vincent Oge leads brief free colored rebellion in the northern province of Saint Domingue, but was later executed a couple months later. August of 1791, insurrections of slaves in the north and free coloreds in the west spiraled into other major slave rebellions and battles amongst white radicals and free coloreds.

The social and political unrest that occurred between various social classes set the precedent for the slave revolt in the northern province of Saint Domingue. It also mirrored the same political and social unarrest that was happening in France. France’s government was collapsing due to debt and unpopular views. People wanted to follow a new ideology and abandon monarchs. People were hungry and poor, and lost trust in King Louis XVI. France was not able to harvest enough food to support its economy and the country fell into a depression. The foundation was crumbling and all colonies were vulnerable to social and political turmoil. A new revolutionary political movement, the National Assembly, published a statement that Saint Domingue was not part of France and was a “self-ruling province.” Simplistically, France administration abandoned Saint Domingue. Wealthy men of color and Parisian free people of color were able to stand up to white plantation owners and demand freeing the slaves.

Letters by Francois Barbe-Marbois, Chief Administrator to France from Saint Domingue

Francois Barbe Marbois was an influential political figure in France and in the United States. In 1779, Marbois was made secretary of the French legation to the United States and later moved to Saint Domingue as a high ranking official working for the French government. He is the man famously known for selling Thomas Jefferson the Louisiana Purchase. [xi] While in Saint Domingue, Marbois wrote many letters to the French government about the impact the French Revolution had on the slaves. In addition, masters thought more violence and torture would negate rebellion, when it fueled it even more. “Yet everything that is done and written in the kingdom about freeing the slaves becomes more known in the colony in spite of the precautions we have taken.” [xii] Marbois admits that the slave revolts are in response to the fall of the French government and the tortuous working conditions. He pleads in the letters for some help or presence in stopping the slave revolts and wants more control and sanctions brought to the masters and owners of the sugar and coffee plantations.

Marbois addresses one major rumor that a decree by the Spanish government allows fugitive slaves from Saint Domingue to seek refuge in Santo Domingo, the eastern end of Hispaniola. This is a major problem for France, because slaves who run away to Santo Domingo can become soldiers in a colonial war to reclaim this land for Spain. Lastly, “there is so much contact between free people and slaves that it is impossible they don’t know about the efforts being made on their behalf.” This is the most essential line from the letter, because it brutal portrays the racism and hysteria this man has against African Americans. It depicts how rooted this belief of slavery and empire being harmonious. It is almost inconceivable to think that this man really thought it was better for a slave to remain a slave than for a revolution to occur. In his point of view, Marbois needed to maintain routine and order. It is his responsibility as a white political official to put the country before the man. If the sugar and coffee plantations are destroyed due to emancipation, and a colonial war erupts between France and Spain, none of it justifies the freeing of man, woman, or child. “No officials in the kingdom find themselves in such a critical position as we do. We are acting the presence of 450,000 slaves we are perhaps only waiting for the first sign of division among the whites to throw themselves into the most terrible uprising.” This is the most important primary source you will read with your students in the unit. It is important that students have time to really decipher and analyze what Marbois means and how he cannot comprehend the need and purpose for this revolution. Some students might have a really strong reaction to Marbois letter. The teacher should encourage them to discuss their reactions amongst a literature circle or a whole classroom debate. This portrayal of “you versus them” is an essential theme is several pieces of literature and current event articles.

Students will be able to cite textual evidence in order to trace the development of the trans-Atlantic slave trade.

Students will be able to infer about the conditions of the slave labor in order to analyze central idea.

Students will be able to infer and trace the development of the sugar cane plantations and machinery in order to analyze central idea.

Students will be able to cite textual evidence in order to analyze the cause and effects of the Haitian Revolution.

Students will be able to identify and describe social and political turmoil of the different social classes on Saint Domingue in order to analyze primary sources.

Students will be able to support analysis of the French Revolution and its impact of the slave revolts in order to develop a central idea.

Students will be able to analyze how a key individual, event, or idea is introduced, illustrated, and elaborated in order to write a five paragraph analytical essay.

Teaching Strategies

Material for this unit will vary between primary and secondary documents in Greggus’ The Haitian Revolution , Glencoe online sources for vocabulary, and Holt McDougal World History textbook for Grades 6-8. The hardest part will be to find course materials and readings of informational secondary texts for students on reading level. Most of the content we read in Professor Steve Hahn’s seminar, Roots of the American Empire, is written on a collegiate level. The challenge will be to find authentic and informative sources for students to analyze and evaluate. There are several exceptional primary sources in Greggus’ book, but teachers have to use discretion due to graphic content.

As an English teacher for Middle Years ELA, I follow the Children’s Literacy Initiative Framework that was adopted by the School District of Philadelphia for teaching reading and writing in a middle school classroom. This Literacy Framework is part of my formal observation by my principal that she completes twice a year and is based on the Danielson Framework for Effective Teaching Strategies. This is my third year using this model for instruction and assessment in my classroom.

Shared Reading: Whole Group Instruction

The teacher reads out loud and models close reading based on the objective and standard. Sometimes, the students have the text in front of them and sometimes they do not, it depends on the length of the text. Teachers model for students repeatedly through this shared reading approach. I will model repeatedly a shared reading of primary and secondary sources. I think it is important that we read Marbois’ letter [i] as a whole group and then students can choose certain sections for their analysis once they are in cooperative pairs.

Collaborative Reading: Whole Group Instruction

The teacher and students read out loud excerpts of the text and share their close reading interpretation and analysis about the text to the whole class. Students are highlighting, making notes on the side, and can foster a debate. The teacher is a facilitator and calls on students to read and share their interpretation. Teacher might also ask clarifying questions and reiterates the objective and purpose of the lesson. This is essential for vocabulary development and identifying context clues. They are many domain specific words throughout historical documents that students will need to define for a deeper clarification of the meaning or tone of the text. Teacher can preview text with students and pinpoint five to six key domain specific vocabulary words to define before reading the text.

Cooperative Pairs and Guided Reading: Small Group Instruction

Teachers assign students a cooperative pair based on reading level and skill ability. For example, a teacher will pair a student with similar reading levels and comprehension abilities to work with each other on a text. While students are working with their partners, a teacher can have a guided reading section with four to five students. Again, this guided reading group is a combination of two cooperative pairs that need additional support with the main idea, vocabulary, or summarization. A teacher presents a different mini lesson for each guided reading group based on the need.

Literature Circles and Socratic Method:

Four to five students gather in a circle and are assigned roles. Roles can vary depending on the classroom environment but common roles include summarizer, discussion director, illustrator, and connector. The summarizer reports out to the whole class the essential components of what they discussed depending on the objective and standard. The discussion director keeps the group on tasks and will raise clarifying questions. The illustrator will draw, model, or create an image based on the literature circle’s conversation and work. The connector is a student who will reference another primary or secondary source that matches an essential theme or character.

Independent Assessment and Independent Reading: Individual Instruction

Once a week, students are assessed based on the objective and standard. During this time, students are reading independently a text at their reading level. Students respond to the content of the text and answer assessment questions that are developed based on the objective and standard. Teachers should select texts that reflect the same theme or central idea being studied in the unit, but that is at the discretion of the teacher.

The Children’s Literacy Framework for writing follows the exact same format for writing. A teacher will use a mentor text for a particular writing style and demonstrate the skill to the whole class first. There is an emphasis on revising and editing with your cooperative pair and through a writing conference with your teacher. Students are independently assessed with a final draft.

Teacher will have to create many visuals for the students about the Haitian Revolution. One of the greatest strategies that we will use throughout the course is the art of dialogue and debate. Many of the students need more practice and time to present an argument. Many of our students do not do enough oral presentations to enhance their public speaking craft. This is a very important skill and strategy for a historian. I want my students to have the ability to speak comfortably and intelligently about a specific topic analyzed in class in front of a group of people or take part in a panel.

Classroom Activities

Everyday, the students will write in their daily journal. Each daily journal will reflect on the objective and content for that day’s lesson. The introductory lessons for this unit will discuss the definition of empire. When students start to read about and analyze the sugar and coffee plantations, they daily journals will reflect on the living and working conditions of the slaves. Students will argue in their daily journals if the social divisions of Saint Domingue were too complicated for even the French political authorities to interpret. In addition, students will be encouraged to use domain specific vocabulary from their text in their daily journals to enhance their word bank.

The daily journal is an effective means to assess whether or not the students are reflecting on the course material and making connections to the social and political problems during the eighteenth century. Students must make connections to today’s social and political problems that stem from this time period. I think students will be surprised that without the Haitian Revolution and the French Revolution, Jefferson would not have been able to buy the Louisiana Territory.

Each day, students will read excerpts from Roots of the Modern American Empire by Williams and The Haitian Revolution: A Documentary History by David Geggus. Each excerpt will be matched by a visual: power point created by a teacher, anchor chart that reviews the literary skill of cause and effect or tracing an argument. When Williams describes the overlap of the French Revolution and the Haitian Revolution, it is extremely complicated. This is a great example of how a teacher can use this text and break down the author’s argument with use of a graphic organizer or written outline. These two texts are complicated but offer an excellent analysis into the causes and effects of the Haitian Revolution and its impact on American Imperialism. In addition, both texts have primary sources. Students really engage in primary sources, because it is first person narrative and the voice is much more clear than an analytical essay.

The primary sources will lend students to a choice board assessment in a writer’s workshop. Students can write their own letter in the viewpoint of Thomas Jefferson, Napoleon Bonaparte, Toussaint Louverte, King Louis XVI, or a sugar plantation owner. Students will have to use domain specific words, cite textual evidence, paraphrase or summarize emotions or actions by the historical figure, and use proper tone and voice.

Writer’s workshops usually take two to three days for students to receive the assignment, brainstorm, write a rough draft, revise with a partner, met with teacher in a guided writing group or an individual writing conference, and have a published piece for writing portfolio. Teacher must establish norms and procedures for a writing workshop that matches the standard and objective.

An extending activity for students for their writing portfolios is to have them analyze the role of revolution, emancipation, empire, or trade. Revolution, emancipation, empire, and trade are central themes that are developed within the unit, however, students might be interested in evaluating the evolution or demise of these themes to today. Is revolution different today compared to the eighteenth century? Are some people still need or emancipation? What is an American empire in business, public health, media, or education? Some of the best writing pieces I receive from students is when they further their research based on a central theme or conflict presented within the unit. The teacher can use an informative and or expository rubric.

Students are assigned cooperative pairs based on reading level, skill mastery, and writing ability. Cooperative pairs are given different texts that meet their reading levels. Readworks.org is an excellent free online resource tool for teachers to help them with differentiation. When searching key terms like “empire,” “slave trade,” “sugar cane,” and “Louisiana territory,” many different passages are available on different lexile levels. Teachers can select which passages best suit their students and cooperative pair groups.

Students will review with the class and their cooperative pair different maps that show the Atlantic Slave Trade, the proximity of the Caribbean islands to the Americas, and the Louisiana Territory. One of the best sources for these different maps is the Social Studies textbook. Holt McDougal World History textbook for Grades 6-8 offers digital copies of various chapters online. Teachers can print off the digit copy of chapter three entitled, “The Atlantic Slave Trade.” This chapter has very informative maps and reinforces the central ideas expressed in Williams and Geggu’s books.

Lastly, students have to present an oral presentation about one of the central ideas of the Haitian Revolution. This oral presentation can be in the form of a speech: informative, persuasive, debate, or storytelling. Time and length of the presentation can be determined by the teacher. Students will need to develop a thesis or persuasive statement, cite textual evidence that supports the thesis or persuasive statement, and make text-to-text, text-to-world, and text-to-self connections. Some students will need to present in front of a panel instead of an entire class. Oral presentations are necessary for students so they can develop presentation skills and fluency in commanding an audience.

Geggus, D. (2009). The world of the Haitian Revolution . Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

This is the core text for this unit. Geggus is very concise and clear in his writing. He often admits that they are contradictory viewpoints regarding the causes of the Haitian Revolution but he outlines each viewpoint with several primary sources from different people in Saint Domingue and France. The book also contains a timeline of events that is helpful for teachers and students. The map is not as well developed as the ones you will find in social studies textbooks or online, but it is useful for the reader.

Beginnings of Slave Trade. (2007). Jesus Garcia and Donna M. Ogle. Creating America. (pp. 76-81). Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.

Students will read this selection with their cooperative pairs. It offers background knowledge about the Atlantic Slave Trade and how it changed production and exportation for the Caribbean islands. The maps and illustrations are detailed, and if the teacher has the CD for this textbook, he or she can play the virtual tour of the Atlantic Slave Trade.

Louisiana Purchase. (n.d.). Retrieved June 17, 2015, from http://www.history.com/topics/louisiana-purchase

Teachers will have to decide whether or not they can further study with their students the effects of the Haitian Revolution. Many historians argue that without the Haitian Revolution, Jefferson would never have been offered the Louisiana Purchase. They is an extended time period between the Haitian Revolution and the sale of the Louisiana Purchase which means teachers will have to choose whether or not to explore this topic with their students.

Establishing Independence. (2005). In N. Siddens (Ed.), World Cultures and Geography (pp. 203-214). Evanston: McDougal Littell.

Students will read this selection with their cooperative pairs or as independent reading assignment. Students should read cross curricular topics within their English classes because it connects central ideas and student can formally student a specific content.

Williams, W. (1969). The roots of the modern American empire; a study of the growth and shaping of social consciousness in a marketplace society . New York: Random House.

[i] Williams, W. (1969) The roots of the American empire.

[ii] Geggus, D. (2014). The Haitian Revolution: A documentary history .

[iv] https://history.state.gov/milestones/1784-1800/haitian-rev (accessed June 1, 2015)

[v] http://www.zum.de/whkmla/sp/0910/mafia/mafia1.html (accessed August 20, 2015)

[vi] Williams, loc. cited

[viii] Justin Girod de Chantrans, Voyage d’un Suisse dans differentes colonies d’Amerique , Paris, 1785, letters V and IV.

[ix] Geggus, loc. cited

[x] Lettre des deputes de Saint Domingue a leurs commenttants, Correspondance de Julien Raimond avec ses feres de Saint Domingue, Paris, 1793, 7-10.

[xi] http://quod.lib.umich.edu/c/clementsmss/umich-wcl-M-2694bar?view=text (accessed August 2, 2015)

[xii] Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer, Aix-enProvence, C9A, de Peiner and Marbois to La Luzerne

Content Standards

The Common Core Curriculum of the School District of Philadelphia is aligned to the PAS for English Language Arts. These standards include instruction on the following topics: primary and secondary sources, critical thinking, drawing conclusions, citing textual evidence to support an argument, compare and contrast, and determining how an author’s point of view affects the main idea of a text.

CC.8.5.6-8.D.Determine the meaning of words and phrases as they are used in a text, including vocabulary specific to domains related to history/social studies.

CC.1.2.7.A: Determine two or more central ideas in a text and analyze their development over the course of the text; provide an objective summary of the text.

CC.1.2.7.B: Cite several pieces of textual evidence to support analysis of what the text says explicitly as well as inferences, conclusions, and/or generalizations.

CCSS.ELA-LITERACY.W.7.2

Write informative/explanatory texts to examine a topic and convey ideas, concepts, and information through the selection, organization, and analysis of relevant content.

CCSS.ELA-LITERACY.W.7.2.A

Introduce a topic clearly, previewing what is to follow; organize ideas, concepts, and information, using strategies such as definition, classification, comparison/contrast, and cause and effect

The Haitian Revolution essay

The Haitian Revolution started as a massive slave uprising on August, 1791. A massive slave uprising erupted in the French colony Saint-Domingue which is now called Haiti. The rebellion was fueled by a Vodou service that was organized by Boukman, a Voudou hougan or High Priest. Most historians view this revolt as the most celebrated event that began the 13-year revolution that culminated in the independence of Haiti in the year 1804. Saint-Domingue became France’s wealthiest producing colony in the eighteenth century.

A plantation system that was ran by slaves, imported from Africa brought the wealth of men who were mainly French planters from Africa and France. The third and fourth positions of the stratified class system were filled by a few middle class of white men, but the majority of men were black. The colony was in a melee with several revolutionary movements, at the time of the uprising from the slaves. The planters were moving toward independence from France and the free colored people wanted a full citizenship, while the slaves wanted their freedom.

All were inspired by the French Revolution of 1789 that wanted equality and freedom. Toussaint L’ Ouverture was one of the most remembered leaders of the Haitian Revolution who was a former slave. “He organized armies of former slaves that defeated the Spanish and British forces,” explains (Heinl, 1996) He conquered Santo Domingo by 1801, which is currently called Dominican Republic and he eradicated slavery and gave himself the title of governor-general for life over the entire island which he fought for and won.

Napoleon Bonaparte in 1801, sent out General Leclerc and thousands of troops to arrest Toussaint and to reinstate slavery and to restore the French rule was described by Carolyn Fick, (1990, Fick) Toussaint was sent to France after being captured, after being deceived. He died in prison in 1803. One of Toussaint’s generals, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, led the last battle and defeated Napoleon’s forces.

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Dessalines declared the nation as independent on January 1, 1804, when it became known as Haiti, the country that was the first black republic in the world and the first independent nation in Latin America. The year 2004 will commemorate the bicentennial celebration of the Haitian Revolution where many will take part in the event, remembering the brave battle in the Haitian Revolution.

Most accounts of the Haitian Revolution focus on the role of the North and famous leaders such as Toussaint L’ Ouverture, along with Dessalines and Henry Christophe. They are the main people who are remembered for their bravery in Haiti, today. Many of the freed slaves of Saint-Domingue settled in New Orleans, profoundly influencing the history of that city.

1990, Fick, Carolyn E. , The Making of Haiti, The Saint Domingue Revolution, p. 23 1996, Heinl, Robert Debs, Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood, The Story of the Haitian People

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The Haiti That Still Dreams

By Edwidge Danticat

A person watching a street soccer game from behind a barricade.

I often receive condolence-type calls, e-mails, and texts about Haiti. Many of these messages are in response to the increasingly dire news in the press, some of which echoes what many of us in the global Haitian diaspora hear from our family and friends. More than fifteen hundred Haitians were killed during the first three months of this year, according to a recent United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights report, which described the country’s situation as “ cataclysmic .” Women and girls are routinely subjected to sexual violence. Access to food, water, education, and health care is becoming more limited, with more than four million Haitians, around a third of the population, living with food insecurity, and 1.4 million near starvation. Armed criminal groups have taken over entire neighborhoods in Port-au-Prince and the surrounding areas, carrying out mass prison breaks and attacks on the city’s airport, seaport, government buildings, police stations, schools, churches, hospitals, pharmacies, and banks, turning the capital into an “ open air prison .”

Even those who know the country’s long and complex history will ask, “Why can’t Haiti catch a break?” We then revisit some abridged version of that history. In 1804, after a twelve-year revolution against French colonial rule, Haiti won its independence, which the United States and several European powers failed to recognize for decades. The world’s first Black republic was then forced to spend sixty years paying a hundred-and-fifty-million francs (now worth close to thirty billion dollars) indemnity to France . Americans invaded and then occupied Haiti for nineteen years at the beginning of the twentieth century. The country endured twenty-nine years of murderous dictatorship under François Duvalier and his son, Jean-Claude, until 1986. In 1991, a few months after Haiti’s first democratically elected President, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, took office, he was overthrown in a coup staged by a military whose members had been trained in the U.S. Aristide was elected again, then overthrown again, in 2004, in part owing to an armed rebellion led by Guy Philippe, who was later arrested by the U.S. government for money laundering related to drug trafficking. Last November, six years into his nine-year prison sentence, Philippe was deported by the U.S. to Haiti. He immediately aligned himself with armed groups and has now put himself forward as a Presidential candidate.

In 2010, the country was devastated by a 7.0-magnitude earthquake, which killed more than two hundred thousand people. Soon after, United Nations “peacekeepers” dumped feces in Haiti’s longest river, causing a cholera epidemic that killed more than ten thousand people and infected close to a million. For the past thirteen years, Haiti has been decimated by its ruling party, Parti Haïtien Tèt Kale (P.H.T.K.), which rose to power after a highly contested election in 2011. In that election, the U.S.—then represented by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton—and the Organization of American States helped the candidate who finished in third place, Michel Martelly, claim the top spot. Bankrolled by kidnapping, drug trafficking, business élites, and politicians, armed groups have multiplied under P.H.T.K, committing massacres that have been labelled crimes against humanity. In 2021, a marginally elected President, Jovenel Moïse, was assassinated in his bedroom , a crime for which many of those closest to him, including his wife, have been named as either accomplices or suspects.

The unasked question remains, as W. E. B. Du Bois wrote in “ The Souls of Black Folk ,” “How does it feel to be a problem?”

I deeply honor Haiti’s spirit of resistance and long history of struggle, but I must admit that sometimes the answer to that question is that it hurts. Sometimes it hurts a lot, even when one is aware of the causes, including the fact that the weapons that have allowed gangs to take over the capital continue to flow freely from Miami and the Dominican Republic, despite a U.N. embargo. Internally, the poorest Haitians have been constantly thwarted by an unequal and stratified society, which labels rural people moun andeyò (outside people), and which is suffused with greedy and corrupt politicians and oligarchs who scorn the masses from whose tribulations they extract their wealth.

Recently, at a loved one’s funeral, in Michigan, the spectre of other Haitian deaths was once again on the minds of my extended family members. Everywhere we gather, Haiti is with us, as WhatsApp messages continuously stream in from those who chose to stay in Haiti and can’t leave because the main airport is closed, and others who have no other home. In Michigan, during chats between wake, funeral, and repast, elders brought up those who can’t get basic health care, much less a proper burial or any of the rituals that are among our most sacred obligations. “Not even a white sheet over those bodies on the street,” my mother-in-law, who is eighty-nine, said, after receiving yet another image of incinerated corpses in Port-au-Prince. At least after the 2010 earthquake, sheets were respectfully placed on the bodies pulled from the rubble. Back then, she said, the armed young men seemed to have some reverence for life and some fear of death.

Lately, some of our family gatherings are incantations of grief. But they can also turn into storytelling sessions of a different kind. They are opportunities for our elders to share something about Haiti beyond what our young ones, like everyone else, see on the news. The headlines bleed into their lives, too, as do the recycled tropes that paint us as ungovernable, failures, thugs, and even cannibals. As with the prayers that we recite over the dead, words still have power, the elders whisper. We must not keep repeating the worst, they say, and in their voices I hear an extra layer of distress. They fear that they may never see Haiti again. They fear that those in the next generation, some of whom have never been to Haiti, will let Haiti slip away, as though the country they see in the media—the trash-strewn streets and the barricades made from the shells of burnt cars, the young men brandishing weapons of war and the regular citizens using machetes to defend themselves—were part of some horror film that they can easily turn off. The elders remind us that we have been removed, at least physically, from all of this by only a single generation, if not less.

We are still human beings, the elders insist—“ Se moun nou ye .” We are still wozo , like that irrepressible reed that grows all over Haiti. For a brief moment, I think someone might break into the Haitian national anthem or sing a few bars of the folk song “ Ayiti Cheri .” (“Beloved Haiti, I had to leave you to understand.”) Instead, they hum the music that the wozo has inspired : “ Nou se wozo / Menm si nou pliye, nou pap kase. ” Even if we bend, we will not break.

Except we are breaking. “It pains me to see people living in constant fear,” the Port-au-Prince-based novelist and poet Évelyne Trouillot recently wrote to me in an e-mail. “I dream of a country where children are not afraid to dream.” Internationally, U.S. deportations continue , Navy ships are ready to be deployed to intercept migrant boats, and Haitian asylum seekers could once again end up imprisoned on Guantánamo, as they did in the early nineteen-nineties. In conversations, whether with strangers or with younger family members, someone inevitably asks, “Is there any hope?”

I have hope, I say, because I grew up with elders, both in Haiti and here in the U.S., who often told us, “ Depi gen souf gen espwa ”—as long as there’s breath, there’s hope. I have hope, too, because the majority of Haitians are under twenty-five years old, as are many members of our family. Besides, how can we give in to despair with eleven million people’s lives in the balance? Better yet, how can we reignite that communal grit and resolve that inspired us to defeat the world’s greatest armies and then pin to our flag the motto “ L’union fait la force ”? Unity is strength.

The elders also remind us that Haiti is not just Port-au-Prince. As more and more of the capital’s residents are forced to return to homesteads and ancestral villages, the moun andeyò have much to teach other Haitians. “Historically, the moun andeyò have always been the preserver of Haiti’s cultural and traditional ethos,” Vivaldi Jean-Marie, a professor of African American and African-diaspora studies at Columbia University, told me. Rural Haitians, who have lived for generations without the support of the state, have had no choice but to rely on one another in close and extended family structures called lakou . “This shared awareness—I am because we are—will prevail beyond this difficult chapter in Haitian history,” Jean-Marie said.

Finally, I have hope because in Haiti, as the American writer and art collector Selden Rodman has written, “ art is joy .” This remains true even as some of the country’s most treasured cultural institutions, including the National School of the Arts and the National Library, have been ransacked. In the summer of 2023, Carrefour Feuilles, a district in Port-au-Prince that many writers, visual artists, and musicians call home, was attacked by armed criminal groups. The onslaught led to a petition that collected close to five thousand signatures. It read in part, “How many more hundreds of our women and children must be raped, executed, burned before the public authorities do everything possible to put an end to the plague of gangs and their sponsors?”

A few days later, the homes of two of the signatories, the multimedia artist Lionel St. Eloi and the writer Gary Victor, were taken over by a gang. The last time I saw St. Eloi was in 2019, in the courtyard of Port-au-Prince’s Centre d’Art, where he had a series of metal birds on display, their bejewelled bodies and beaks pointing toward the sky. Allenby Augustin, the Centre d’Art’s executive director, recently described how some artists, afraid of having to suddenly flee their homes and leave their work behind, bring their pieces to the center or keep them in friends’ homes in different parts of the city. Others add the stray bullets that land inside their studios— bal pèdi or bal mawon —to their canvasses.

St. Eloi, the patriarch of a family of artists, had lived in Carrefour Feuilles since the seventies, working with young people there. “The youth who were neglected or who could not afford to go to school were taken in by our family,” one of St. Eloi’s sons, the musician Duckyns (Zikiki) St. Eloi, told me. “We taught them to paint, to play guitar, and to play the drums. Now they are hired to run errands for gangsters who put guns in their hands.” In spite of what has happened, he still believes that art can turn some things around. He recently sent me a picture of a work by his younger brother Anthony—an image depicting gang members wearing brightly colored balaclavas and holding pencils, a book, a paint palette, a camera, and a musical instrument. “If there are gangs, we’d be better off with art gangs,” Zikiki said. “Gangs that paint, make music, recite poetry. Art is how we bring our best face to the world. Art is how we dream.” ♦

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The Haitian Revolution’s Principles Essay

For an effective analysis and study of information about a particular research question, it is essential to distinguish between types of sources. Thus, primary and secondary sources are two fundamental options for the origins of relevant information about a topic. Primary ones imply using direct sources of information such as documents, personal conversations, interviews, testimonies, and others. However, it is possible to study only documentation and archives for historical questions since one cannot directly communicate with historical figures. Primary sources are more difficult to find as they provide valuable information. One may find it in libraries, historical societies, specialized archives, or special forums. However, one should refrain from using primary sources found on any third-party sites, as these may contain distorted data.

In turn, secondary sources include all other information origins, such as scientific papers, statistics, documentaries, and Internet sources. This option is suitable for supplementing the information found in primary origins, as it requires additional verification. Regarding reliability, primary sources are more secure as they were created in the historical period that is being studied. Accordingly, there are no various misrepresentations, political distortions of facts, and other shortcomings in the primary sources.

Speaking about why it is important to consult a variety of sources when conducting historical research, one can highlight several aspects. Primarily, several origins contribute to the confirmation or refutation of the information found in a particular source. In other words, if the fact is the same in all sources, then it probably is true information. At the same time, if a certain fact is presented only in one out of five origins, then it indicates the unreliability of such a source. Moreover, several origins help to consider a particular historical aspect from different points of view. It is vital for compiling the most relevant and objective picture, as well as for the overall development and search for additional information.

On the other hand, relying on one type of source can lead to significant errors in work and inaccuracies in the facts. In addition, as already indicated, several origins allow one to create a more objective picture due to different points of view. Accordingly, the use of a single source may result in the work having one-sided nature without providing additional information and a broader view. Finally, the most significant danger of using a single origin is the possibility of using incorrect information. It may happen if, for example, the author of the original source made a mistake, and in this case, one does not have the opportunity to double-check the information.

The selected research question is about the founding fathers of Haiti, the rise of independence, and the root causes of the slave revolt. It is worth noting that Haiti became the first independent state in Latin America, and numerous attempts to suppress the uprising failed. In addition, Haiti became the only state that became free from slavery and was ruled by formerly enslaved people. The main reasons for the uprising were the inhuman living conditions of enslaved people, high mortality, and the poor attitude of the white population. In addition, some uprisings have already taken place in the world, which also caused the birth of protest sentiments.

Reliable origins have been selected to cover this topic, including both primary and secondary sources. In ‘The Haitian Revolution: The History and Legacy of the Slave Uprising that Led to Haiti’s Independence’, Charles River was based on documentary evidence and archival material (River 3). Due to this, the author managed to create one of the most detailed and reliable works telling about the revolution in Haiti. It also touches on the causes of the revolution, its pros, and cons, as well as the consequences for both the islanders and the outside world. Moreover, the work is supplemented with photographs, which allows one to study the issue in more detail.

A secondary source was also chosen to supplement the information found in addition to the above-mentioned primary source. Therefore, in work ‘Haiti’s Paper War: Post-Independence Writing, Civil War, and the Making of the Republic, 1804–1954’ Chelsea Stieber talks about the revolution in Haiti and post-revolutionary life, relying on scientific works and one’s own search for information (Stieber 5). Moreover, the author considered some other aspects of Haitian life, such as literature. After conducting a study, Stieber was able to establish which ideas prevailed in the literary aspect and whether they changed before and after the revolution. The author reflects on how colonial thought in Haiti changed, what was the root cause of this change and how it turned into a decolonial process.

Current events that are related to the subject of the research question may include modern revolutions. It has a similar principle and approach to the study of causes and effects. Thus, a group of people who are dissatisfied with the current conditions of life take to the streets to demonstrate it, similar to the past. However, it is worth noting that today’s conditions and environment formulate other approaches to the study of this issue. Regardless, one may use similar studying principles such as root cause analysis, consideration of ideas in the literature, and, today, the Internet and television.

Works Cited

River, Charles. The Haitian Revolution: The History and Legacy of the Slave Uprising that Led to Haiti’s Independence . Independently Published, 2020.

Stieber, Chelsea. Haiti’s Paper War: Post-Independence Writing, Civil War, and the Making of the Republic, 1804–1954. NYU Press, 2020.

Chicago (A-D)
Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2024, January 19). The Haitian Revolution's Principles. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-haitian-revolutions-principles/

"The Haitian Revolution's Principles." IvyPanda , 19 Jan. 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/the-haitian-revolutions-principles/.

IvyPanda . (2024) 'The Haitian Revolution's Principles'. 19 January.

IvyPanda . 2024. "The Haitian Revolution's Principles." January 19, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-haitian-revolutions-principles/.

1. IvyPanda . "The Haitian Revolution's Principles." January 19, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-haitian-revolutions-principles/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "The Haitian Revolution's Principles." January 19, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-haitian-revolutions-principles/.

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Political and Social Forces During and After the Vietnam War
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HIST 143 - Haitian Revolution: Primary Sources

Background Information
Primary Sources
Contemporary Haiti

What Are Primary Sources

"Primary sources are original records created at the time historical events occurred or well after events in the form of memoirs and oral histories. Primary sources may include letters, manuscripts, diaries, journals, newspapers, speeches, interviews, memoirs, documents produced by government agencies such as Congress or the Office of the President, photographs, audio recordings, moving pictures or video recordings, research data, and objects or artifacts such as works of art or ancient roads, buildings, tools, and weapons. These sources serve as the raw material to interpret the past, and when they are used along with previous interpretations by historians, they provide the resources necessary for historical research." (American Library Association, Reference and User Services, History Section)

Featured Titles

The Haitian Revolution: A Documentary History: Thi wonderful collection "draws on a variety of exewitness accounts, letters, and governmental documents to examine the causes of the Haitian Revolution and the impact it had on the eighteenth-century Atlantic World."

Haiti: An Island Luminous is a site to help readers learn about Haiti’s history. Created by historian Adam M. Silvia and hosted online by Digital Library of the Caribbean, it combines rare books, manuscripts, and photos scanned by archives and libraries in Haiti and the United States with commentary by over one hundred (100) authors from universities around the world.

Click on the image to access the site. Then click on "Learn" to get started.

Primary Sources from SCU Collections

Using oscar to find primary sources:.

You can also use the library online catalog, OSCAR , to find collections of published primary sources or books including primary documents.

Just enter your keywords and add one of the following words, depending on what you are looking for: correspondence, papers, speeches, memoirs, personal narratives, documents, sources.

Haiti and revolution and (sources or documents or letters)

Here's a sample of what you would find in OSCAR:

The Haitian Revolution: A Documentary History
Secret history; or, The horrors of St. Domingo, [electronic resource] : in a series of letters, written by a lady at Cape Francois, to Colonel Burr, late vice-president of the United States, principally during the command of General Rochambeau.
"The horrible combats" : a document on the revolution in Saint-Domingue, 1790 / by Sara Shannon.
Slave revolution in the Caribbean, 1789-1804 : a brief history with documents / Laurent Dubois and John D. Garrigus.
Haytian papers: a collection of the very interesting proclamations and other official documents: together with some accounts of the rise, progress, and present state of the kingdom of Hayti (1816)
Facing racial revolution : eyewitness accounts of the Haitian Insurrection / Jeremy D. Popkin [editor].
African Americans and the Haitian revolution : selected essays and historical documents / edited by Maurice Jackson and Jacqueline Bacon.
Contrary voices : representations of West Indian slavery, 1657-1834 / edited by Karina Williamson. (In part 4 of the book, you will find a collection of primary documents on the Haitian revolution)

Find articles in the U.S. Press about the Haitian revolution

To locate articles in American newspapers and magazines on the Haitian revolution from 1794 to 1804, use the following database:

Link to sample search in APS Online

Primary Sources on the Web

Many primary sources have been digitized and made available on the web. The following sites are good starting points to find documents and other sources related to the Haitian Revolution. I have tried to include mostly sites with English translations. There are of course many others with documents in French only.

Haiti History Archive Collection of primary sources on the Haitian Revolution and Toussaint Louverture translated in English by the volunteers of the The Marxists Internet Archive (MIA, http://www.marxists.org/)
Memoirs of General Toussaint Louverture,Written by Himself
Remember Haiti - John Carter Brown Library "Site showcasing a selection of books from the John Carter Brown Library that are available online through the Internet Archive. Created with the support of partners from around the world, the intent of this library is to provide access to the remarkable history of Haiti."
Haiti and the Atlantic World " This website seeks to encourage the discussion about Haiti's founding documents and their influences on the broader Atlantic.
The Louverture Project An open-content resource that includes encyclopedic entries, timelines, images, maps, and primary source documents.
Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity: Slavery and the Haitian Revolution This site includes background information, images, statistics, and primary documents.
Marronnage in Saint-Domingue (Haiti) Collection of fugitive slave notices published in the colony's principal newspaper, Affiches Americaines, between 1766 and 1790.
A Colony in Crisis: The Saint Domingue Grain Shortage of 1789 Translated and created primary sources from an episode in the history of Saint-Domingue
Theater in Saint Domingue, 1764-1791 Articles and announcements from the Saint-Dominguan newspaper known as "Affiches Americaines" about the vibrant theater life in the French colony during that period. Notes are in English.
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Last Updated: Apr 17, 2023 4:48 PM
URL: https://libguides.scu.edu/Hist143

The Vibrant Traditions and Resilience of Haitian Culture

This essay about Haitian culture explores its rich and diverse heritage, shaped by African, French, Spanish, and Taíno influences. It highlights the central role of Vodou in spiritual and community life, challenging common misconceptions by portraying it as a religion focused on spiritual connection and community. The essay also discusses the significance of music and dance, with styles like Kompa and Rara enhancing social and festive occasions. Furthermore, it delves into Haitian art, known for its vivid paintings and innovative metal works, and Haitian cuisine, which reflects the island’s agricultural diversity. Finally, it acknowledges the resilience of the Haitian people, exemplified by the historic Haitian Revolution, underscoring their ongoing cultural strength and contributions to the global community.

How it works

Haitian civilization manifests as a complex tapestry woven from myriad influences, primarily African, French, Spanish, and indigenous Taíno legacies. This intricate amalgamation has engendered a unique cultural ethos that radiates vibrancy, resilience, and profound influence throughout the Caribbean expanse.

At the nucleus of Haitian civilization resides its profound spiritual essence, epitomized by the practice of Vodou—a faith often misconstrued by external observers. Derived from West African spiritual traditions brought by enslaved Africans, Vodou underwent fusion with elements of Roman Catholicism and indigenous customs.

Far from the sensational portrayals depicted in mainstream media, Vodou represents a multifaceted faith emphasizing reverence for ancestors, spiritual interconnectedness, and communal solidarity. It permeates myriad facets of Haitian existence, encompassing music, dance, communal gatherings, and therapeutic modalities.

Music and dance serve as linchpins of Haitian culture, with traditional cadences like Kompa and Rara assuming pivotal roles in both quotidian life and festive revelries. Rara, often intertwined with Easter festivities, encompasses street processions and melodies deeply rooted in African cadences and Haitian historical narratives. Conversely, Kompa, a more contemporary musical genre, melds African rhythms with jazz elements, garnering international acclaim.

Haitian artistic expression exemplifies the richness of the culture. Renowned for its kaleidoscopic hues, intricate motifs, and at times surreal imagery, Haitian painting vividly captures scenes from everyday life, historical vignettes, and spiritual beliefs. Artists adeptly navigate a spectrum of styles, ranging from traditional to avant-garde. Haitian metalwork, repurposing discarded oil drums into ornamental masterpieces, reflects ingenuity and resourcefulness, captivating collectors globally.

Culinary traditions in Haiti mirror the diversity of its populace, echoing the manifold cultural influences that have shaped the nation. Staples such as rice and beans form culinary cornerstones, often accompanied by tropical fruits, tubers, and piquant sauces, showcasing the island’s agricultural abundance. Signature dishes like griot (fried pork) and joumou (pumpkin soup), traditionally savored on New Year’s Day to commemorate Haiti’s emancipation from France, stand as national delicacies encapsulating the country’s gastronomic legacy.

The indomitable spirit of the Haitian people finds emblematic expression in the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804), a seminal event marking the sole successful slave uprising in history and heralding Haiti’s emergence as the first black republic. This ethos of resilience and defiance permeates the nation’s annals, underscored by ongoing struggles for political stability and economic prosperity in contemporary epochs.

In summation, Haitian civilization exemplifies the dynamic fusion of diverse influences, yielding a cultural milieu characterized by uniqueness and vitality. Despite confronting formidable challenges, both historically and in contemporary contexts, Haiti’s cultural heritage endures as a testament to the fortitude and tenacity of its populace. Through spiritual devotion, artistic ingenuity, musical innovation, and culinary artistry, Haitians steadfastly commemorate and safeguard their cultural patrimony, leaving an indelible imprint on the global cultural landscape.

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