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Ten Important Questions About Child Poverty and Family Economic Hardship

  • Publication Type   Report  
  • Post date December, 2009

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What is the Nature of Poverty and Economic Hardship in the United States?

  • What does it mean to experience poverty?
  • How is poverty measured in the United States?
  • Are Americans who experience poverty now better off than a generation ago?
  • How accurate are commonly held stereotypes about poverty and economic hardship?

How Serious is the Problem of Economic Hardship for American Families?

  • How many children in the U.S. live in families with low incomes?
  • Are some children and families at greater risk for economic hardship than others?
  • What are the effects of economic hardship on children?

Is it Possible to Reduce Economic Hardship among American Families?

  • Why is there so much economic hardship in a country as wealthy as the U.S.?
  • Why should Americans care about family economic hardship?
  • What can be done to increase economic security for America’s children and families?

1.  What does it mean to experience poverty?

Families and their children experience poverty when they are unable to achieve a minimum, decent standard of living that allows them to participate fully in mainstream society. One component of poverty is material hardship. Although we are all taught that the essentials are food, clothing, and shelter, the reality is that the definition of basic material necessities varies by time and place. In the United States, we all agree that having access to running water, electricity, indoor plumbing, and telephone service are essential to 21st century living even though that would not have been true 50 or 100 years ago.

To achieve a minimum but decent standard of living, families need more than material resources; they also need “human and social capital.” Human and social capital include education, basic life skills, and employment experience, as well as less tangible resources such as social networks and access to civic institutions. These non-material resources provide families with the means to get by, and ultimately, to get ahead. Human and social capital help families improve their earnings potential and accumulate assets, gain access to safe neighborhoods and high-quality services (such as medical care, schooling), and expand their networks and social connections.

The experiences of children and families who face economic hardship are far from uniform. Some families experience hard times for brief spells while a small minority experience chronic poverty. For some, the greatest challenge is inadequate financial resources, whether insufficient income to meet daily expenses or the necessary assets (savings, a home) to get ahead. For others, economic hardship is compounded by social isolation. These differences in the severity and depth of poverty matter, especially when it comes to the effects on children.

2. How is poverty measured in the United States?

The U.S. government measures poverty by a narrow income standard — this measure does not include material hardship (such as living in substandard housing) or debt, nor does it consider financial assets (such as savings or property). Developed more than 40 years ago, the official poverty measure is a specific dollar amount that varies by family size but is the same across the continental U.S..

research questions about poverty and education

According to the federal poverty guidelines, the poverty level is $22,050 for a family of four and $18,310 for a family of three (see table). (The poverty guidelines are used to determine eligibility for public programs. A similar but more complicated measure is used for calculating poverty rates.)

The current poverty measure was established in the 1960s and is now widely acknowledged to be outdated. It was based on research indicating that families spent about one-third of their incomes on food — the official poverty level was set by multiplying food costs by three. Since then, the same figures have been updated annually for inflation but have otherwise remained unchanged.

Yet food now comprises only one-seventh of an average family’s expenses, while the costs of housing, child care, health care, and transportation have grown disproportionately. Most analysts agree that today’s poverty thresholds are too low. And although there is no consensus about what constitutes a minimum but decent standard of living in the U.S., research consistently shows that, on average, families need an income of about twice the federal poverty level to meet their most basic needs.

Failure to update the federal poverty level for changes in the cost of living means that people who are considered poor today by the official standard are worse off relative to everyone else than people considered poor when the poverty measure was established. The current federal poverty measure equals about 31 percent of median household income, whereas in the 1960s, the poverty level was nearly 50 percent of the median.

The European Union and most advanced industrialized countries measure poverty quite differently from the U.S. Rather than setting minimum income thresholds below which individuals and families are considered to be poor, other countries measure economic disadvantage relative to the citizenry as a whole, for example, having income below 50 percent of median.

3. Are Americans who experience poverty now better off than a generation ago?

Material deprivation is not as widespread in the United States as it was 30 or 40 years ago. For example, few Americans experience severe or chronic hunger, due in large part to public food and nutrition programs, such as food stamps, school breakfast and lunch programs, and WIC (the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children). Over time, Social Security greatly reduced poverty and economic insecurity among the elderly. Increased wealth and technological advances have made it possible for ordinary families to have larger houses, computers, televisions, multiple cars, stereo equipment, air conditioning, and cell phones.

Some people question whether a family that has air conditioning or a DVD player should be considered poor. But in a wealthy nation such as the US, cars, computers, TVs, and other technologies are considered by most to be a normal part of mainstream American life rather than luxuries. Most workers need a car to get to work. TVs and other forms of entertainment link people to mainstream culture. And having a computer with access to the internet is crucial for children to keep up with their peers in school. Even air conditioning does more than provide comfort — in hot weather, it increases children’s concentration in school and improves the health of children, the elderly, and the chronically ill.

Consider as well the devastating effects of Hurricane Katrina. Prior to the hurricane, New Orleans had one of the highest child poverty rates in the country — 38 percent (and this figure would be much higher if it included families with incomes up to twice the official poverty level). One in five households in New Orleans lacked a car, and eight percent had no phone service. The pervasive social and economic isolation increased the loss of life from the hurricane and exacerbated the devastating effects on displaced families and children.

Focusing solely on the material possessions a family has ignores the other types of resources they need to provide a decent life for their children — a home in a safe neighborhood; access to good schools, good jobs and basic services; and less tangible resources such as basic life skills and support networks.

4. How accurate are commonly held stereotypes about poverty?

The most commonly held stereotypes about poverty are false. Family poverty in the U.S. is typically depicted as a static, entrenched condition, characterized by large numbers of children, chronic unemployment, drugs, violence, and family turmoil. But the realities of poverty and economic hardship are very different.

Americans often talk about “poor people” as if they are a distinct group with uniform characteristics and somehow unlike the rest of “us.” In fact, there is great diversity among children and families who experience economic hardship. Research shows that many stereotypes just aren’t accurate: a study of children born between 1970 and 1990 showed that 35 percent experienced poverty at some point during their childhood; only a small minority experienced persistent and chronic poverty. And more than 90 percent of low-income single mothers have only one, two, or three children.

Although most portrayals of poverty in the media and elsewhere reflect the experience of only a few, a significant portion of families in America have experienced economic hardship, even if it is not life-long. Americans need new ways of thinking about poverty that allow us to understand the full range of economic hardship and insecurity in our country. In addition to the millions of families who struggle to make ends meet, millions of others are merely one crisis — a job loss, health emergency, or divorce — away from financial devastation, particularly in this fragile economy. A recent study showed that the majority of American families with children have very little savings to rely on during times of crisis. Recently, more and more families have become vulnerable to economic hardship.

5. How many children in the US live in families with low incomes?

Given that official poverty statistics are deeply flawed, the National Center for Children in Poverty uses “low income” as one measure of economic hardship. Low income is defined as having income below twice the federal poverty level — the amount of income that research suggests is needed on average for families to meet their basic needs. About 41 percent of the nation’s children — nearly 30 million in 2008 — live in families with low incomes, that is, incomes below twice the official poverty level (for 2009, about $44,000 for a family of four).

Although families with incomes between 100 and 200 percent of the poverty level are not officially classified as poor, many face material hardships and financial pressures similar to families with incomes below the poverty level. Missed rent payments, utility shut offs, inadequate access to health care, unstable child care arrangements, and running out of food are not uncommon for such families.

research questions about poverty and education

Low-income rates for young children are higher than those for older children — 44 percent of children under age six live in low-income families, compared to 39 percent of children over age six. Parents of younger children tend to be younger and to have less education and work experience than parents of older children, so their earnings are typically lower.

6. Are some children and families at greater risk for economic hardship than others?

Low levels of parental education are a primary risk factor for being low income. Eighty-three percent of children whose parents have less than a high school diploma live in low-income families, and over half of children whose parents have only a high school degree are low income as well. Workers with only a high school degree have seen their wages stagnate or decline in recent decades while the income gap between those who have a college degree and those who do not has doubled. Yet only 27 percent of workers in the U.S. have a college degree.

Single-parent families are at greater risk of economic hardship than two-parent families, largely because the latter have twice the earnings potential. But research indicates that marriage does not guarantee protection from economic insecurity. More than one in four children with married parents lives in a low-income family. In rural and suburban areas, the majority of low-income children have married parents. And among Latinos, more than half of children with married parents are low income. Moreover, most individuals who experience poverty as adults grew up in married-parent households.

research questions about poverty and education

Although low-income rates for minority children are considerably higher than those for white children, this is due largely to a higher prevalence of other risk factors, for example, higher rates of single parenthood and lower levels of parental education and earnings. About 61 percent of black, 62 percent of Latino children and 57 percent of American Indian children live in low-income families, compared to about 27 percent of white children and 31 percent of Asian children. At the same time, however, whites comprise the largest group of low-income children: 11 million white children live in families with incomes below twice the federal poverty line.

Having immigrant parents also increases a child’s chances of living in a low-income family. More than 20 percent of this country’s children — about 16 million — have at least one foreign-born parent. Sixty percent of children whose parents are immigrants are low-income, compared to 37 percent of children whose parents were born in the U.S.

7. What are the effects of economic hardship on children?

Economic hardship and other types of deprivation can have profound effects on children’s development and their prospects for the future — and therefore on the nation as a whole. Low family income can impede children’s cognitive development and their ability to learn. It can contribute to behavioral, social, and emotional problems. And it can cause and exacerbate poor child health as well. The children at greatest risk are those who experience economic hardship when they are young and children who experience severe and chronic hardship.

It is not simply the amount of income that matters for children. The instability and unpredictability of low-wage work can lead to fluctuating family incomes. Children whose families are in volatile or deteriorating financial circumstances are more likely to experience negative effects than children whose families are in stable economic situations.

The negative effects on young children living in low income families are troubling in their own right. These effects are also cause for concern because they are associated with difficulties later in life — dropping out of school, poor adolescent and adult health, poor employment outcomes and experiencing poverty as adults. Stable, nurturing, and enriching environments in the early years help create a sturdy foundation for later school achievement, economic productivity, and responsible citizenship.

Parents need financial resources as well as human and social capital (basic life skills, education, social networks) to provide the experiences, resources, and services that are essential for children to thrive and to grow into healthy, productive adults — high-quality health care, adequate housing, stimulating early learning programs, good schools, money for books, and other enriching activities. Parents who face chronic economic hardship are much more likely than their more affluent peers to experience severe stress and depression — both of which are linked to poor social and emotional outcomes for children.

Is it Possible to Reduce Economic Hardship for American Families?

8. why is there so much economic hardship in a country as wealthy as the u.s..

Given its wealth, the U.S. had unusually high rates of child poverty and income inequality, even prior to the current economic downturn. These conditions are not inevitable — they are a function both of the economy and government policy. In the late 1990s, for example, there was a dramatic decline in low-income rates, especially among the least well off families. The economy was strong and federal policy supports for low-wage workers with children — the Earned Income Tax Credit, public health insurance for children, and child care subsidies — were greatly expanded. In the current economic downturn, it is expected that the number of poor children will increase by millions.

Other industrialized nations have lower poverty rates because they seek to prevent  hardship by providing assistance to all families. These supports include “child allowances” (typically cash supplements), child care assistance, health coverage, paid family leave, and other supports that help offset the cost of raising children.

But the U.S. takes a different policy approach. Our nation does little to assist low-income working families unless they hit rock bottom. And then, such families are eligible only for means-tested benefits that tend to be highly stigmatized; most families who need help receive little or none. (One notable exception is the federal Earned Income Tax Credit.)

At the same time, middle- and especially upper-income families receive numerous government benefits that help them maintain and improve their standard of living — benefits that are largely unavailable to lower-income families. These include tax-subsidized benefits provided by employers (such as health insurance and retirement accounts), tax breaks for home owners (such as deductions for mortgage interest and tax exclusions for profits from home sales), and other tax preferences that privilege assets over income. Although most people don’t think of these tax breaks as government “benefits,” they cost the federal treasury nearly three times as much as benefits that go to low- to moderate-income families. In addition, middle- and upper-income families reap the majority of benefits from the child tax credit and the child care and dependent tax credit because neither is fully refundable.

In short, high rates of child poverty and income inequality in the U.S. can be reduced, but effective, widespread, and long-lasting change will require shifts in both national policy and the economy.

9. Why should Americans care about family economic hardship?

In addition to the harmful consequences for children, high rates of economic hardship exact a serious toll on the U.S. economy. Economists estimate that child poverty costs the U.S. $500 billion a year in lost productivity in the labor force and spending on health care and the criminal justice system. Each year, child poverty reduces productivity and economic output by about 1.3 percent of GDP.

The experience of severe or chronic economic hardship limits children’s potential and hinders our nation’s ability to compete in the global economy. American students, on average, rank behind students in other industrialized nations, particularly in their understanding of math and science. Analysts warn that America’s ability to compete globally will be severely hindered if many of our children are not as academically prepared as their peers in other nations.

Long-term economic trends are also troubling as they reflect the gradual but steady growth of economic insecurity among middle-income and working families over the last 30 years. Incomes have increased very modestly for all but the highest earners. Stagnant incomes combined with the high cost of basic necessities have made it difficult for families to save, and many middle- and low-income families alike have taken on crippling amounts of debt just to get by.

Research also indicates that economic inequality in America has been on the rise since the 1970s. Income inequality has reached historic levels — the income share of the top one percent of earners is at its highest level since 1929. Between 1979 and 2006, real after-tax incomes rose by 256 percent for the top one percent of households, compared to 21 percent and 11 percent for households in the middle and bottom fifth (respectively).

Economic mobility—the likelihood of moving from one income group to another—is on the decline in the U.S. Although Americans like to believe that opportunity is equally available to all, some groups find it harder to get ahead than others. Striving African American families have found upward mobility especially difficult to achieve and are far more vulnerable than whites to downward mobility. The wealth gap between blacks and whites — black families have been found to have one-tenth the net worth of white families — is largely responsible.

What all of these trends reveal is that the American Dream is increasingly out of reach for many families. The promise that hard work and determination will be rewarded has become an increasingly empty promise in 21st century America. It is in the best interest of our nation to see that the American Dream, an ideal so fundamental to our collective identity, be restored.

10. What can be done to increase economic security for America’s children and families?

A considerable amount of research has been devoted to this question. We know what families need to succeed economically, what parents need to care for and nurture their children, and what children need to develop into healthy, productive adults. The challenge is to translate this research knowledge into workable policy solutions that are appropriate for the US.

For families to succeed economically, we need an economy that works for all — one that provides workers with sufficient earnings to provide for a family. Specific policy strategies include strengthening the bargaining power of workers, expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit, and increasing the minimum wage and indexing it to inflation. We also need to help workers get the training and education they need to succeed in a changing workforce. Dealing with low wages is necessary but not sufficient. Low- and middle-income families alike need relief from the high costs of health insurance and housing. Further programs that promote asset building among low-income families with children are also important.

As a nation, we also need to make it possible for adults to be both good workers and good parents, which requires greater workplace flexibility and paid time off. Workers need paid sick time, and parents need time off to tend to a sick child or talk to a child’s teacher. Currently, three in four low-wage workers have no paid sick days.

Despite the fact that a child’s earliest years have a profound effect on his or her life trajectory and ultimate ability to succeed, the U.S. remains one of the only industrialized countries that does not provide paid family leave for parents with a new baby. Likewise, child care is largely private in the U.S. — individual parents are left to find individual solutions to a problem faced by all working parents. Low- and middle-income families need more help paying for child care and more assistance in identifying reliable, nurturing care for their children, especially infants and toddlers.

These are only some of the policies needed to reduce economic hardship, strengthen families, and provide a brighter future for today’s — and tomorrow’s — children. With the right leadership, a strong national commitment, and good policy, it’s all possible.

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Robert Sampson, Henry Ford II Professor of the Social Sciences, is one of the researchers studying the link between poverty and social mobility.

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Unpacking the power of poverty

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Study picks out key indicators like lead exposure, violence, and incarceration that impact children’s later success

Social scientists have long understood that a child’s environment — in particular growing up in poverty — can have long-lasting effects on their success later in life. What’s less well understood is exactly how.

A new Harvard study is beginning to pry open that black box.

Conducted by Robert Sampson, the Henry Ford II Professor of the Social Sciences, and Robert Manduca, a doctoral student in sociology and social policy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, the study points to a handful of key indicators, including exposure to high levels of lead, violence, and incarceration as key predictors of children’s later success. The study is described in an April paper published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

“What this paper is trying to do, in a sense, is move beyond the traditional neighborhood indicators people use, like poverty,” Sampson said. “For decades, people have shown poverty to be important … but it doesn’t necessarily tell us what the mechanisms are, and how growing up in poor neighborhoods affects children’s outcomes.”

To explore potential pathways, Manduca and Sampson turned to the income tax records of parents and approximately 230,000 children who lived in Chicago in the 1980s and 1990s, compiled by Harvard’s Opportunity Atlas project. They integrated these records with survey data collected by the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods, measures of violence and incarceration, census indicators, and blood-lead levels for the city’s neighborhoods in the 1990s.

They found that the greater the extent to which poor black male children were exposed to harsh environments, the higher their chances of being incarcerated in adulthood and the lower their adult incomes, measured in their 30s. A similar income pattern also emerged for whites.

Among both black and white girls, the data showed that increased exposure to harsh environments predicted higher rates of teen pregnancy.

Despite the similarity of results along racial lines, Chicago’s segregation means that far more black children were exposed to harsh environments — in terms of toxicity, violence, and incarceration — harmful to their mental and physical health.

“The least-exposed majority-black neighborhoods still had levels of harshness and toxicity greater than the most-exposed majority-white neighborhoods, which plausibly accounts for a substantial portion of the racial disparities in outcomes,” Manduca said.

“It’s really about trying to understand some of the earlier findings, the lived experience of growing up in a poor and racially segregated environment, and how that gets into the minds and bodies of children.” Robert Sampson

“What this paper shows … is the independent predictive power of harsh environments on top of standard variables,” Sampson said. “It’s really about trying to understand some of the earlier findings, the lived experience of growing up in a poor and racially segregated environment, and how that gets into the minds and bodies of children.”

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The study isn’t solely focused on the mechanisms of how poverty impacts children; it also challenges traditional notions of what remedies might be available.

“This has [various] policy implications,” Sampson said. “Because when you talk about the effects of poverty, that leads to a particular kind of thinking, which has to do with blocked opportunities and the lack of resources in a neighborhood.

“That doesn’t mean resources are unimportant,” he continued, “but what this study suggests is that environmental policy and criminal justice reform can be thought of as social mobility policy. I think that’s provocative, because that’s different than saying it’s just about poverty itself and childhood education and human capital investment, which has traditionally been the conversation.”

The study did suggest that some factors — like community cohesion, social ties, and friendship networks — could act as bulwarks against harsh environments. Many researchers, including Sampson himself, have shown that community cohesion and local organizations can help reduce violence. But Sampson said their ability to do so is limited.

“One of the positive ways to interpret this is that violence is falling in society,” he said. “Research has shown that community organizations are responsible for a good chunk of the drop. But when it comes to what’s affecting the kids themselves, it’s the homicide that happens on the corner, it’s the lead in their environment, it’s the incarceration of their parents that’s having the more proximate, direct influence.”

Going forward, Sampson said he hopes the study will spur similar research in other cities and expand to include other environmental contamination, including so-called brownfield sites.

Ultimately, Sampson said he hopes the study can reveal the myriad ways in which poverty shapes not only the resources that are available for children, but the very world in which they find themselves growing up.

“Poverty is sort of a catchall term,” he said. “The idea here is to peel things back and ask, What does it mean to grow up in a poor white neighborhood? What does it mean to grow up in a poor black neighborhood? What do kids actually experience?

“What it means for a black child on the south side of Chicago is much higher rates of exposure to violence and lead and incarceration, and this has intergenerational consequences,” he continued. “This is particularly important because it provides a way to think about potentially intervening in the intergenerational reproduction of inequality. We don’t typically think about criminal justice reform or environmental policy as social mobility policy. But maybe we should.”

This research was supported with funding from the Project on Race, Class & Cumulative Adversity at Harvard University, the Ford Foundation, and the Hutchins Family Foundation.

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100 Questions: identifying research priorities for poverty prevention and reduction

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Reducing poverty is important for those affected, for society and the economy. Poverty remains entrenched in the UK, despite considerable research efforts to understand its causes and possible solutions. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation, with the Centre for Science and Policy at the University of Cambridge, ran a democratic, transparent, consensual exercise involving 45 participants from government, non-governmental organisations, academia and research to identify 100 important research questions that, if answered, would help to reduce or prevent poverty. The list includes questions across a number of important themes, including attitudes, education, family, employment, heath, wellbeing, inclusion, markets, housing, taxes, inequality and power.

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Poverty, place and pedagogy in education: research stories from front-line workers

  • Published: 10 August 2016
  • Volume 43 , pages 393–417, ( 2016 )

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  • Barbara Comber   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8364-1676 1 , 2  

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This article considers what it means to teach and learn in places of poverty through the narratives of front-line workers—particularly students and teachers. What is the work of teaching and learning in places of poverty in current times? How has this changed? What can be learned from both the haunting and hopeful narratives of front-line workers? Is it possible to continue to educate in these times and in ways that allow for critique, imagination and optimism? These questions are addressed by drawing from studies conducted over three decades in schools located in high-poverty neighbourhoods. Literacy education is considered as a particular case. Educational researchers need to remain on the front line with teachers and students in places of poverty because that is where some of the hardest work gets done. Reinvigorated democratic research communities would include teachers, school leaders, policy workers and young people.

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The project is entitled ‘Literacy and the imagination: Working with place and space as resources for children’s learning’ and in South Australia was undertaken by Barbara Comber, Helen Grant, Lyn Kerkham, Ruth Trimboli and Marg Wells. Annette Woods worked with a teacher-researcher in Brisbane.

Educational leadership and turnaround literacy pedagogies, an Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Project (No. LP120100714) between the University of South Australia and the South Australian Department for Education and Child Development (DECD). The project was under taken between 2012 and 2015. The chief investigators were Robert Hattam (University of South Australia), Barbara Comber (Queensland University of Technology), and Deb Hayes (University of Sydney). The research associate was Lyn Kerkham (University of South Australia).

Thanks to Deb Hayes for pointing out to me this connection which emerged through her research. Craig Campbell and Deb Hayes (University of Sydney) are writing a biography of Jean Blackburn (1919–2001), a significant contributor to educational policy, including the SA and national Karmel reports. She was an Australian Schools Commissioner from 1974 to 1980, and key architect of the Disadvantaged Schools Program.

I observed in this school over a period of 2 years, alongside my colleague, Lyn Kerkham. I thank her for sharing her fieldnotes and excerpts of the related video recorded transcript.

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Acknowledgments

Many projects have informed this address, in particular, Educational leadership and turnaround literacy pedagogies, an Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Project (No. LP120100714) between the University of South Australia and the South Australian Department for Education and Child Development (DECD). The project was under taken between 2012 and 2015. The chief investigators were Robert Hattam (University of South Australia), Barbara Comber (Queensland University of Technology) and Deb Hayes (University of Sydney). The research associate was Lyn Kerkham (University of South Australia). I thank colleagues and friends whose conversations contributed to these ideas, including Rob Hattam, Deb Hayes, Barbara Kamler, Lyn Kerkham, Val Klenowski, Helen Nixon and Annette Woods. I recognise that much of my work is contingent upon the willingness of teachers to have me in their classrooms and acknowledge long-term co-researchers and friends Helen Grant, Ruth Trimboli and Marg Wells. Finally, I thank the helpful critical feedback from the reviewers of this paper.

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Comber, B. Poverty, place and pedagogy in education: research stories from front-line workers. Aust. Educ. Res. 43 , 393–417 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13384-016-0212-9

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Received : 06 May 2016

Accepted : 03 August 2016

Published : 10 August 2016

Issue Date : September 2016

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s13384-016-0212-9

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202 Poverty Essay Topics & Examples

Poverty is one of the most pressing global issues affecting millions of individuals. We want to share some intriguing poverty essay topics and research questions for you to choose the titles of your paper correctly. With the help of this collection, you can explore the intricate dimensions of poverty, its causes, consequences, and potential solutions. Have a look at our poverty topics to get a deeper understanding of poverty and its implications.

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Philosophical Reflections on Child Poverty and Education

Lorella terzi.

1 University of Roehampton, LDN, UK

Elaine Unterhalter

2 IOE, UCL’s Faculty of Education and Society, LDN, UK

Judith Suissa

The harmful effects of Covid 19 on children living in poverty have refocused attention on the complex nature of child poverty and the vexed question of its relationship to education. The paper examines a tension at the heart of much discussion of child poverty and education. On the one hand, education is often regarded as essential for children’s flourishing and a means by which children can “escape” poverty; yet on the other hand, education systems, institutions, and practices, often reflect and entrench the disadvantages associated with poverty. Narratives concerning education as an escape from poverty tend not to deal in any depth with the injustices associated with poverty, stressing instead the transformative potential of education. By contrast, largely sociological analyses of the ways in which schooling reproduces inequalities tend to stop short of developing a normative account of how education can contribute to transforming the structural injustices related to poverty and its effects on children’s lives. In working to move beyond this analytic impasse, the paper shows how the cluster of concepts, which Robeyns (2018) locates as central to the capability approach, give insights which help to address these two different lacunae. The notion of conversion factors highlights the significance of taking account of existing relationships in education, while the distinction between capabilities and functionings helps guide practices regarding the education of children living in poverty. Drawing on literature on the heightened inequalities associated with poor children’s experience of lack of schooling during the COVID pandemic, the paper sketches some of the ways in which sociological analysis and normative evaluation can be linked in taking forward an “ethically engaged political philosophy” (Wolff, 2018) to discuss child poverty and education in real schools.

Introduction

While exacerbating many of the harmful effects of poverty on children’s lives, the Covid years have brought into sharp relief the complexities of relationships of poverty and education and the ethical issues they raise. Two events exemplify this.

In January 2021, with UK schools closed due to the pandemic, children were not able to receive free meals at school, an essential support to thousands of families living in poverty. The government contracted a private company to distribute food to families receiving benefits. The food parcels were, however, of low nutritional quality and not at all plentiful. Mothers posted pictures on the internet recording the extremely meagre weekly food parcels they received in lieu of free school meals. For children living in poverty in England, the fears and disruptions of school closures associated with COVID were amplified by hunger, and carelessness of those in positions of authority distributing food. They were given a minimal handout, but indignity and exclusion were underlined.

In January 2022 Xolani Mtshali, a South African student, waiting to receive his final school leaving results, noted how impossible it had been for him to access the material distributed on TV and radio by the government when schools were shut: “ Even though I know there were TV and radio programmes for extra lessons, we do not have a TV at my house and on the radio they concentrated a lot on physics (which I did not study) and because I stay in a rural area people who would be able to help me with certain subjects stay very far from me, so it was difficult” ( Equal Education 2022 ). As the pandemic claimed millions of lives across the world it raised questions about what forms of social protection societies could offer those who were subjected to intense overt and covert discrimination. As many have noted, it also amplified the inequalities in societies (UNDP 2022 ; UNESCO 2022 ).

These two instances of the effects of Covid highlight many facets of the relationship of poverty and education indicating how the lack of resources in the households and communities of poor children, is compounded by cumulative effects of inadequate policy and practice, and experiences of social division. These incidents during the COVID pandemic prompt the need for philosophical reflection on the nature of the problem and how to address it.

Many studies of the effects of COVID, together with much of the academic work on children, education, and poverty, (e.g., Holt and Murray 2022 ; Hevia et al. 2022 ; Brehm et al. 2021 ), draw attention to the layers of these manifestly unjust conditions but they do not address the normative questions they raise for education. Our discussion examines this tension at the heart of much work on child poverty and education. We note how, on the one hand, education is often regarded as essential for children’s flourishing and as a means by which children can “escape” poverty. Education is thus a locus of values but the facts that shape those values are often not fully considered. Yet on the other hand, many accounts document how education systems, institutions, and practices, often reflect and entrench the disadvantages associated with poverty. In these largely sociological analyses drawing on statistical and empirical facts documenting the ways in which schooling reproduces inequalities, a number of which were assembled during COVID to record the effects of the pandemic on children’s lives (e.g., UNESCO 2021 ), there is a tendency for the discussion to stop short of developing a normative account of how education can contribute to transforming the structural injustices related to poverty and its effects on children’s lives. A range of facts is analysed, but the values to be addressed are often assumed more than directly articulated. In this paper we discuss problems with both these narratives. In attempting to overcome the limitations of both positions we adopt an approach of “ethically engaged political philosophy” (Wolff 2018 ) and seek to articulate the values and the factors that may advance the debate and inform practice. Our analysis, including a brief critical consideration of the values advanced by ideal approaches to justice, suggests that an interdisciplinary approach to these questions, informed by a normative ethical framework, can broaden out our understanding of the relationship between child poverty and education in a way that transcends the focus on the causal mechanisms by which poverty serves as a barrier to educational achievement and educational opportunities offer an “escape” from poverty.

The first part of the paper counterposes the two narratives about children’s education and poverty which arise from different perspectives and disciplinary foci, such as sociology of education and education and international development. The second part of the paper, in working to move beyond this analytic impasse associated with the two perspectives talking past each other draws on a cluster of concepts, which Robeyns ( 2018 ) locates as central to the capability approach. We use these to develop insights which help to address these two different lacunae and build some interdisciplinary framing that can help to link empirical analysis and normative evaluation in an attempt to better understand the complex interplay of child poverty and education.

Two Narratives of Poverty and Education

The two narratives we have identified in the literature on poverty, education, and childhood, which came to be deployed in the policy discussions at the time of COVID, are firstly a narrative of children shut out of quality education by poverty, and secondly a narrative of children shut up in poor schools because of poverty. We lay out some key features of each narrative and highlight work which exemplifies this. Different disciplinary concerns shape these two narratives. While both narratives are infused with values of justice and equality, albeit considered and articulated in different domains, the different ways in which these values are positioned has implications, constraining a wider analytic engagement.

In the first narrative, poor children are locked out of the opportunities for knowledge, skills, understanding, attaining learning outcomes and qualifications, autonomy, wellbeing, and relationships of flourishing associated with formal education. In these accounts, the problem of poverty is presented as external to the school, and is associated, for example, with poor housing, run down or violent neighbourhoods, families who do not value education, or do not earn enough to pay for good education, harsh government policies or inadequate delivery of education reform, because of a poverty of ambition by officials (e.g. Barrett et al. 2019 ; Pritchett 2019 ; Azevedo 2020 ;). During the COVID pandemic this narrative was often deployed showing how poor girls had less access to mobile technologies than boys and missed much more schooling (UNESCO 2022 ).

In this narrative, schools can mitigate the effects of poverty, if they can improve their ‘quality’. Policy work drawing on this narrative emphasises that the learning outcomes of poor children are behind where they should be, giving rise to significant inequalities of educational attainment. This emphasis on the learning gap has had much attention as an outcome of schools being shut during the COVID period in the UK and internationally (Education in England 2020 ; World Bank 2021 ; House of Commons Library 2021 ). In these versions of this argument there is no normative question to be addressed regarding the nature of quality education, rather, the focus is mainly on a distributional issue, regarding how to improve school organisation, learning outcomes and close the attainment gap (e.g., Weidmann et al. 2021 ; Akmal and Pritchett 2021 ). Education is equated with learning outcomes in a narrow range of subjects, with little attention to a wider range of relationships, processes, experiences, and knowledge forms. Raffo et al ( 2009 ) nuance this narrative and identify the complexity of the relationships between poverty and learning outcomes, distinguishing between accounts which document forms of poverty at the micro, meso, and macro levels. They note that perspectives on education can be divided between those which are oriented to a more functionalist view of education serving society, and those which focus on how education might develop critical perspectives (Raffo et al 2009 , 11–13). A mainstream version of the narrative that poverty is a problem of children out of school or learning little of value in school, we suggest, is more aligned with a functionalist view of education.

This articulates a clear perspective on the ways in which poverty or dysfunctional elements are to be kept outside the focus of education planning, which itself does not engage with the purpose of education beyond ‘learning’. This learning is generally narrowed down to a very limited number of outcomes in literacy and numeracy (Smith and Benavot 2021 ; D’Agnese 2017 ), which further contributes to the existing inequalities.

Thus, in the narrative that poverty is the problem, and education is a remedy or a way out, there is little space, firstly for understanding the perspectives and nuanced experiences of poor children, and what they and their parents say about school, and secondly for understanding the interconnection between macro, meso, and micro level political, economic, and socio-cultural relationships to produce and maintain poverty.

In contrast to the above narrative, attention to empirical research into the experience of children in poverty within educational contexts, can contribute to developing more nuanced and appropriate responses at school, community, national, and the international levels to make education a means for addressing poverty, and redistributing power. For example, Moletsane and Mitchell ( 2018 ) report on the use of participatory visual methodologies developed in partnership with poor girls in South Africa and Canada. These have demonstrated potential to contribute to ‘intensifying effort in relation to addressing the lived realities of girls who are marginalized and who suffer from persistent insecurity, injustice and abuse of power at the local level in otherwise democratic states’ (Moletsane and Mitchell 2018 : 437). This analysis does not bracket poverty ‘outside’ educational experiences but looks at how a range of actors – teachers, learners, social activists—can reflexively work together to take account of its many effects and processes for change. The significance of teachers, and their positioning in this work, is noted in the work Moletsane and Mitchell have done over many years (Mitchell et al. 2020 ; Moletsane 2022 ). Recent studies of the response to COVID 19 school closures and other disasters revealed how schools in areas of socio-economic deprivation worked to offer material and practical support to children and their families in ways that went far beyond the simple requirement to ensure that poor children are able to access the formal elements of schooling (Moss et al 2020 ). The mobilization of school staff in deprived areas in the UK to organize food banks and supplies of basic IT equipment for families experiencing hardship during the pandemic highlighted the ways in which there were important links between education, mental health and poverty in which teachers, parents and learners’ experiences were implicated (Kim and Asbury 2020 ; Holt and Murray 2021 ; Martin et al 2022 ). Pre-pandemic research into the shame experienced by poor children (Chase and Bantebya-Kyomuhendo 2015 ) both illuminates the emotional cost of poverty and draws attention, once again, to the need to articulate a normative framework to address the complex moral demands posed by the existence of child poverty in an educational context.

If, as in the first narrative, poverty is bracketed analytically outside the school, and education is seen as a form of remedy for poverty, the analytic focus becomes how schools can compensate, rather than understanding the process of the construction of the injustices of poverty and working to enact values of justice at all levels of the educational experience.

The second narrative is associated with a wide range of work in the sociology of education (e.g., Apple 2018 ; Allais et al. 2019 ; Ball 2016 ). Here the analysis made is that schools reproduce poverty because of the policy frameworks and injustices of distribution inside and outside schools, the ways they interconnect, and sporadic, sometimes not well thought out ways of addressing this. The problem of poverty is inside and outside the school with significant effect on children, teachers, and families. Here there are normative questions about what constitutes a good education, and what forms of justice and obligations are required to secure it, but many of the studies do not engage with this fundamental dimension. For example, two of the key works that have had major influence on this area of scholarship—Bowles and Gintis’ study of how schools reproduce the class relationships and labour market dynamics associated with capitalism, and Pierre Bourdieu’s work on cultural capital, schooling and social reproduction – do not engage with questions of what some of the positive features of education might be (Bowles and Gintis 1976 , 2002 ; Bourdieu and Passeron 1990 ).

Research into the “pedagogy of poverty” (Haberman 2010 ), for example, has shown how access to schooling and to material resources supporting poor children’s education is not sufficient to address the educational disadvantages they face. Such research has highlighted the ways in which children living in poverty are subject to low expectations and particular styles of pedagogical interaction on the part of educators. Hempel-Jorgensen ( 2019 ) sums up this research:

The ‘pedagogy of poverty’ experienced by learners in poverty is characterised by a focus on discipline, low intellectual engagement and a focus on attainment in tests. A study conducted in England shows how this can differ significantly in schools in which most children are not living in poverty…. This evidence suggests that English schools with low-income intakes are far more vulnerable to the pressures of high-stakes testing than schools with higher-income intakes, as children living in poverty are known to have significantly lower prior attainment. (Hempel-Jorgensen 2019 np)

Furthermore, a number of studies highlight how teachers’ misperception of poverty as caused by parents’ actions leads to negative and stereotypical behaviours which negatively affect their relationships with children (Schweiger and Graf 2015 ; Thompson et al. 2016 ; Unterhalter et al. 2012 ). As Treanor notes, children living in poverty express frustration at being shouted at in school, often for factors related to not having the correct equipment, which significantly affects children’s well-being, and results in progressing disengagement from learning (Treanor 2020 : 83).

Several studies enhance our understanding by looking not just at the effects of poverty on children’s academic achievement, life chances, and ability to engage with pedagogical content, but at the affective significance of living in poverty (e.g., Aber et al 2007 ). Vizard and Hills ( 2015 ), in a comprehensive review of the social policy actions of the Conservative government in the UK from 2015 to the eve of the pandemic in 2020, note the interplay of many processes resulting in conditions for child poverty and poor educational experiences and outcomes. These include erosion of the protective capacity of the welfare state, as resource, workforce and capacity pressures across public services result in a failure to meet needs, compromising quality, and eroding the resilience of public service to shocks. Thus, the widening of inequalities across multiple axes of disadvantage set conditions for increasing poverty, which were to be accentuated during the COVID. This study highlights how it is multiple relationships in and around school that shape poverty. However, it is also distinctive for identifying a number of normative positions on top of securing adequate funding for public services, which include strengthened social rights and accountability mechanisms, such as enhancing the eroded process of democratic accountability for schooling and developing multi-dimensional strategies for change. Vizard and Hill stress giving priority to the needs of the most disadvantaged and to comprehensive public action to reduce social inequalities, together with a new values-based approach to social policy: dignity and respect, recognition and valuation (Vizard 2021 ). This presents a wide range of areas for normative engagement in education, made more urgent by the COVID years.

Any articulation of a normative framework for addressing child poverty as an issue of justice is clearly enhanced by a more informed and in-depth understanding of the multiple disadvantages faced by children in poverty. However, the different ways in which values are articulated and understood has implications for shaping the ethical frameworks selected.

We have highlighted how two widely circulating narratives of children, education and poverty each tend to make the normative ethical framework to understand this process somewhat fuzzy. In the next section we highlight some elements from political theory associated with the dispersed meanings of normative concern we have charted.

Political Theory and Political Imaginaries

To summarise the above discussion, our exploration has indicated that the tension between addressing the background structural factors that create and sustain poverty and addressing the immediate educational needs of children living in poverty is a constant backdrop to the choices and judgements made by educators.

All these discussions, as Brando and Schweiger ( 2019 : 5) note, are philosophically relevant in light of the moral questions arising from conditions of disadvantage and inequality. Normatively, ideal theories of justice, such as the prominent 1971 Theory of Justice by John Rawls , provide principled positions that can guide both the analysis of what constitutes disadvantage and ways to conceptualise it, as well as principles that can guide a fair distribution of resources. Although offering also important insights for education, a thorough discussion of these is not feasible in this paper.

What can be noted, however, is that while ideal theories of justice can go some way towards offering a normative framework within which to make sense of and guide such choices and judgements, they are limited in a number of ways. Firstly, they often universalise culturally specific models of childhood, including assumptions about children’s agency and vulnerability. Within most work in liberal political theory, children are seen as young people whose capacity for moral agency in terms of self-determination, arguably an essential feature of adulthood, is not yet fully formed. They are therefore considered vulnerable and dependent, to various degrees, on the decisions and actions of adults, both within their families and other institutions, including the school. This, in turn, determines a duty of intervention to secure their material and emotional wellbeing and to defend and promote their fundamental interests, both as children and as the future adults they will become. Recent research on child poverty and education, however, questions normative positions about the moral status of children as vulnerable and dependent. Researchers have argued that such normative positions are situated in a Western and often highly abstract conception, related to the cultural and socio-economic realities of the Global North (Hanes 2019 ; Yasmin and Dadvand, 2019). Hanes ( 2019 ), for example, argues that in most of the Global South, children in poverty are considered autonomous and resilient agents. He also highlights how children whose life conditions and experiences do not conform to idealized conceptions of childhood suffer from marginalization and exclusion leading, in some cases, to forms of oppression, such as those seen, for example, in relation to First Nations child removal policies in Canada or the practices of transnational adoptions, whereby children from minority ethnic groups were removed from their families and respectively placed in institutions or adopted by white families (Hanes 2019 : 23, 30). Thus, although different models of childhood inform all theories dealing with children, perhaps the problematic feature of highly idealized views, abstracting from empirical and contextual factors, resides in how they lead to policies that, instead of protecting children, end up further disadvantaging them.

Indeed, the very question of why we should focus on child poverty—i.e., whether the moral significance of child poverty, in and of itself, is qualitatively distinct from the moral significance of poverty—already hints at these underlying ideas about the meaning and status of childhood. Thus, child poverty as a social phenomenon can be seen to involve intersecting normative and empirical dimensions, and educational questions lie at the nexus of these different dimensions.

Secondly, theories of justice often bracket out questions about the background political structures within which socio-economic inequality and poverty are inscribed, suggesting that issues of justice are best addressed within the given political sphere through measures of redistribution and institutional reform (see Sen 2006 ). While we do not deny the validity of this political point, we suggest that political structures and systems are also sustained partly through a political imaginary (Taylor 2004 ) which legitimates and normalises certain assumptions about our social and political life. For instance, Rawlsian theories of social justice, which have significantly informed the work of both political philosophers and educational theorists concerned with educational justice and equality, assume the existence of a degree of socio-economic inequality. Relatedly, the assumption, that poverty is an inevitable part of social, economic, and political arrangements, rather than the result of political choices, is a feature of much work within the first narrative sketched above. Education systems are one of the places in which this imaginary may well be reinforced, whether through teachers’ and administrators’ attitudinal and unconscious biases, the curriculum, pedagogy, or parental choices. This is not to deny, of course, that many individuals working within these systems recognize the needs and aspirations of children living in poverty.

We have drawn attention to some weaknesses of ideal theories of justice not to reject them, but to highlight the need for such critical reflection, and to illustrate how these theories interact in complex ways when they are brought to bear on questions of how to address child poverty within an educational context (Peters and Besley 2014 ). Educational spaces, our analysis has suggested, are spaces in which the complexity between these different models is often most clearly illustrated and where an ethical framework is required that holds together questions of structure, agency, facts, and values. Furthermore, as the World Inequality Report ( 2022 ) states in reflecting on some of the issues that emerged during the COVID years, ‘Inequality is always a political choice and learning from policies implemented in other countries or at other points of time is critical to design fairer development pathways.'

An Ethically Informed Perspective on Child Poverty and Education

As the discussion so far highlights, questions about the interplay of education and child poverty, brought into sharp relief by the Covid years, are best addressed with an ethically informed perspective, where the normative assumptions underlying empirical research and complex intersections of factors, including structural, cultural, and pedagogical, can be interrogated and overcome. This section shows how the cluster of concepts identified by Robeyns ( 2018 ) as central to the capability approach offers both a normative rationale for evaluating the educational disadvantage associated with poverty and insights to guide educational practice. These insights are particularly important now, in light of the widening educational inequalities resulting from the effects of the pandemic and the limited and often unsuccessful measures adopted by many countries to counteract them.

As a normative framework concerned with people’s freedom to achieve well-being, 1 the capability approach focuses on what people can do and be with the resources they have, and what kind of life they can truly lead (Robeyns 2017 : 24). At the core of the approach is a conception of well-being in terms of people’s real opportunities (capabilities) to choose among different states and activities (functionings), those that they value (Sen 4 , 1992 ). Being a pacifist, working as a gardener or participating in the life of the community are all examples of functionings that people may value, and capability corresponds to the set of real opportunities from which they can choose (Robeyns 2017 ).

Normatively, the approach is used to evaluate individual well-being, relative advantage or disadvantage, the just design of institutional arrangements, as well as social policies. The distinctive contribution of the approach to these evaluations resides in considering inequalities and disadvantage in the space of capability, that is, in terms of limitations (or deprivations) of real opportunities for well-being. Questions of justice and equality, thus, are best addressed in relation to the set of opportunities available to people to lead good lives.

In addition, Sen draws attention to the importance of considering people’s different ability to make use of the resources and opportunities they have, or their conversion factors, in the evaluative exercise of justice (Sen 1992 , 1999 ). These different factors refer to individuals’ internal features such as physical and psychological traits, as well as to factors emerging from society, for example social policies, cultural attitudes and norms, and the physical and built environment. A book, for instance, is a useful resource for reading, but not for a visually impaired person who will need a Braille version to achieve that functioning. What is important about conversion factors is that they provide information on where interventions need to be made in order to assess people’s relative disadvantage, and to expand their capabilities (Robeyns 2017 ). At the same time, considering these factors implies a multidisciplinary analysis, which draws on insights from different areas such as socio-economic analysis, development studies, and education, to name but a few (Robeyns 2017 : 36).

The above conceptual framework brings to the fore the moral dimension of poverty, and the multiplicity of factors that contribute to it, while providing an understanding that goes beyond commonly endorsed notions of poverty in terms of lack of income and external resources (Sen 1999 ). As Sen notes, different sources of deprivation may compound the disadvantage associated with poverty, thus making ‘real poverty … much more intense than we can deduce from income data’ (Sen 2009 : 256). And furthermore, the understanding and remedying of the persistence of poverty can ‘both be helped by explicit consideration of the relation between deprivation in different spaces, especially between incomes and the capability to lead secure and worthwhile lives’ (Sen 1992 : 9). Poverty is thus defined as a deprivation of capability 2 (Sen 2009 : 254) and identified at the level of deprivation of basic functionings, such as being well nourished, sheltered, healthy and, importantly, educated. The moral urgency of addressing poverty resides therefore in the level of deprivation and deep inequality entailed, as well as in its detrimental effects on overall well-being (Burchardt and Hicks 2018 ).

As stated earlier, we believe that the conceptual apparatus of the approach thus outlined offers an ethically engaged rationale that brings together normative evaluation and sociological and educational analysis in addressing the disadvantage emerging from the interplay of child poverty and education, highlighted during the COVID pandemic, while going beyond idealised approaches to justice too. The notion of conversion factors highlights the significance of taking account of existing relationships in education, while the distinction between capabilities and functionings helps guide practices regarding the education of poor children. These features, as we shall see, make the approach specifically apt to counteract the aftermath of the pandemic in ways that go beyond existing measures.

We begin by noting that an understanding of educational inequalities in terms of capability limitations has the normative advantage of highlighting and considering elements of inequality that are not readily evident if we focus only on material or educational resources, such as funding (Terzi 2021 ). If we consider, for example, the inequalities pertaining to the experiences of schooling faced by poor children, it seems evident that no amount of additional resources, in itself, can account for the limited pedagogical interactions related to the ‘pedagogy of poverty’ which, as we have seen, can characterise poor children’s schooling. This element is best accounted for by considering the socio-cultural factors that may affect a child’s use of their educational resources and adults’ response to this. Similarly, the attitudinal and unconscious biases of teachers towards poor children cannot be appropriately addressed without considering them among the socio-cultural factors that affect children’s learning. The capability approach does not discount the importance of resources in tackling these inequalities. Rather, it draws attention to how the usefulness of resources is conditioned by a complex interaction of factors and how such complexity needs to be explicitly accounted for both theoretically and practically, in relation to appropriate interventions. Thus, the approach endorses the use of resources for additional training for teachers or public campaigns to tackle discriminating attitudes, 3 for example. It is in this way that the process of socio-political and empirical analysis of conversion factors, which constrain or enlarge the capability space, becomes part of the normative discussion. These factors are not bracketed or treated as background, as the first educational narrative or indeed some ideal theories of justice seem to do but are part of the structuring of the normative framework. At the same time, the inclusion of these factors within a normative terrain facilitates incorporating the richness of sociological approaches to child poverty within an ethical framework allowing for acute analysis of crises like the COVID pandemic.

This is not only a theoretical evaluative approach, but one that can be translated into practice too. Many scholars working with the capability approach are able to use this core idea to incorporate multidimensionality into normative notions, and to develop more nuanced evaluative approaches to assessing social relationships in fields of education, health, and housing, to name a few (Chiappero-Martinetti, Osmani and Qizilbash  2020 ). As much of the extensive scholarship on the capability approach and education illuminates (e.g., Terzi 2005 ; Walker and Unterhalter 2007 ; Hart 2012 ; Walker 2019 ), the first narrative we outline, which suggests a solution of enhancing education quality inside schools, does not sufficiently attend to the complex intersecting ways in which inequality is formed both within and outside schools which the capability approach does by looking at a range of conversion factors.

The concept of conversion factors, which are environmental, political, economic, and social, highlights that the dynamics of the constraints on and expansion of capabilities entails normative choices and practical interventions. For example, a child needs literacy to enable her to access the curriculum taught at school and pass the school leaving examination. Being able to read is both a functioning and a capability. Considering environmental and political conversion factors brings to the fore how, even if a child can read, if no school has been built in her neighbourhood, or the school that is available to her is a long distance away and is staffed with teachers who lack enough experience to prepare her to enter the examination, do not talk her language, and assume children from her background are ‘backward’, the child will not be able to learn. Economic conversion factors draw attention to factors such as having to do long hours of work in the home, assisting with childcare, chores, and basic survival. Social conversion factors highlight attitudes which question, for example, a child’s school attendance because she has ‘too much book’ and does not marry young, thus incurring stigma and the risk of sexual assault. These factors need analysis both in how relationships inside and outside the school, and their interconnection , are understood. The two narratives we have sketched work in opposite directions and thus do not foster consideration of the processes associated with conversion factors working together. Drawing on the capability approach, in developing a framework to analyse literature on the gendered effects of school closures and return to school after COVID, a UNESCO overview report noted a wide range of conversion factors at play (UNESCO 2022 ).

Paying attention to conversion factors is particularly helpful in highlighting the increased inequalities of capabilities experienced as a result of Covid. As Anand et al. ( 2020a ) highlight, while the capability of learning has been significantly affected for all children around the world, existing inequalities in access to technology, parental education, and available support have exacerbated the disadvantage of children living in poverty. Specific capabilities, such as opportunities for speech and language development have been affected, particularly in the early years and more significantly for children with special educational needs and those from the most deprived neighbourhoods (Castro-Kemp and Mahmud 2021 ). As noted above, these inequalities are the result of complex interconnected environmental, social, political, and cultural factors, which are foregrounded and assessed by the capability approach. Relatedly, the opportunities to make up for the so called ‘learning loss’ caused by Covid differ too. And while some governments have attempted to address the learning loss by providing additional funding for specific programmes, for instance additional one to one and small group lessons or extended school time, such as the National Tutoring Programme deployed in England, the underlying structural social, economic, and educational inequalities have remained unchanged or have worsened, thus leading to the potential limited success of such initiatives. Consider, for example, the case of Janice, a year 7 student with insecure literacy skills attending a school in a poor neighbourhood. Janice had problems accessing remote learning and her learning has suffered as a result; moreover, she does not qualify for free access to school meals and often arrives at school hungry. Although teachers’ intervention is crucial in providing Janice with appropriate learning support, it is questionable whether such support will work, if the circumstantial factors of Janice’s situation are not addressed, and, importantly, the teaching and learning are based on limited notions of ‘catching up’. Through its attention to conversion factors, we suggest, an approach based on capability draws much needed attention to the role of schools in addressing disadvantage in interrelation with policies addressing circumstantial factors.

Finally, we posit, the conceptual apparatus of the capability approach, and its distinction between functionings and capability, offers insights that may prove helpful for addressing the education of children living in poverty. The importance accorded by the approach to well being and to the opportunities to lead good lives suggests, first and foremost, a shift from a functionalist view of education and its emphasis on a narrow set of learning outcomes, to a view of education aimed at the expansion of children’s capabilities. This more expansive view of education could, perhaps, include an expansion of the social imaginary associated with the dominant normative frameworks that we have outlined above. Thus, education is recognised as having a fertile role in enhancing children’s present and future well-being and providing real opportunities to develop functionings that will enable them to participate in the life of their communities and their broader society, and in work and leisure activities (Nussbaum 2011 ). At the same time, education itself can be one of the ways in which possibilities for social change can be imagined. A number of accounts using the capability approach to analyse educational relationships highlight this (e.g., De Jaeghere 2021 ; Walker et al. 2022 ; Unterhalter et al. 2022 ). While not discounting the importance of achieving functionings pertaining to, e.g., literacy and numeracy, the approach suggests instead a much broader conception of education, one more akin to promoting the full functionings pertaining to local, national, and global citizenship and the capacity to reflect on one’s values and goals and those of the surrounding society.

Moreover, the broader scope of education in relation to the expansion of capabilities is antithetic to any form of reductionist pedagogy, such as the pedagogy of poverty outlined earlier, but supports instead forms of pedagogical interaction and co-construction of the learning and teaching process (Brando 2020 ; Adamson 2021 ).

Lastly, the focus on capabilities, at least at the level of policy, helps unmask the inequalities of children living in poverty by considering the real opportunities they have, beyond the actual level of functionings or learning outcomes they may achieve.

It can be seen that the capability approach provides insights that allow us to address the lacunae identified in the two narratives of childhood, poverty and education we have sketched, and which continue to inform policy after the Covid years. In the first narrative the space of education is conceived as separate from the contexts of poverty, while in the second narrative the space of education is submerged by the structures associated with the perpetuation of poverty. The capability approach identifies the space of capabilities as different to these conceptions. Education has the potential to be a space of capabilities and opportunities that is not separated from social conditions, as the approach acknowledges the salience of conversion factors. But the capability space is also not simply a reflection of what may be the narrow set of opportunities offered by a society that is structured to reproduce inequalities. The capability space may be understood as a site of agency and opportunity contoured by the many historical and contemporary conditions that shape child poverty.

An ethical framework informed by the conceptual apparatus of the capability approach shows how values and ideals informed by the invaluable insights provided by educational, sociological and empirical studies can contribute to an understanding of the complexity of child poverty and the role that education plays in children’s life.

The Covid 19 pandemic has starkly refocused attention to the pressing and growing situation of children living in poverty worldwide. Capabilities threatened during the pandemic include opportunities for health, wellbeing, equity and inclusion. Work on the Covid pandemic and the capability approach has prompted a rich investigation of the ways in which institutions and innovations should be approached (Venkatapuram 2020 ; Anand et al. 2020 ; Ferrannini et al 2021 ; UNDP 2022 ). Our discussion has explored two dominant narratives about child poverty in its interplay with education and it has highlighted how each overlooks the complex ways in which normative values and contextual factors are related. The interdisciplinary conversations that enable theorists and practitioners to develop adequate responses to the pressing reality of child poverty, which has been starkly emphasised by the recent Covid 19 pandemic, we have argued, demand that we adopt an ethically informed, normative position on the desirability and the feasibility of intervening in our educational institutions, in ways that promote people’s real possibilities for leading a flourishing life. The modest, but also the possible radical potential of this perspective is captured in Jonathan Wolff’s suggestion that, at least in principle, ‘it is possible to improve individuals’ opportunities, and hence their capability set, by doing any of three interventions: improving a person’s internal traits such as strengths, skills etc., or improving their external resources including income, entitlement to services etc., and finally improving the social and cultural environment in which a person lives, including social policies, cultural attitudes and norms as well as their built environment’ (Wolff, 2007, Wolff, 2020). The normative framework we have articulated is perhaps a first step towards such an improvement on the existing situation.

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to Gottfried Schweiger and Frank Jeffery, and all the participants to the Workshop on Ethics, children, education and the COVID-19 pandemic held on 28 and 29 September 2022 (University of Salzburg) for their comments and suggestions. We are also grateful to the participants to the Seminar Series ‘ Child Poverty and Education: Philosophical Reflections ’ funded by the Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain and held between January and June 2021 (University of Roehampton and IOE UCL’s Faculty of Education). We thank two anonymous reviewers for insightful questions and support.

1 Amartya Sen originally formulated the approach as an alternative to predominant accounts of well-being based on utility (Sen 1985 , 1992 ), while Martha Nussbaum further articulated it through a list of ten central capabilities deemed necessary to live a truly human life ( 2000 , 2010).

2 Sen’s position has however been critiqued for obscuring material deprivation as fundamental to poverty. See Lister ( 2004 ), for an articulated discussion.

3 We are grateful to an anonymous reviewer for pressing on this point.

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Contributor Information

Lorella Terzi, Email: [email protected] .

Elaine Unterhalter, Email: [email protected] .

Judith Suissa, Email: [email protected] .

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How does education affect poverty?

For starters, it can help end it.

Aug 10, 2023

Nancy Masaba recently finished secondary school in Nairobi, Kenya, and now plans to go to university.

Access to high-quality primary education and supporting child well-being is a globally-recognized solution to the cycle of poverty. This is, in part, because it also addresses many of the other issues that keep communities vulnerable.

Education is often referred to as the great equalizer: It can open the door to jobs, resources, and skills that help a person not only survive, but thrive. In fact, according to UNESCO, if all students in low-income countries had just basic reading skills (nothing else), an estimated 171 million people could escape extreme poverty. If all adults completed secondary education, we could cut the global poverty rate by more than half. 

At its core, a quality education supports a child’s developing social, emotional, cognitive, and communication skills. Children who attend school also gain knowledge and skills, often at a higher level than those who aren’t in the classroom. They can then use these skills to earn higher incomes and build successful lives.

Here’s more on seven of the key ways that education affects poverty.

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1. Education is linked to economic growth

Ali* pictured in a Concern-supported school in the Sila region of Chad

Education is the best way out of poverty in part because it is strongly linked to economic growth. A 2021 study co-published by Stanford University and Munich’s Ludwig Maximilian University shows us that, between 1960 and 2000, 75% of the growth in gross domestic product around the world was linked to increased math and science skills. 

“The relationship between…the knowledge capital of a nation, and the long-run [economic] rowth rate is extraordinarily strong,” the study’s authors conclude. This is just one of the most recent studies linking education and economic growth that have been published since 1990.

“The relationship between…the knowledge capital of a nation, and the long-run [economic] growth rate is extraordinarily strong.” — Education and Economic Growth (2021 study by Stanford University and the University of Munich)

2. Universal education can fight inequality

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A 2019 Oxfam report says it best: “Good-quality education can be liberating for individuals, and it can act as a leveler and equalizer within society.” 

Poverty thrives in part on inequality. All types of systemic barriers (including physical ability, religion, race, and caste) serve as compound interest against a marginalization that already accrues most for those living in extreme poverty. Education is a basic human right for all, and — when tailored to the unique needs of marginalized communities — can be used as a lever against some of the systemic barriers that keep certain groups of people furthest behind. 

For example, one of the biggest inequalities that fuels the cycle of poverty is gender. When gender inequality in the classroom is addressed, this has a ripple effect on the way women are treated in their communities. We saw this at work in Afghanistan , where Concern developed a Community-Based Education program that allowed students in rural areas to attend classes closer to home, which is especially helpful for girls.

research questions about poverty and education

Four ways that girls’ education can change the world

Gender discrimination is one of the many barriers to education around the world. That’s a situation we need to change.

3. Education is linked to lower maternal and infant mortality rates

Concern Worldwide staff member with mother and young child

Speaking of women, education also means healthier mothers and children. Examining 15 countries in sub-Saharan Africa, researchers from the World Bank and International Center for Research on Women found that educated women tend to have fewer children and have them later in life. This generally leads to better outcomes for both the mother and her kids, with safer pregnancies and healthier newborns. 

A 2017 report shows that the country’s maternal mortality rate had declined by more than 70% in the last 25 years, approximately the same amount of time that an amendment to compulsory schooling laws took place in 1993. Ensuring that girls had more education reduced the likelihood of maternal health complications, in some cases by as much as 29%. 

4. Education also lowers stunting rates

Concern Worldwide and its partner organizations organize sessions with young girls and adolescents in Rajapur High School in Shoronkhola. In the session, girls receive information about menstrual hygiene and the importance of hygiene, including nutrition information. During the session, girls participate in group discussion and often gather to address their health-related issues related to menstrual taboos and basic hygiene. This project runs by the Collective Responsibility, Action, and Accountability for Improved Nutrition (CRAAIN) programme. (Photo: Mohammad Rakibul Hasan / Concern Worldwide)

Children also benefit from more educated mothers. Several reports have linked education to lowered stunting , one of the side effects of malnutrition. Preventing stunting in childhood can limit the risks of many developmental issues for children whose height — and potential — are cut short by not having enough nutrients in their first few years.

In Bangladesh , one study showed a 50.7% prevalence for stunting among families. However, greater maternal education rates led to a 4.6% decrease in the odds of stunting; greater paternal education reduced those rates by 2.9%-5.4%.  A similar study in Nairobi, Kenya confirmed this relationship: Children born to mothers with some secondary education are 29% less likely to be stunted.

research questions about poverty and education

What is stunting?

Stunting is a form of impaired growth and development due to malnutrition that threatens almost 25% of children around the world.

5. Education reduces vulnerability to HIV and AIDS…

Denise Dusabe, Vice Mayor of Social Affairs in Gisagara district, presents at an HIV/AIDS prevention and family planning event organized by Concern Rwanda. Five local teams participated in a soccer championship, with government representatives presenting both speeches and prizes. Local health center staff also offered voluntary HIV testing, distributed free condoms, and helped couples with selecting appropriate family planning methods.

In 2008, researchers from Harvard University, Imperial College London, and the World Bank wrote : “There is a growing body of evidence that keeping girls in school reduces their risk of contracting HIV. The relationship between educational attainment and HIV has changed over time, with educational attainment now more likely to be associated with a lower risk of HIV infection than earlier in the epidemic.” 

Since then, that correlation has only grown stronger. The right programs in schools not only reduce the likelihood of young people contracting HIV or AIDS, but also reduce the stigmas held against people living with HIV and AIDS.

6. …and vulnerability to natural disasters and climate change

Concern Protection staff Nureddin El Mustafa and Fatma Seker lead an information session with the community committee at Haliliye Community Centre following the February 2023 earthquake in Türkiye and Syria

As the number of extreme weather events increases due to climate change, education plays a critical role in reducing vulnerability and risk to these events. A 2014 issue of the journal Ecology and Society states: “It is found that highly educated individuals are better aware of the earthquake risk … and are more likely to undertake disaster preparedness.… High risk awareness associated with education thus could contribute to vulnerability reduction behaviors.”

The authors of the article went on to add that educated people living through a natural disaster often have more of a financial safety net to offset losses, access to more sources of information to prepare for a disaster, and have a wider social network for mutual support.

research questions about poverty and education

Climate change is one of the biggest threats to education — and growing

Last August, UNICEF reported that half of the world’s 2.2 billion children are at “extremely high risk” for climate change, including its impact on education. Here’s why.

7. Education reduces violence at home and in communities

Concern and Theatre For Change working with students of Chigumukire Primary School and their parents to help highlight the dangers and challenges of school-related gender-based violence as part of Right to Learn

The same World Bank and ICRW report that showed the connection between education and maternal health also reveals that each additional year of secondary education reduced the chances of child marriage — defined as being married before the age of 18. Because educated women tend to marry later and have fewer children later in life, they’re also less likely to suffer gender-based violence , especially from their intimate partner. 

Girls who receive a full education are also more likely to understand the harmful aspects of traditional practices like FGM , as well as their rights and how to stand up for them, at home and within their community.

research questions about poverty and education

Fighting FGM in Kenya: A daughter's bravery and a mother's love

Marsabit is one of those areas of northern Kenya where FGM has been the rule rather than the exception. But 12-year-old student Boti Ali had other plans.

Education for all: Concern’s approach

Concern’s work is grounded in the belief that all children have a right to a quality education. Last year, our work to promote education for all reached over 676,000 children. Over half of those students were female. 

We integrate our education programs into both our development and emergency work to give children living in extreme poverty more opportunities in life and supporting their overall well-being. Concern has brought quality education to villages that are off the grid, engaged local community leaders to find solutions to keep girls in school, and provided mentorship and training for teachers.

More on how education affects poverty

research questions about poverty and education

6 Benefits of literacy in the fight against poverty

research questions about poverty and education

Child marriage and education: The blackboard wins over the bridal altar

research questions about poverty and education

Project Profile

Right to Learn

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March 11, 2024

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Research finds link between reducing stigma of poverty in schools and improved math, reading skills

by Newcastle University

Reducing stigma of poverty in schools improves math and reading

Researchers from Newcastle University have identified a link between reducing the stigma of poverty in schools and the reading and math attainment of pupils.

One in three U.K. children are currently living in poverty . While the report acknowledges that schools alone cannot tackle poverty, they "can implement policies that tackle the stigma of poverty and ensure that the school day is more equitable."

The finding comes from the article "Does tackling poverty related barriers to education improve school outcomes?" published in Economics Letters , which analyzed the impact of Poverty Proofing the school day. The work was led by Dr. Morgan Beeson and Professor John Wildman, from Newcastle University Business School, and Dr. Josephine Wildman.

Poverty Proofing the school day is a nationally recognized program that works with schools to remove barriers for students living in poverty.

The research team looked at primary schools in the North East, comparing 38 primary schools that had recently undergone Poverty Proofing, to the region's other 292 primary schools .

They found that pupils from all financial backgrounds benefitted from improvements in attainment. Over a two-year period after schools took action to remove barriers for those living in poverty, scores improved by approximately 5%.

To confirm this trend, the team separately analyzed groups of children who received free school meals and therefore most likely to be living in poverty, and those who were not. The research pointed to a potential improvement in engagement in learning as a result of a reduction in disruptions caused by the consequences of poverty.

John Wildman, Professor of Economics at Newcastle University said, "Poverty is a trap that weights heavily on children. If schools can make sure that poverty is left at the school gate, our results suggest that educational outcomes can improve and perhaps, in the long run, help pupils escape that trap."

Morgan Beeson, Research Associate at Newcastle University, said, "What makes this research exciting is that by supporting children most impacted by poverty, the school environment can be made better for every child. The substantial impact on children's learning underscores the urgent need for policy makers to consider interventions like Poverty Proofing."

Lorna Nicoll, Operations Lead–Poverty Proofing at Children North East, said, "Every year our teams speak to over 30,000 children, families and staff about the impact finances have on their experiences of the school day. Time and time again we see financial pressures impacting pupils' opportunity to thrive, whether through hunger, lack of learning resources, bullying or missing out on special moments. It is a huge milestone for researchers to demonstrate the link between our work removing those barriers and the educational outcomes and attendance of children in school."

Changes schools have made as part of Poverty Proofing include making it harder to identify children accessing free school meals, ensuring that all cost-related support is given discretely, minimizing or eliminating curriculum and after school clubs costs and giving families long notice periods about costs so they can financially plan.

Provided by Newcastle University

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Building Safer and More Resilient Schools in a Changing Climate

Key achievements.

  • Supported 35 countries across six regions in their efforts to build safer and more resilient schools
  • Over 121 million students in around 564,000 schools benefiting from safer and more resilient schools and enhanced disaster risk management and climate adaptation policies
  • More than $3.1 billion in World Bank-financed school infrastructure operations have been informed by disaster and climate risk reduction considerations in their design and implementation

Natural hazards, some fueled by a changing climate, have a devastating effect on children’s education and lives in every corner of the globe. Through its Global Program for Safer Schools (GPSS), the World Bank works hand-in-hand with client countries to ensure the resilience of school infrastructure. Managed by the Bank’s global unit for disaster and climate risk management and primarily funded by the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GFDRR), GPSS uses a comprehensive approach to inform school infrastructure investments and government capacity building encompassing technical assistance, knowledge, and analytical support. A prime example of how knowledge, financing, and grants from the World Bank can combine to create impact at scale, over the last 10 years, GPSS has made schools safer for 121 million students across 35 countries.

Intensifying Natural Hazards, Devastating Effects on Education

Each year, natural hazards have devastating effects on children’s education around the world. They cause direct harm to children, teachers, and the school community, damaging or destroying school infrastructure. According to an analysis by Save the Children, between 2000 and 2019, at least 60 major disasters, spanning 30 countries, disrupted education for over 11 million children. Weather-related hazards, moreover, are increasing in frequency and intensity due to climate change. In addition to their immediate direct impacts, such as the destruction of infrastructure, natural hazards also precipitate indirect negative effects on the learning environment in the medium term. Damaged school infrastructure exposes the educational community to physical and mental stress and interferes with school operations, teaching, and learning. In the wake of a disaster, the effort to bring children back to school and recover the full operation of the education sector is prolonged, often involving a lengthy emergency response and a protracted recovery and reconstruction process.

A Multi-Pronged Approach to School Infrastructure Resilience

The World Bank is a leading partner to countries in their efforts to ensure that schools are safer and more resilient to natural hazards and climate change. The World Bank’s marquee initiative on school infrastructure resilience is the Global Program for Safer Schools (GPSS), a program managed by the Bank’s global unit for disaster and climate risk management with funding from the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GFDRR) and co-implemented by the Bank’s Education Global Practice. GPSS’ support for infrastructure resilience has included: (i) providing technical advice for in-country activities and facilitating the design of risk-informed investments; (ii) integrating risk reduction considerations into World Bank education infrastructure operations; and (iii) developing a global repository of evidence-based knowledge on the safety and resilience of school infrastructure.

Between 2014 and 2023, GPSS has supported 35 countries through projects that have benefited over 121 million students in around 564,000 schools and informed the design and implementation of more than $3.1 billion in World Bank-financed school infrastructure operations . Examples from client countries illustrate the range and breadth of these interventions.

In Mozambique, the World Bank, through the Disaster Risk Management and Resilience Program , has been supporting the national government since 2019 in its efforts to ensure the resilience of school infrastructure. As of 2023, over 600 classrooms are being retrofitted in accordance with climate-resilient technical standards . By 2025, the World Bank anticipates that 3,000 classrooms across the country, including in the capital city of Maputo, will be retrofitted. The schools subject to retrofitting were identified based on a vulnerability assessment of 5,000 schools in cyclone-prone areas.

In Colombia, the World Bank, through GPSS, has been working with the municipality of Cali since 2018 to use the Bank’s Roadmap for Safer and Resilient Schools (RSRS) to survey each public school in the city. This exercise enables the World Bank and the municipal authorities to understand each school’s structural vulnerabilities, analyze the construction and regulatory environment, and study and prioritize various interventions, including retrofit options. The RSRS is a step-by-step guide for the design of intervention strategies and investment plans to make schools safer and more resilient at scale. In line with a municipal school infrastructure plan developed with World Bank support, Cali has prioritized safety improvements across the school system, including expanding public school facilities to comply with national standards at an estimated cost of $668 million .  

In Vanuatu, the World Bank, through GPSS, has supported the national government since 2017 in safeguarding school infrastructure from the impacts of intensifying disaster and climate risks. As part of this engagement, under the World Bank’s Vanuatu Infrastructure Reconstruction and Improvement Project (VIRIP) , 40 schools have been reconstructed to higher structural safety standards as of 2023 . As a result , nearly 5,000 school beneficiaries, including students and teachers, now have access to safer and more resilient learning environments . The government of Vanuatu’s prioritization of investments has been informed by a GPSS-supported assessment of the vulnerability of existing school infrastructure to natural hazards.

In the Kyrgyz Republic, the World Bank, through GPSS, has been engaged with the national government since 2019 on the development and implementation of a national school infrastructure investment plan, which will reduce the vulnerability of school facilities attended by 1.3 million students . As part of this engagement, under the World Bank’s Enhancing Resilience in Kyrgyzstan Project , it is anticipated that 40 school facilities will see improvements in their safety, resilience and functional conditions. The improvements will include civil works to retrofit vulnerable school buildings which will, among others, strengthen their seismic performance. In support of these efforts, 80 local engineers have already been trained in  advanced seismic risk techniques, as well as the design of resilient school buildings.

The World Bank has also supported the development of the Global Library of School Infrastructure (GLOSI) . Designed to be used in tandem with the RSRS, GLOSI is the first-ever comprehensive global repository of evidence-based knowledge and data about school infrastructure and their performance against natural hazards . One of the key features of GLOSI is a catalog of typical school building types alongside the respective vulnerability data for each type. Equipped with this data, countries can now map their school facility portfolios with GLOSI to perform the quantitative risk assessments or vulnerability analyses, which are generally needed to identify cost-efficient retrofitting solutions for school infrastructure.

Partnerships 

A Diverse Range of Partnerships

The World Bank has built a diverse range of partnerships on the frontlines of the safer and more resilient schools agenda. GPSS has been almost entirely funded by GFDRR and in particular, the Japan-World Bank Program for Mainstreaming Disaster Risk Management in Developing Countries . The GPSS team engages with the Global Alliance for Disaster Risk Reduction and Resilience in the Education Sector (GADRRRES), a multi-stakeholder platform comprising United Nations agencies and leading development organizations, to strengthen coordination and knowledge sharing for mainstreaming disaster risk management in the education sector. The World Bank’s partners extend, however, far beyond traditional development organizations, and also include academia and the private sector. For example, GPSS partnered with University College London, the University of Los Andes in Colombia, and the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology in Switzerland to develop GLOSI. Esri, a major geographic information system (GIS) software firm, also contributed to GLOSI by providing state-of-the-art GIS technologies to collect and manage school infrastructure data. Meanwhile, in the Pacific, the World Bank has partnered with the local construction industry and with non-governmental organizations such as the Red Cross on the implementation of the Pacific Safer Schools Program , a regional initiative which is part of GPSS. In Tonga, for example, the Red Cross has played a vital role in raising awareness about the importance of good maintenance practices in school communities, thus helping ensure that the resilience-building improvements which were also supported by the program will be sustained over the long-term.

Data Highlights 

Looking Ahead

Accelerating Progress on Safer and More Resilient Schools

Despite remarkable headway on the safer and more resilient schools agenda thus far, the intensifying impacts of climate change mean that there is a need to accelerate this progress if schools everywhere are to be protected when the next disaster strikes. In recognition of that reality, the World Bank’s Climate Change Action Plan 2021-2025 commits the World Bank to bolster its support for the resilience of school infrastructure. Going forward, a key priority for the World Bank will be to maximize the use of emerging technologies and innovations which can enable safer and more resilient schools on a far greater scale in the years to come. For instance, analytical work is underway to enable the use of artificial intelligence to conduct vulnerability assessments of schools, an approach that holds the potential to lower the cost and time needed to make these assessments, and by extension, to facilitate the planning and implementation of appropriate investments in education infrastructure.

Another key priority for the World Bank will to be to ensure that its support for safer and more resilient schools also fosters inclusive learning environments where students can thrive and learn. For example, the RSRS is currently being refreshed to place a stronger emphasis on addressing pedagogical needs and enhancing learning outcomes in the development of intervention strategies and investment plans for school infrastructure resilience.  

Looking ahead, the World Bank will continue to mobilize its world class knowledge and its financial resources to enable countries to build safer, more resilient, and better learning environments. The Bank hopes development partners will help provide the grant resources needed to reach the next 100 million students in only 3 years. 

How Safer and More Resilient Schools Withstood Earthquakes in Türkiye

In February 2023, Türkiye was hit by two devastating earthquakes, 7.8 and 7.5 in magnitude. These earthquakes caused an estimated $34.2 billion in direct physical damages, the equivalent of 4 percent of the country’s 2021 GDP. Roughly 1.25 million people were rendered temporarily homeless due to moderate to severe damage or complete building collapse.

Support from the World Bank played a vital role in ensuring that the country’s school infrastructure withstood this disaster.

Since 2017, 62 schools comprising over 1,600 classrooms have been built by the Turkish Ministry of National Education to be safer and more resilient to disasters, with support from the World Bank’s Education Infrastructure for Resilience Project .

Technical and financial assistance provided through the project helped ensure that the constructed schools complied with Turkish codes and regulations on seismic safety, land use planning, energy efficiency, fire protection, workplace safety, and access for people with disabilities.

In a testament to the success of these efforts, every one of the 24 newly constructed schools located in areas affected by the February 2023 earthquakes in Türkiye remained standing after the earthquakes. In the aftermath of the disaster, four of these schools served as temporary shelters, as well as hubs for coordinating essential services.

“Most of the parents came to look at the school. They saw that there is not even the smallest crack or plaster crack in our school,” said Murat Çiçekdal, School Manager for the Martyr Ercan Sanca Primary School. “We continue our educational activities seamlessly [from] where we left before the earthquake.”

Beneficiary Quotes 

“As an education guardian and teacher, I feel safe in sending my children to study at this school and I feel safe as a teacher in receiving students and giving classes because I’m certain that even with cyclones, we are safe, these rooms are strong.”

Regina Chacala, Teacher at a school in Mozambique

“The [Roadmap for Safer Schools] helped us to analyze the capacity of existing infrastructure, estimate school demand and the need for new infrastructure.”

Diego Quintero, Architect at the Department of Education for the municipality of Cali, Colombia

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Original research article, advancing one health through veterinary education: a mixed methods needs assessment for implementing a woah-harmonized national veterinary medicine curriculum in ethiopia.

research questions about poverty and education

  • 1 Department of Veterinary Preventive Medicine, College of Veterinary Medicine, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, United States
  • 2 College of Public Health, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, United States
  • 3 College of Veterinary Medicine and Animal Science, University of Gondar, Gondar, Ethiopia

Introduction: International organizations now actively promote and implement One Health collaborative approaches to prevent, detect, and control diseases in humans and animals, recognizing the critical importance of the veterinary and agricultural sectors. Moreover, Veterinary Services are chronically under-resourced, especially in low- and middle-income countries. Given the importance of National Veterinary Services to food security, nutrition, poverty alleviation, and global health security, strengthening veterinary capacity is a priority for the international community. The World Organisation for Animal Health (WOAH) outlines a set of minimum competencies veterinarians need to support National Veterinary Services effectively. To improve the quality of veterinary education, Ethiopia has developed a new 2020 national curriculum that is harmonized with the WOAH competencies.

Methods: A mixed methods needs assessment was conducted to identify barriers and challenges that Ethiopian veterinary medicine programs have faced in implementing the new WOAH-harmonized national curriculum. Representatives from active veterinary programs granting a Doctor of Veterinary Medicine (DVM) degree were invited to share their experiences via an online survey and follow-up focus group discussion.

Results: Fourteen veterinary programs, representing 93% of eligible programs nationwide, participated in the needs assessment. Quantitative analysis indicated that the most difficult topics associated with the new curriculum included Organization of Veterinary Services (Competency 3.1), Inspection and Certification Procedures (3.2), and practical applications of the regulatory framework for disease prevention and control (multiple competencies). Challenges associated with specific instructional methodologies, particularly the facilitation of off-site (private and public sector) student training, were also perceived as barriers to implementation. Focus group discussions elucidated reasons for these challenges and included limitations in faculty expertise, resource constraints (e.g., supplies, infrastructure), and access to off-site facilities for hands-on teaching.

Conclusion: The results of this needs assessment will be used to identify and prioritize solutions to implementation challenges, helping Ethiopian veterinary medicine programs move the new WOAH-harmonized curriculum from theory to practice. As veterinarians are integral partners in advancing One Health, strengthening the capacity of Veterinary Services can ultimately safeguard animal and human health, grow economies, and improve lives.

Introduction

The world’s population has grown exponentially in recent history and is projected to grow from 8 billion worldwide currently, to 9.7 billion by 2050 ( 1 ). As the world’s population continues to grow, so too does the demand on agricultural sectors, including food animal production where countries’ Veterinary Services help to support the food system, protect animal (and human) health, and promote countries’ agricultural economies. For example, Ethiopia’s population is expected to reach 205 million by 2025 from its current size at approximately 120 million ( 1 ). As a consequence, existing pressures on the agricultural system such as land scarcity, insufficient agricultural technologies, and inaccessibility of pastoral livestock farmers to animal health and veterinary services are exacerbated, making it more difficult to feed the growing population ( 2 , 3 ). Furthermore, there are many threats to human and animal health around the world that encourage the emergence of infectious diseases and impact food security, including climate change, habitat modifications, broadening vector ranges, and human behaviors, among others ( 4 – 8 ). Low- and middle-income countries (LMIC), particularly in Africa, bear a higher disease burden and experience greater consequences of climate change ( 9 , 10 ). By way of illustration, Ethiopia continues to experience more frequent and severe droughts, erratic rainfall in a country reliant upon predominantly rain-fed agriculture and persistently higher temperatures leading to heat-stress on humans and animals. These climate-related changes lead to secondary consequences such as increased occurrence and rages of vector-borne (e.g., Dengue, leishmaniasis, malaria), water-borne (e.g., rotavirus), and zoonotic (e.g., leptospirosis, Q fever, trypanosomiasis) diseases ( 10 , 11 ). Thus, more strain is placed upon Ethiopia’s and other countries’ Veterinary Services, which are already beleaguered by limited resources and shortages of skilled personnel to respond to and manage contagious diseases and oversee food systems. Ameliorating these countries’ Veterinary Services is an important step for decreasing disease burdens and increasing livestock production in developing countries.

Many initiatives and programs have been instituted to address these challenges, principally focused on veterinary curricula and related training programs through a One Health lens in Africa, including Ethiopia ( 12 – 16 ). A few of the organizations that are involved in leading or supporting training programs or curriculum development for veterinary service professionals are the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the World Bank, and the World Organisation for Animal Health (WOAH) ( 17 – 20 ).

The Veterinary Education Twinning Program, sponsored by WOAH, provides an example of this targeted work. In 2015, a partnership between The Ohio State University College of Veterinary Medicine (OSU-CVM) and the University of Gondar College of Veterinary Medicine and Animal Science (UoG-CVMAS) in Ethiopia was forged. This Twinning Program involved a curriculum assessment, as well as faculty and student development through exchanges and continuing education training ( 21 ). These activities culminated in the development and implementation of a UoG-CVMAS curriculum aligned with the WOAH recommendations on the Competencies of graduating veterinarians (‘Day 1 graduates’) to assure National Veterinary Services of quality and the Veterinary Education Core Curriculum ( 22 , 23 ). The newly developed UoG-CVMAS WOAH-harmonized curriculum contained all 11 specific and 8 advanced competencies, covering topics including epidemiology, transboundary animal diseases, zoonoses (including foodborne diseases), animal welfare, and food safety, among others. This new, WOAH-harmonized curriculum, the first of its kind in Africa ( 21 ), was launched in September 2017 and was intended to strengthen Ethiopia’s Veterinary Services by graduating veterinarians ready to support their country’s services.

Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education (MoE) reviews and updates the national veterinary medicine curriculum every 10 years, creating in 2019 a National Curriculum Task Force to lead such process. The Deans and representatives of all Veterinary Education Establishments (VEEs) in Ethiopia and other stakeholders (including the veterinary association) integrated this task force. This working group agreed to use the UoG-CVMAS WOAH-harmonized curriculum as the benchmark for the new national curriculum, approving and deploying the new academic program for implementation by all Ethiopian VEEs in November 2020.

Introducing a new, nationwide professional curriculum is complex in any setting and was expected to be especially challenging in Ethiopia because of regional variability in access to resources and personnel capacity. These challenges were compounded by recent events, including the COVID-19 pandemic and armed conflict in some regions, that further disrupted educational systems and communications ( 24 – 26 ). It is critical to identify and address the barriers and challenges that Ethiopian VEEs are facing in implementing the new national curriculum to graduate veterinarians who can respond to emerging disease threats, protect the food system, and strengthen Ethiopia’s agricultural economy. Therefore, the methodology described in this study uses a mixed methods approach to understand VEEs’ experience of moving from theory to practice in implementing a new curriculum and identify specific difficult content and the barriers they face. While primarily focused on the national needs assessment process to identify such obstacles, the authors will briefly discuss the next steps. Following this study, the outcomes of the needs assessment will be presented for the prioritization of potential solutions for intervention and the development of an Action Plan to accomplish harmonization with the new curriculum nationally. This systematic process from the needs assessment to Action Plan will unite Ethiopian VEEs in the delivery of their veterinary programs and graduation of high-quality veterinarians, thus strengthening Ethiopia’s veterinary services and, ultimately, advancing One Health.

Study design and data collection

We conducted a mixed methods needs assessment between June and November 2022 to evaluate the experiences with the adoption of the new 2020 national veterinary curriculum and identify the specific challenges that Ethiopian VEEs are facing during its implementation. The needs assessment consisted of two data collection steps: an asynchronous online questionnaire (quantitative) using Qualtrics XM survey software and synchronous focus group discussions (qualitative) following survey completion. Our study followed a sequential explanatory design, in which the qualitative component sought to explain and provide further information about the quantitative results ( 27 ).

Study area and participation criteria

Situated in the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia is an LMIC with a population of over 120 million people (second highest in Africa) ( 28 ). Agriculture is critically important to the economy of Ethiopia, comprising over 30% of its gross domestic product ( 29 ). Formal training for supporting Ethiopia’s growing agricultural sector is provided by its many universities, whose educational structure is governed by the MoE. The universities included in this study are located throughout Ethiopia, including Amhara, Afar, Oromia, Somali, and Southern Nation, Nationalities, and People’s Region (SNNPR) (see Figure 1 ).

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Figure 1 . Map of participating (green) and non-participating (red) Ethiopian veterinary education establishments, including their generation number which is based on year of establishment.

The needs assessment focused on those academic programs awarding a Doctor of Veterinary Medicine (DVM) degree, as one of Ethiopia’s major personnel sources for the veterinary services workforce. All active VEEs offering a DVM degree were targeted for participation; however, very newly established VEEs (i.e., had not yet graduated a cohort of students or were unlikely to have experience with the new curriculum) were excluded from this assessment. At the time of the study, there were a total of 16 universities meeting the inclusion criteria of offering a DVM degree, 1 university was excluded due to its newly established status. Additionally, 1 eligible university was unable to participate due to conflict in their region. In total, 14 universities meeting the inclusion criteria were eligible and able to participate in the study.

Needs assessment development

Online survey.

The OSU-UoG Twinning Program Action Plan ( 30 ) was used as a starting point for the development of the needs assessment survey (step 1 of this process), as it helped to identify much of the new content that was included in the new 2020 national curriculum and most likely to create implementation issues. The UoG-CVMAS team confirmed the changes to the national curriculum and identified other topics or elements incorporated during the national curriculum task force meetings. When all new content for the 2020 national curriculum was confirmed, the identified topics and themes were transformed into questions that aimed to characterize the difficulty of implementing each identified change.

The final stage of survey development (refinement) included an external review panel, formed by VEE deans from established veterinary programs (Hawassa, Jimma, and Wollo) who were also part of the national curriculum task force. Their feedback was sought to ensure the inclusion of all topics and changes made to the new national curriculum that would need to be implemented across the VEEs and therefore need to be assessed through the survey. This feedback was used to update and create the final version that was transferred to the Qualtrics XM survey platform.

The survey aimed to collect data on four main areas: (a) VEE background information, including their general experience with the implementation of the new national curriculum, (b) the level of difficulty the VEE experienced implementing the new content related to WOAH Day 1 Specific Competencies, (c) the level of difficulty implementing the new content related to WOAH Day 1 Advanced Competencies, and (d) the level of difficulty implementing cross-cutting topics/program areas (e.g., One Health, student placements for off-campus training). Excluding the background section, the survey had 36 Likert-style questions, where options for responses included: (1) does not apply to our VEE, (2) very difficult, (3) moderately difficult, (4) moderately easy (5) very easy, and (6) not sure. The selection of “does not apply to our VEE” and “not sure” produced a secondary open-ended prompt for responders to elaborate on their reason for that selection. Similarly, if responders selected “very difficult” or “moderately difficult,” a secondary prompt would encourage responders to indicate reasons for difficulty (multiple selections, including the option of ‘other’ with further specification). Selecting any response other than moderately easy or very easy would prompt further conversation during the focus group sessions.

Each participating VEE was tasked with assembling an internal “ survey team ” (discussed further below under Needs Assessment Implementation ), which could include multiple faculty and/or administrators (Dean or Department Heads) who taught content related to WOAH Day 1 Competencies and/or participated in their 2020 curriculum implementation. Each VEE survey team was intended to both complete the online survey and participate in the focus group discussions.

Focus group discussions

Focus group discussions (FGDs) were designed to provide each VEE survey team the opportunity to elaborate or further explain their responses to the online survey. Individual FGDs were facilitated by members of the OSU-UoG team and conducted virtually using the Zoom platform (Version 5.13.11) with each VEE after they had completed the online survey. These confidential discussions were held in English and recorded to facilitate data collection and analysis. The FGD protocol was consistent for each VEE survey team ( Table 1 ).

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Table 1 . Focus group discussion protocol for each Ethiopian veterinary education establishment participating in the needs assessment.

Needs assessment implementation

Needs assessment implementation involved a series of six steps: (1) recruitment, (2) preparation, (3) online survey completion, (4) preliminary analysis, (5) focus group discussion, and (6) data integration and final analysis. The recruitment step consisted of a webinar (June 1, 2022) which served to socialize the project with the deans of recruited VEEs, who learned about the purpose of the study, the methodology, and how the results would be used to strategize and prioritize interventions. At this time, deans were tasked with assembling their internal survey teams, so the next step, preparation (step 2), could begin. Once the VEE survey teams were assembled, individual virtual meetings took place (July 2022) to describe the study methodology, its objectives and purpose, and the survey question format to each team before receiving the survey. After these pre-survey preparatory meetings, VEEs received an email with the link to the online survey, as well as a PDF version of the survey to facilitate discussion before completing and submitting the online survey (step 3), should they wish to do so. As completed surveys were received (July–November 2022), the OSU-UoG team would conduct a preliminary analysis (step 4), highlighting the elements to be addressed in the FGDs ( Table 1 ). FGDs were then scheduled (step 5) to provide the qualitative data for the needs assessment. The sixth and final step, with the completion of all FGDs, was data integration and analysis (step 6).

Data integration and analysis

All data were aggregated and anonymized, so no personally identifiable information was included in the analysis and presentation of results. Quantitative data management and descriptive statistics were conducted using Microsoft Excel (Version 16.73, 2023), while statistical analyses were performed using R statistical software (Version 4.2.2, 2022). FGDs were recorded and transcribed verbatim, using two auto-transcription services, Zoom (Version 5.13.11, 2023) and Mediasite (Version 8.16.0, 2023), with manual verification by the OSU-CVM team. Transcript correction, coding, and thematic analysis were performed using NVivo software (Version 20.6.2, QRS International) by multiple team members together (range: 2–4) to reduce confirmation bias. Coding was done inductively ( 31 ), utilizing the constant comparison method ( 32 ), while also listening to the meeting recordings to make any additional corrections to each transcript. Once the initial coding and thematic analysis process was complete, results were shared with the whole team (OSU-CVM and UoG-CVMAS) to discuss and validate the findings.

Ethical considerations

The Ohio State University Office of Responsible Research Practices has determined that the referenced research does not meet the federal definition of human subjects’ research requiring review. Data was collected as part of a non-research quality improvement project, the analysis of survey data did not meet the federal definition of human subjects’ research, and currently only exists as de-identified data.

Quantitative analysis

Fourteen (out of 15 eligible) VEEs participated in the needs assessment (both the online surveys and virtual FGDs) (93.3% response rate) ( Table 2 ). Only one university, located in the Tigray Region, was unable to participate during the study period due to accessibility issues brought on by the armed conflict. A map indicating the participating VEEs, by generation number and region, is shown in Figure 1 .

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Table 2 . Participating Ethiopian veterinary medicine programs, categorized by their year of establishment and generation. a

To quantify the survey results and identify the topics from the new 2020 curriculum that VEEs found most difficult to incorporate, a numeric value was assigned to the ordinal survey responses. For this purpose, a value of [4] was assigned to “very difficult,” “moderately difficult” [3], “moderately easy” [2], and “very easy” [1]. Topics were also organized by their corresponding WOAH Day 1 Competency (Specific and Advanced) ( Table 3 ) or cross-cutting topic/program area ( Table 4 ), depending on their focus.

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Table 3 . Topics and their WOAH Day 1 competency ranked from the most difficult to least difficult.

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Table 4 . Curriculum elements and their associated cross-cutting topic/program area.

We also evaluated the association between the perceived difficulty of implementing certain topics and VEE generation. A total of four generations (first-fourth) of VEEs were categorized based on the year their program was established (i.e., before 2003, 2004–2011, 2012–2017, and after 2017, respectively). The purpose of categorizing VEEs by generation was to identify if more senior institutions had less difficulty implementing the new curriculum than newer ones ( Table 2 ). To do this, third- and fourth-generation veterinary academic programs were consolidated into one category and compared to first-generation and second-generation VEEs. An overall difficulty score was assigned to each VEE in which the percentage of survey responses indicated as “very difficult” and “moderately difficult” were calculated across all survey responses. Mean difficulty scores by VEE generation are presented in Table 5 . Third- and fourth-generation VEEs had the highest mean difficulty rating, albeit not statistically different as compared to first- and second-generation VEEs detected/observed (Kruskal-Wallis, p = 0.295 ). There was also a wider distribution in difficulty scores for third- and fourth-generation veterinary programs compared to the first- and second-generation veterinary programs ( Figure 2 ).

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Table 5 . Summary statistics for the degree of difficulty incorporating new topics based on the VEE generation.

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Figure 2 . Box plots demonstrating the distribution of difficulty for incorporating certain topics into the new curriculum. Degree of difficulty is calculated as the % of questions indicated ‘Very Difficult’ or ‘Moderately Difficult’; higher scores correspond to a higher perceived difficulty.

Qualitative analysis

Major themes were organized into three categories: challenges, neutral/mixed, and strengths. Common challenges with incorporating new content were organized under seven thematic areas: (a) barriers to practical (hands-on) training (12 VEEs mentioned), (b) facilities and infrastructure limitations (11 VEEs), (c) teaching materials shortage (11 VEEs), (d) national-level challenges (11 VEEs), (e) internal and external partnership challenges (11 VEEs), (f) faculty expertise limitations (10 VEEs), and (g) demanding logistics for off-site students training (10 VEEs). Two neutral/mixed themes emerged: curriculum alignment (12 VEEs) and geographical location of VEEs (8 VEEs). Program strengths were also highlighted in the FGDs, including partnerships (13 VEEs), faculty expertise in specific content areas (8 VEEs), and other miscellaneous strengths (e.g., existing practical experiences, access to equipment, and access to facilities) (5 VEEs).

Integrating quantitative and qualitative data allowed us to generate a summary of topics that pose the greatest implementation challenges to Ethiopian veterinary medicine programs, along with their respective WOAH Day 1 Competency (or cross-cutting/programmatic) areas. Additionally, specific barriers common to 70–85% of VEEs in the country were able to be elucidated in this analysis ( Table 6 ). Securing external (off-site) training opportunities for students, either in the public or private sector, was a commonly perceived challenge. Some specific barriers mentioned included concerns about biosecurity, disruption of operations for the hosting institution/organization, and the security of the business practices of production facilities, particularly those in the private sector. Logistics and costs of moving students to off-campus locations were also mentioned. Another common challenge was the implementation of practical (hands-on) applications of course content. Specific competencies mentioned for this challenge were related to veterinary regulations for disease prevention and control (2.2, 2.3, 2.4), professional communications (2.11), risk analysis (3.5), veterinary ethics (2.9), preparation of health certificates (2.10), and diagnostic/therapeutic tools for disease prevention and control (2.2, 2.3, 2.4). The ten topics and themes with the greatest perceived difficulty are summarized in Table 6 , along with illustrative examples from FGDs.

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Table 6 . Integrated results from quantitative and qualitative data listing the ten most difficult topics to incorporate.

Ethiopia is the first country in Africa to adopt a WOAH-harmonized veterinary curriculum to better train and equip the next generation of veterinarians who will directly support their National Veterinary Services to meet the growing needs of the country. Challenges exist, however, in moving from theory to practice in the implementation of this new curriculum across all VEEs in Ethiopia. This needs assessment identified several topics and “requirements” that have been difficult for VEEs to implement as part of their new 2020 national veterinary curriculum, as well as barriers hindering the incorporation of those topics. Among them, included the Organization of Veterinary Services (Competency 3.1), Inspection and Certification Procedures (Competency 3.2), and practical applications of the regulatory framework for disease prevention and control (multiple competencies). The FGDs expanded upon the perceived difficult topics and provided reasons for these challenges, including limitations in the facilitation of off-site (private and public sector) student training, faculty expertise on the subject matter as well as on preparing practical/applied content, resource constraints to support teaching and training (e.g., consumables, infrastructure), and access to off-site facilities for hands-on/practical teaching.

Furthermore, a commonly cited challenge acknowledged during the FGDs related to teaching materials shortage for training students. For example, some program representatives discussed challenges with the acquisition of personal protective equipment to conduct outbreak investigations, ante- and post-mortem examinations, and sample collection for infectious disease diagnostics. Others described challenges with shortages in medications, vaccinations, and other biologics used to teach their proper management and use. Similarly, significant deficiencies of laboratory materials for diagnostics, antimicrobial susceptibility testing, and veterinary product residue testing required to train future veterinarians are such important topics. Further inquiries during the FGDs identified various explanations for the materials shortages, primarily related to challenges associated with importing necessary materials into the country. While the process of supply procurement through the central government is often arduous and prolonged, financial constraints remain an enduring obstacle for veterinary programs to deliver practical or applied training. Other institutions and organizations in the region report similar challenges, citing a lack of access to adequate financial and material resources as a major impediment to One Health ( 33 – 35 ).

Beyond the procurement of necessary materials, financial constraints impart difficulties in implementing components of the new national curriculum, such as the organization and placement of students for off-site training. To appropriately respond to One Health issues including the frequent occurrences of disease outbreaks, antimicrobial resistance, food safety, and biosecurity, it will be critical for ministries and governmental bodies to provide access as well as establish financial and systemic support for One Health actions.

While primarily mentioned as challenges, internal and external partnerships were also cited as strengths for some programs. Many VEEs reported collaborating with other departments and colleges within their universities to fill gaps in subject matter expertise and gain access to facilities for diagnostics and laboratory techniques. For example, some programs partner with the College of Law to teach Ethics and Jurisprudence topics. Others indicated strong relationships with off-campus partners, such as abattoirs, which provided opportunities for hands-on learning and student placements for externships. These relationships varied greatly by location based on regional resource availability. Most programs reported facing challenges in securing partnerships, particularly for student placements to engage in external training in the public and private sectors. Some programs compensate for a lack of opportunities for student placements through partnerships with other universities with greater access to regional laboratories and services or with international non-governmental organizations. These results correlate with similar findings that indicate a growing need for capacity building through collaborations with national ministries, international agencies, public-private partnerships, academic institutions, One Health networks, and donor organizations ( 36 – 39 ).

Some of the survey result interpretations could have been impacted by deviations in the application of the surveys from the original study design. The surveys were intended to be completed by an internal survey team, representing and incorporating multiple perspectives and opinions from faculty and/or administrators; however, some survey submissions indicated a limited number of team members (the average survey team representation was 4 members, range: 1–8 members). This disparity of survey team compilation among participating VEEs could have introduced response bias in the interpretation of the quantitative results. It is possible that the surveys did not correctly identify all the difficult topics associated with the implementation of the new curriculum. However, the study design followed a mixed methodology to minimize the bias expected from individuals conducting the surveys alone. By facilitating the focus group discussions, the study aimed to capture multiple perspectives from representatives of the veterinary program who might not have been part of the initial survey team. Due to constraints of the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing conflict in regions of the country, the ability to moderate the two study components (survey and FGDs) in person was impeded. Future studies employing this methodology should consider implementing in person moderation of the survey and FGDs whenever possible. This would help ensure the survey teams are constructed as intended and participation in both the survey and FGDs are implemented as intended to reduce response bias in either component. However, ultimately employing a mixed methods approach helps to cover gaps that either of the needs assessment components might have included in their individual application.

Similarly, the intent for the focus groups was established to encourage the group of representatives to talk with the study team and each other about their individual and shared experiences with implementing the various topics of the new 2020 national curriculum ( 40 ). However, this was not always possible because of scheduling conflicts and technology issues. This resulted in some FGDs having more limited participation and functioning more closely to a semi-structured interview, in which one or a limited number of representatives were able to participate and respond to each of the predetermined set of open-ended questions asked by the study team ( 41 ). This contrasted with our intended FGD study design, in which we hoped to provide a more open forum for representatives to freely discuss their opinions and perspectives. The shift of some of the discussions to a more semi-structured interview style might have prevented some participants from sharing their unique perspectives in front of a higher-ranking colleague. In the future, these limitations could be reduced and corrected by conducting FGDs in person to help ensure full survey team attendance and participation, help to better moderate discussions between members, and decrease constraints from technology interruptions.

Additionally, the survey results may be biased in the positive direction. Veterinary medicine programs often indicated on the survey that topics were “moderately easy” or “very easy” to implement, however during the FGDs, it was clarified that these topics are primarily being instructed at the theoretical level without practical application. This discrepancy in responses between surveys and FGDs highlight the importance of a mixed methodology in which responses can be as comprehensive as possible. However, a positive skew in survey responses might not have exposed important content that was more difficult to implement in reality, and implementing in-person moderation of surveys and FGDs would help to limit the discrepancy. Other recommendations for future studies to avoid this discrepancy and type of bias include making survey questions as short and clear as possible, avoiding leading questions, and keeping questions neutral. An example of this occurred when most programs indicated that while they teach epidemiological concepts (e.g., outbreak investigation), diagnostic techniques, and food safety topics, these lessons primarily occur in the classroom in the traditional didactic style (mostly lectures). However, to produce skilled and competent veterinarians, these academic programs lacked the incorporation of practical (hands-on) training for these topics and techniques. Depending on the veterinary program, this gap in training might be due to a lack of faculty expertise on the subject or a lack of facilities or materials to conduct training. These findings are similar to challenges identified in a previous study detailing the need for capacity building to address challenges with responding to infectious diseases in low-resource settings. Specifically, Gebreyes et al. recognized the need for standardized curricula within the One Health framework to increase the number of skilled and educated personnel, as well as the development or improvement of diagnostic laboratories as a key component of any disease surveillance, control, and prevention system ( 42 ).

An expected outcome of the needs assessment was that third and fourth-generation VEE would report greater difficulty (both in the number of topics and perceived difficulty), as they have less experience in program delivery and likely more junior faculty. However, quantitative results did not differ statistically between “older” and “newer” veterinary programs. The results did reveal a broader distribution of scores for third- and fourth-generation programs, indicating greater variability (and possibly less certainty) of responses. As newer programs gain experience in course delivery and administration, we may anticipate more consistency in the reported difficulty levels and topics, as was noted for the more established (first- and second-generation) programs.

Ultimately, the needs assessment is the first component of a larger project that seeks to help veterinary medicine programs across Ethiopia fully implement the new WOAH-harmonized national curriculum. In the next phase of this project, the identified difficult content and themes, along with the barriers recognized in the needs assessment will be presented at a multi-stakeholder national workshop. In this two-day event, participants will discuss and prioritize potential innovative solutions to the challenges identified in this needs assessment. These solutions might include faculty exchanges and continuing education, coordination of a VEE liaison with public and private organizations to improve student access and materials acquisition, or the formation of a VEE online community to exchange resources and teaching methodology similar to a community of practice framework (43). Workshop outcomes will be summarized in a comprehensive Action Plan for VEEs to consolidate the national curriculum. More information on the development and application of the workshop and its outcome will be described in a forthcoming manuscript. Nonetheless, the final product of an Action Plan is ultimately meant to support the national strategy for veterinary medicine training in Ethiopia. Ensuring that VEE programs provide a comprehensive curriculum in which veterinary graduates have received not only important foundational didactic content but also opportunities for the practical application of important topics they will apply in their roles upon graduation is necessary for the future of the veterinary workforce in Ethiopia. Successful incorporation of the WOAH Day 1 Competencies by all veterinary programs across Ethiopia incorporates a One Health approach that will help strengthen the country’s Veterinary Services, which ultimately improve animal and human health outcomes.

This mixed methods needs assessment methodology identified some of the various challenges and barriers that Ethiopian veterinary medicine programs face in implementing their new 2020 national veterinary curriculum. The new veterinary medicine curriculum has been harmonized with the WOAH Day 1 Competencies for graduating veterinarians that are established to support the veterinary services of each country. It is important to support and enhance countries’ Veterinary Services as they respond to emerging/re-emerging and transboundary animal diseases, threats to food systems, and environmental changes that increase the prevalence of zoonotic diseases that have impacts on human and animal health. Therefore, enhanced capacity building and collaborations, along with strong governmental support will be necessary for LMICs, including Ethiopia, to adapt and respond to threats against animals, humans, and the environment.

Data availability statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Author contributions

ALB: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Software, Visualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. AH: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Supervision, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. SN: Data curation, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – review & editing. SS: Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – review & editing. TF: Investigation, Methodology, Supervision, Writing – review & editing. BA: Data curation, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – review & editing. AM: Data curation, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – review & editing. MB: Data curation, Software, Writing – review & editing. AMB: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Software, Supervision, Validation, Visualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing.

The author(s) declare that financial support was received for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. This work was made possible by the generous support of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and funded through a subaward sponsored by Iowa State University ( Platform for Day 1 Veterinary Education Expansion ) [INV-030625]. The funders had no role in the study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank all participating veterinary educational establishments and their representatives for taking the time to engage with this study and share their experiences. The authors would also like to acknowledge and thank our colleagues Tadegegne Mitiku and Tyler Lindskoog for their contributions to this study. Additionally, the authors would like to acknowledge and thank our partners at the Iowa State University Center for Food Security and Public Health.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Abbreviations

CDC, U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; DVM, Doctor of Veterinary Medicine; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations; FGD, focus group discussion; LMIC, low- and middle-income country; MoE, Ministry of Education; OSU-CVM, The Ohio State University College of Veterinary Medicine; SNNPR, Southern Nation, Nationalities, and People’s Region; UoG-CVMAS, University of Gondar College of Veterinary Medicine and Animal Sciences; USAID, United States Agency for International Development; VEE, Veterinary educational establishment; WOAH, World Organisation for Animal Health.

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Keywords: capacity building, needs assessment, veterinary services, education, One Health

Citation: Bessler AL, Hoet AE, Nigatu S, Swisher S, Fentie T, Admasu B, Molla A, Brown M and Berrian AM (2024) Advancing One Health through veterinary education: a mixed methods needs assessment for implementing a WOAH-harmonized national veterinary medicine curriculum in Ethiopia. Front. Vet. Sci . 11:1357855. doi: 10.3389/fvets.2024.1357855

Received: 18 December 2023; Accepted: 01 March 2024; Published: 18 March 2024.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2024 Bessler, Hoet, Nigatu, Swisher, Fentie, Admasu, Molla, Brown and Berrian. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Armando E. Hoet, [email protected] ; Amanda M. Berrian, [email protected]

This article is part of the Research Topic

Veterinary Public Health: Veterinary Medicine’s Current Challenges in a Globalised World

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