assignment on foreign policy of pakistan

The Foreign policy of Pakistan: issues, challenges, and solutions

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Introduction

With various issues: political instability, less coordination among state institutions, and poor economy, it can be contesting for Pakistan to manage its internal and external challenges, like the Kashmir problem, the US-India nexus, the arm-race in South Asia and establishing peace in Afghanistan. However, to make itself influential based on its foreign policy in the competitive world, Pakistan has to maintain good relations with its neighbours, confidence in all super-powers, and curb non-state actors.

What is meant by the foreign policy?

The foreign policy of Pakistan

Fundamental principles of Pakistan’s foreign policy

• To protect its sovereignty
• To maintain good relations with the Muslim world
• To observe the principle of non-interference
• To implement the UN Charter
• To support self-determination

Current scenario of Pakistan foreign policy

Challenges to Pakistan’s foreign policy

• Existing political instability
• Increasing Balochistan conundrum
• Prevailing terrorism and sectarianism
• Non-solving Kashmir problem
• Growing nexus of US-India
• Hanging sword of FATF
• Defaming the international Image of Pakistan
• Establishing peace in Afghanistan

Issues in Pakistan foreign policy

• The minimum coordination among state institutions
• The issue of incompetent policymakers
• The presence of inept leadership
• The burden of geographical location
• The enigma of religious fundamentalism

Way forward

• To maintain good relations with all neighbours
• To initiate a balanced approach toward the Middle East countries
• To give equal weightage to all superpowers
• To refrain from interference in internal affairs of other countries
• To promote political stability
• To boost the economic condition
• To curb non-state actors

Critical analysis

Conclusion 

Answer to the Question

Nothing in this globalized world for a modern country is as important as sound foreign relations to secure its geographical, economic, and ideological interests. Living in isolation is no more in the interests of a country. Therefore, every developed or developing country has to formulate a peaceful and objective-oriented foreign policy keeping in view its national interests. Being a developing country, Pakistan enjoys its own effective and productive foreign policy based on its security and economic motives. It entertains cordial relations with all countries of the world. However, Pakistan faces several challenges regarding its foreign relations regarding the Kashmir issue, Indian aggressiveness, war-torn Afghanistan, the Middle East crisis, and a few more. These hurdles seem impossible to be managed by Pakistan in the presence of multiple issues such as fragile policies, a weak economy, a vulnerable geographical location, and the presence of non-state actors. In short, if Pakistan intends to formulate a successful foreign policy and manage its internal and external impediments, it has to eradicate all issues related to its economic, political, and ideological interests.

“Domestic policy can only defeat us; foreign policy can kill us.”  John F. Kennedy

Foreign policy is the total of objectives, principles, and interests that a state keeps in view establishing its peaceful relations with other countries. Professor Joseph Frankel has aptly said, “Foreign policy consists of decisions and actions that involve relations between one state and others to some appreciable extent.” Moreover, it reflects domestic policies by which a country extends its relations to other sovereign nations. That is why the foreign policy of one state has profound effects on the neighbouring countries. Hence, Pakistan should make itself a stable country economically and politically to establish sound interactions with other countries.  

Having hostile neighbours on both eastern and western sides, Pakistan’s foreign policy is mainly revolved around its key concerns, such as preserving its sovereignty, protecting its territorial integrity, and promoting the well-being of its people through economic development. Besides, Pakistan believes in maintaining good relations with all other countries on the basis of equality. Moreover, Pakistan has been the focal point of international politics owing to its geographical location. Being a gateway connecting many countries, Pakistan’s foreign policy can determine the fate of the region and affect international stability. Hence, Pakistan should formulate a peaceful foreign policy to secure its national interests in the best possible way.

“Success in foreign policy, as in carpentry, requires the right tool for the job.” Richard N. Haass

Fundamental principles of Pakistan’s foreign policy 

Being a self-reliant state, the foreign policy of Pakistan is based on some essential principles. In the first place, Pakistan’s foreign policy at all costs ensures the sovereignty and independence of the country. Pakistan is the outcome of the great sacrifices of millions of Muslims, and that is why freedom of the country has become an integral part of its foreign policy. Second, Pakistan always seeks to maintain strong relations with all Muslim countries. For this very purpose, Pakistan has joined many organizations of Muslim countries to enhance its relationship with them. Third, Pakistan’s foreign policy is based on the principle of non-interference; thus, it never meddles in the internal affairs of other countries unless they invite it. Fourth, Pakistan does not ignore the UN Charter while formulating its foreign policy. It always supports all the moves of the UN in true essence. Lastly, Pakistan’s foreign policy is based on the principle of self-determination. Hence, it fights orally for the independence of Kashmir and Palestine based on this very principle.   

Various internal and external challenges surround the foreign policy of Pakistan. Political instability in the country implements Pakistan’s foreign policy problematic for political stability is the hallmark of vibrant and efficient foreign policy. Moreover, the Balochistan issue is another internal hurdle in the way of Pakistan’s foreign policy. It limits the thinking capacity of policymakers because their minds stick to internal affairs only. Moreover, terrorism, extremism and sectarianism in the country have further jeopardized Pakistan’s foreign policy. Besides internal ones, external challenges are more dangerous as they directly influence Pakistan’s foreign policy development. The most crucial challenge among them is the Kashmir problem, for this very issue has been complicating the foreign relations of Pakistan and India since their independence. No one is ready to compromise on their interests related to Kashmir because it is the best water source for both of them. Furthermore, the US-India nexus and culture of the arms race in South Asia are giving a tough time to Pakistan’s foreign policy. Additionally, the sword of FATF, along with a bad image of Pakistan, are creating more impediments in the way of Pakistan’s foreign policy. Lastly, establishing peace in Afghanistan is the most exciting challenge for the Foreign Ministry of Pakistan. Hence, all these internal and external challenges contain the smooth progress of Pakistan’s foreign policy.

“How can I play baseball when I’m worried about foreign policy.” Charles M. Schulz

Issues in the foreign policy of Pakistan 

The foreign policy of Pakistan cannot protect the national interests of Pakistan properly in the presence of various issues. First, less or no coordination among the state institutions and intelligence agencies leaves Pakistan’s foreign policy at the mercy of the Foreign Ministry only. Thus, there remain many loopholes while formulating it. Second, incompetent policymakers and inept leadership frame opportunistic foreign policies that are not long-lasting; therefore, these policies are insufficient to attain the country’s national interests. Third, the geographical location of Pakistan makes it more complicated for the Foreign Ministry of Pakistan to analyze satisfactory regional and global changing interests. Lastly, religious fundamentalists inside the country influence Pakistan’s foreign policy for their vicious interests. In short, all these issues play a significant role in making Pakistan’s foreign policy directionless and problematic.  

Way forward 

Pakistan must take concrete measures to make its foreign policy vibrant and effective. In the first place, Pakistan should maintain better relations with all its neighbouring countries, especially India and Afghanistan. For this reason, Pakistan must at all costs resolve all its problems with these countries like the issue of Kashmir. Next to it, Pakistan has to adopt a balanced approach toward all Middle East countries. Therefore, it must engage itself with all these countries equally. Besides, Pakistan must take all superpowers of the world, especially the US, China, and Russia. All of them are equally important for preserving the national interests of Pakistan. Apart from it, Pakistan should not meddle in the internal affairs of other countries and always stick to the UN Charter.

Additionally, Pakistan has to improve its political stability to give extra focus to internal affairs. Furthermore, moving ahead, Pakistan must improve its economic condition to pursue good relations with other countries equally. Lastly, Pakistan must take stringent actions against all non-state actors roaming inside the country so that they cannot degrade the international image of Pakistan. In this way, Pakistan can make itself influential with the help of a vibrant and well-organized foreign policy in this competitive world.

“Here is my first principle of foreign policy: good governance at home.” William E. Gladstone

The foreign policy works as a building block for a country to initiate good relations with other countries. Without a durable and effective foreign policy, a country can’t engage itself successfully with other countries. Every country must change its foreign policy with time as there is no permanent friends or foe in the international arena. That is why Pakistan should maintain exemplary relations with other countries based on an objective-oriented foreign policy. In this way, Pakistan can secure its national interest abroad effectively.

To conclude, the foreign policy of Pakistan is surrounded by multiple challenges. These challenges make it difficult for Pakistan’s foreign policy to preserve the country’s national interest. That is why Pakistan is at loggerheads with many nations due to its short-sighted foreign policy. These hurdles cannot be managed fruitfully by Pakistan unless the existing issues related to foreign policy are resolved. Only then Pakistan can live peacefully with other nations based on its durable foreign policy, and it can protect its national interest in the best possible way.

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Evaluation of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy

• First Online: 21 May 2016

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Pakistan was born in extremely challenging circumstances. India’s hostility aggravated its internal and external problems, presenting its policy makers with difficult choices. However, its leaders also had their own share of serious mistakes. The evaluation of the past record of Pakistan’s foreign policy reveals that it failed the tests of a sound foreign policy on several counts. In particular, it suffered from a short-term and tactical rather than a long-term and strategic approach to the handling of external affairs. In the process, many avoidable blunders were committed and the country was dismembered. What is needed is an honest and objective appraisal of Pakistan’s foreign policies of the past with a view to identifying its flaws and becoming wiser for the future.

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Husain, J. (2016). Evaluation of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy. In: Pakistan and a World in Disorder. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59962-9_9

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The agenda behind the visit was focused on energy security, infrastructure development, and security stability in Afghanistan.

“We went there because we have to import 2 million tons of wheat from Russia. Secondly, we have signed agreements with them to import natural gas because Pakistan’s gas reserves are depleting,” Khan said.

The ties of Islamabad with Moscow have been restored in recent years. However, the two countries routinely hold joint military exercises and are working to deepen energy cooperation.

After the removal of Khan, Shahbaz Sharif has taken the lead, in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), meeting Pakistan & Russia vowed to keep engagements. Especially, engagements over the natural gas supply, oil trade, and wheat.

President Putin stated that Russian natural gas for Pakistan was a possibility to be explored, with some infrastructure already in place to permit such supply. The considerable Russian gas has enormous befits for Pakistan.

The Russian President also stated, that the issue is about pipeline gas supplies from Russia to Pakistan, which is also possible.

This means part of the infrastructure has already been created i.e.between Russia, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan. The considerable gas pipeline would enable Pakistan to meet its gas shortages with an effective cost strategy.

This strategy would help in mitigating price inflation as well. This has been considered a ‘breakthrough’ among Pakistan-Russia strategic engagements.

Nevertheless, this strategic posture would also create economic stability as it involves enormous capital investments. Pakistani leaders and policy analysts perceive this engagement as a chance to diversify Pakistan’s reliance on US and China.

The progress on this policy pursuit is little though. Analysts and critics have a critical view of this strategic engagement because of Russia’s aggressive involvement in Ukraine.

Moreover, there is a need for critical stability in Afghanistan if Pakistan needs the realization of the pipeline. It involves enormous capital investments.

Pakistani leaders and policy analysts perceive this engagement as a chance to diversify Pakistan’s reliance on US and China.

Engagement with European Union (EU)

In 2022, the 12th European Union (EU) – Pakistan Joint Commission took place in Islamabad. The aim behind this is to exchange views on all areas of cooperation between the EU and Pakistan.

The EU expressed solidarity with the people of Pakistan that are affected by climate-induced floods. EU also shows concerns that they would help Pakistan to recover from these difficult times.

In return, Pakistan expressed appreciation for the EU’s solidarity and concerns. EU and its member states mobilized funds of EUR 123 million. The fund would be used to provide assistance to relief-stricken areas.

However, Pakistan asked for additional assistance for the rebuilding and restructuring of the flood-ridden areas. The two sides agreed to cooperate on climate change issues and challenges.

Moreover, the Joint Commission was briefed about the outcomes of the Sub-Group meeting on Democracy, Governance, the Rule of Law, and Human Rights.

Further discussions were made on civil and political rights, the rights of persons belonging to minorities and vulnerable groups, and freedom of religion or belief, including concerns about anti-Muslim hatred.

It also discussed the role of civil society organizations, freedom of expression and opinion, media freedom, and the fight against disinformation.

Pakistan was also informed about steps to strengthen access to justice and reforms related to the application of the death penalty.

The legislation on the protection of women’s and children’s rights, the protection of transgender persons, as well as the protection of journalists by Pakistan was recognized by the EU.

Both sides also discussed legislative proposals which include the anti-torture bill and the bill on enforced disappearances. Similarly, they also discussed the electoral reforms process including recommendations made by the 2018 Electoral Observation Mission.

In trade-related bilateralism, Pakistan and the EU discussed concerns over limited economic exchanges. The trade between the two sides remained at only EUR 12.2 billion in 2021.

The EU stressed the effective implementation of the 27 international conventions related to GSP+. Discourses were also exchanged on issues of regional and global importance such as Afghanistan, Indian-held Kashmir, and Ukraine.

Pakistan and the EU stressed focusing on peaceful resolutions of all issues in accordance with the principles of international law and the UN Charter.

Engagement with the US

The new Foreign Minister has made several visits to the United States to thaw the already frosted ties between Pakistan and the US.

Pakistan and US have vowed to make future engagements over different issues such as climate change, security in Afghanistan, and stance over India and Kashmir issues.

US investors have shown a willingness to pursue investment and business in Pakistan, especially in the agriculture and industrial sector. Investors are concerned about ease of doing business, security, and currency stability.

US and Pakistan also built a consensus on working together on climate change and would lay a framework for other areas of cooperation moving forward.

Engagement over Financial Action Task Force (FATF)

Pakistan has succeeded in removing of FATF list in 2022 from the ‘terrorism’ list, it was on a ‘grey list’ of countries considered at high risk of money laundering and ‘terrorism’ financing since 2018.

The decision to remove came at a time when Pakistan’s credibility on the global market has taken a pounding because of its precarious economic situation. This happened after four years of continuous efforts by the government and diplomatic clout.

The FATF President T Raja Kumar said, “Pakistan had addressed technical deficiencies to meet the commitments of its action plans.”

The team of FATF visited to observe the required changes and progress, the visit was declared a success and in a subsequent meeting, Pakistan was removed from the list.

“Pakistan exiting the FATF grey list is a vindication of our determined and sustained efforts over the years. I would like to congratulate our civil & military leadership as well as all institutions whose hard work led to today’s success,” Prime Minster Shahbaz Sharif lauded the decision.

The action-agenda was consisting of 27 action points that are related to money laundering, terrorist financing, and action against armed groups and individuals.

However, Pakistan is again facing a renewed wave of terrorist activities that would point a question over the 27-action agenda presented by the FATF. Moreover, in the list corruption index, Pakistan reached 140 in 2022 as compared to 132 in 2021.

Engagement with World Community over Geneva Conference

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Government of Pakistan have bilaterally come together to arrange an international conference. The conference is titled ‘International Conference on Climate Resilient Pakistan 2023.’

The main agenda behind the conference was dialogue and cooperation on the climate issues of Pakistan, especially on the floods of 2022.

The conference has brought together the international community to pledge support for the flood-affected population. The conference was attended by policy analysts, bureaucrats, government officials, civil society, and private organizations.

According to the UN, Pakistan experienced horrific floods in 2022 that left 15,000 people dead and approximately 8 million in displacement.

Moreover, floods have destroyed highways, bridges, and agricultural lands. This has also landed 9 million people in poverty. The total damage accounts for more than $30 billion.

During the conference, the delegations announced their solidarity and commitment. The world community has pledged to provide $9 billion in support to mitigate flood effects.

The world community has expressed support for resilience recovery, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. The conference has strategized the action plan for Pakistan’s resilience recovery, rehabilitation, and reconstruction.

According to the framework presented Pakistan will achieve resilience recovery with the implementation of the following elements. The conference was attended by 44 countries.

The United States has announced $100 million, and Saudi Arabia had pledged $1 billion. Germany has announced $88 million, China $100 million, and Japan $77 million.

Islamic Development Bank (IDP), at $4.2 billion; the World Bank (WB), at $2 billion; the Asian Development Bank (ADB), at $1.5 billion and European Union (EU) pledged $93 million.

Engagement over COP 27 Egypt

The international community gathered in 2022 in Egypt for the United Nations ( UN) Climate Change Conference (COP27). The agenda behind the conference was to discuss climate change including loss and damage, climate finance, adaptation, and mitigation.

At this conference, a fund was made for Pakistan to address loss and damage caused by climate-induced disasters. The decision was taken in Sharm-El-Sheikh (Egypt) considered a momentous achievement for Pakistan.

Climate change affected Pakistan in the shape of floods that resulted in losses and damages of over US$ 30 billion refocused global attention towards this critical issue. Group of 77 and China also pledged support to Pakistan.

A fund named “Fund for Loss and Damage” was established to mitigate losses and damages in developing countries. Pakistan will benefit from this fund.

Issues in Pakistan’s Foreign Policy

The foreign policy of Pakistan was characterized by negative trends in the year 2022 though it occupied some positive space. Positive space was discussed in the engagements Pakistan made with the regional and international world.

Pakistan is facing economic and security-based insecurities, as the ouster of the government of PTI created political instability and a lack of investment in the economic realm. These internal factors affected the foreign policy of Pakistan.

Regionally, the ceased military engagement of the US in Pakistan created spaces for instability, chaos, and anarchy.

The government of the Taliban is a defacto that is not recognized by the world. The biased policies of the Taliban create an increase a kind of instability.

The Taliban government is creating cleavages, polarization, and volatility. That instability gave the pretext to the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), in Pakistan and slowly they are increasing their footholds through terrorist activities.

On the Eastern side, Pakistan is concerned with the increased populism of the Hindutva narrative though it is not affecting Pakistan directly it is a threat. The Indian policies of exclusionism are creating issues for Indian Muslims and especially Kashmiri Muslims.

Due to the principal stance on Kashmir Pakistan is unable to resume and restore its bilateral relations with India.

Moreover, in the military paradigm, India is consistently modernizing its capabilities such as acquired, anti-ballistic missile systems, MIRV, hyper sonics, weaponized drones, and augmented sea-based capabilities.

This is creating a security dilemma for Pakistan and compelling it to increase its relative power against India, which calls for modernization in the military realm.

Modernization means more budget and Pakistan is not in a position to take optimal decisions concerning the economy due to the compulsions of the International Monetary Fund’s programme.

On the southern side, the internal chaotic situation of freedom of speech, and the rights of women in Iran is also a source of concern for Pakistan.

The world is already disconnected from Iran over the issue of the Iranian Nuclear Programme. It is now concerned about the violations of human rights in Iran. More instability in Iran could trigger a chain of events that could affect Pakistan, too.

Political instability and economic insecurity are also a threat to the implementation of CPEC in its full essence. Nevertheless, China reaffirmed its commitments to Pakistan again and again but Pakistan needs to make its house in order.

In the recovery and reconstruction process of the flood-affected areas, Pakistan needs to recognize the reality that although the Geneva Conference the world pledged to help, but with some conditions.

There occurred a deep mistrust between the world community and Pakistan because of the Corruption Index, it is not considered a reliable country.

Internally, the continuous struggle for power in political parties and the government and the disinterest of recent government in elections is a serious concern. Elections need time to decrease mistrust in the world community.

Recommendations

Pakistan needs to understand that foreign policy is a behavioral pattern that the states adopt to conduct their diplomatic relations with other states in the global system.

This policy, which is designed & redesigned by a process consisting of various interrelated stages, is formulated based on various factors including the country’s geographical location, its human resource, its economy, & above all, well-defined national interests.

Pakistan needs to eliminate the element of conservatism from foreign policy. There is a dire need to open up and devise the contours of foreign policy according to the current international paradigm.

It should advance its diplomatic relationships solely based on its interests and shun the illogical rhetoric of religious affinity.

Pakistan must resume its economic relations with India, its irredentist stance over the Kashmir issue, which it has not resolved for over 75 years would not provide any benefits. There is a need to resume all kinds of diplomatic channels with India.

The role of national power, the character of states, and their relationship with the domestic environment, overlooking any systemic factors or sources of explanations, reductionist explanations, and normative and moral precepts on statesmanship and leadership are not rare.

In the above-given theoretical perspective, Islamabad needs to design its foreign policy according to the changing regional and global dynamics.

According to foreign policy experts, Pakistan needs smart diplomacy to deal with India, Iran, and Afghanistan as well as to cope with the current trouble in its relations with the US.

Smart diplomacy is striking a balance and seeking alternative ways to deal with a situation when one option does not offer a credible opportunity.

The situation doesn’t change on its own; it is sought through different diplomatic options to create space. If India has a secured trade route to Afghanistan and Central Asia through Iran, Pakistan should not view this as a threat.

Instead, it should take a practical step to obtain gas & electricity from Iran. If this economic connection is built, Iran will have a greater interest in cultivating Pakistan because this economic relationship will not require the use of a land route of a third country.

Foreign policy means the array of the actions taken and strategies pursued by a given state toward other external states or actors in the system which, tightly or loosely, are related to it.

Consequently, foreign policy analysis means an inquiry into the causes which led the state to a failed foreign policy. There is a need for a multi-aligned foreign policy focused primarily on economic development not heavily relying on geopolitics.

The elected government and the Opposition should rise above all their differences and huddle together to formulate a ‘Charter of Foreign Policy’ outlining the short, medium, and long-term foreign policy objectives to be achieved under the vigil of the Parliamentary Joint Committee.

Civilian supremacy will ensure the promotion of national interests while functioning within the framework of accountability and transparency.

The institutions may now take a back seat. They should undertake their responsibilities within the ambit of the Constitution.

The dominance of one institution over others becomes a liability rather than an asset eventually. The track record of civilian rules in Pakistan for defending and promoting territorial integrity is impeccable.

Pakistan’s diplomatic clout should hire lobbying groups to pursue and advance the country’s interests.

As Morgenthau states, “The meaning of national interest is survival—the protection of physical, political, and cultural identity against encroachments by other nation-states.”

There is a dire need to follow the advice of Quaid in its full spirit regarding foreign policy.  Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah stated that “Our foreign policy is one of friendliness and goodwill towards all the nations of the world. We do not cherish aggressive designs against any country or nation.”

Future Prognosis

The foreign policy of Pakistan would keep on navigating in a negative direction as far as the domestic socio-political issues would keep haunting it. Because of that, Pakistan lacks the capabilities to find out opportunities in crisis.

The current crisis in Afghanistan would create unstable situations in Pakistan as has been evident in the current wave of terrorism.

The void created by the US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the country would be exploited by terrorists once again. The de facto government of the Taliban is creating more polarization in Afghanistan .

Pakistan has hardly renewed diplomatic channels with India as it continues to follow the security-driven narrative. This will lead nowhere in resolving the issue of Kashmir.

On the other hand, the economic and military engagements with China will be going on smoothly and the frosted relationship with the US will remain to fluctuate.

*The writer is a Fellow at The Diplomatic Insight, published by the Institute of Peace and Diplomatic Studies 

**The Diplomatic Insight does not take any position on issues and the views, opinions & findings represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Diplomatic Insight and its staff

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Exploring the Impulses in Pakistan’s Foreign Policy

Pakistan’s foreign policy can be understood with respect to three impulses: the normative, statist, and structural. First, the normative impulse is a constitutive element of the Pakistani nation-state project, including ideological and self-definitional tropes such as culture, values, religion, and history based on its Islamic identity . The key question is to what extent Pakistan’s Islamic identity provides explanations for its foreign policy when international relations literature considers the national interest a more reliable predictor of foreign policy than identity or ideology. Second, the statist strand in Pakistan’s foreign policy demonstrates a path-dependent fixation on a traditional paradigm of security as a defense against external threats. These regional threat perceptions emanate from two of its immediate neighbors: from Afghanistan, via the Durand Line conflict; from India, over Kashmir, its core security problematique. Third, the structural impulse is indicative of policy inputs from the international system, and, specifically, great powers over which Pakistan exercises little control. The growing strategic rivalry between the United States and China, for instance, directly impacts Pakistan’s foreign policy as Pakistan attempts to navigate between the two powers without jeopardizing its relations with either of them. These three imperatives provide insight into Pakistan’s two key foreign policy goals: achieving economic redemption and regulating traditional security.

Normative dimensions in Pakistan foreign policy

Does Islam as a normative ideal provide a solid explanation for Pakistan’s foreign policy since independence or does foreign policy have to do more with the attainment of national interest objectives?  The Islamic identity is often invoked as a key element in the first Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan’s side-stepping of an official invitation from the Soviet Union in 1949 and, instead, visiting the United States in May 1950 because the “godless” communist ideology of the Soviet Union tampered with Pakistan’s religious sensitivities. This ideological dimension was conveniently set aside when it came to China, the countervailing communist power. Pakistan recognized Communist China as early as 1950 and initiated bilateral relations with the Chinese state despite engagement in military defense alliances with the United States.

The interplay of Islamic identity and national interests is also apparent in Pakistan’s outreach to the Muslim world. This outreach was patchy in the initial years as Pakistan’s national interest dictated a pro-Western foreign policy and a less enthusiastic response to Arab nationalism. In 1956, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy, lamenting on the state of the Muslim world, reiterated : “zero plus zero plus zero plus zero is after all equal to that, zero.”

National interest dictating foreign policy choices is a theme both for Pakistan and also for the Muslim states Pakistan has invoked as its allies after India revoked Article 370 granting Jammu and Kashmir semi-autonomous status in August 2019. The Pakistani Foreign Minister recently blamed Saudi Arabia for its lack of support for convening a special session of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation on Kashmir, which came after it reduced its aid for Pakistan. This is a small example of how normative idealism—solidarity, as a Muslim-majority country, with Pakistan in its stance on Muslim-majority Kashmir—matters increasingly less in foreign policymaking. This, combined with the Muslim countries’ pursuit of peace with Israel, indicates changing strategic realities that Pakistan’s foreign policy must contend with in the future.

While threats persist, the key question is whether Pakistan can move beyond these to build more favorable engagements with its neighboring states, specifically India and Afghanistan.

The security dynamic

Pakistan’s search for security—understood in the classical realist sense—involves the politics of national survival, territorial integrity, military empowerment, and an excessive, if not exclusive, concern with threats. In the immediate aftermath of independence, secessionist fears in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (formerly North West Frontier Province) and Balochistan, where the princely state of Kalat proclaimed its independence in August 1947, heightened security threat dynamics. Within Pakistan’s strategic establishment, these threats justify and contribute to an internalized militarized security stance that informs its approach to regional security. This remains the case and is exemplified in the 2016 arrest of an Indian spy, Kulbushan Jadhav, in Balochistan, and Afghan support for anti-Pakistan Baloch militant outfits. While threats persist, the key question is whether Pakistan can move beyond these to build more favorable engagements with its neighboring states, specifically India and Afghanistan.

Pakistan-India relations have been, over the past decade, a story of missed opportunities. The most recent phase of goodwill between former Prime Minister of Pakistan Nawaz Sharif and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi was in 2014 and 2015, when the two leaders showed promise, potential, and vision for a South Asia connected through trade and business. This initial bonhomie crumbled when the Pathankot air force base was attacked only two weeks after Modi’s surprise visit to Lahore. India-Pakistan relations have not recovered since and have instead deteriorated to the point where recovery seems elusive, especially in light of India’s unilateral actions in Kashmir. Traditional security dynamics are likely to persist in Pakistan’s foreign policy, with incumbent governments facing difficulty justifying trade and cooperative engagement with India unless the latter reverses its abrogation of Article 370.

Regarding Pakistan’s approach to Afghanistan, recent moves towards an intra-Afghan peace settlement provide grounds for optimism, including the opening of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border for trade. For example, ships transiting fertilizers to Afghanistan can now berth at Gwadar Port. However, challenges to Pakistan’s foreign policy in a post-peace agreement scenario persist, including the risk of Afghanistan descending into a state of brutal civil war, as in the 1990s. Pakistan’s foreign policy interests necessitate promoting a peaceful Afghanistan and doubling down on Islamic militancy—recognizing its disastrous repercussions on the Pakistani state and society, which further fractures Pakistan’s image in the international community.

Structural imperatives and Pakistan’s foreign policy

Structural imperatives stemming from an international system over which Pakistan has little control have impacted Pakistan’s foreign policy, mostly after the 1979 and 2001 invasions of Afghanistan respectively. At both junctures, it was virtually impossible for Pakistan to desist from the developing security situation on its Western border. During both episodes, while Pakistan remained the United States’ most steadfast ally, it retained its close ties with China. Most recently Pakistan finds itself uneasily positioned between the United States and China as the distribution of capabilities in the international system accentuates China as a global strategic rival and competitor to the United States. This is evident in the United States’ sharp criticism of Pakistan’s participation in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which makes it difficult for Pakistan to lean on one side without courting the other’s displeasure.

Most recently Pakistan finds itself uneasily positioned between the United States and China as the distribution of capabilities in the international system accentuates China as a global strategic rival and competitor to the United States.

In its initial two years, the current Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) government, sought improved ties with the United States, with a major government advisor reiterating the slowing down of CPEC projects and renegotiating CPEC deals of the previous government. At the same time, the Trump administration was very critical of Pakistan, accusing the country of using IMF loans to pay off its Chinese debts. Pakistan’s perfect opportunity came with the Trump Administration’s pursuit of a peace process in Afghanistan, positioning Pakistan as a key player. Despite developing strategic ties between Pakistan and the United States, U.S. criticism of Chinese investments in Pakistan via CPEC has not abated. Alice Wells, a former U.S. ambassador, criticized the Corridor on multiple occasions for increasing Pakistan’s debt burden and dependency on China.

Where does this leave Pakistan and its foreign policy? It remains to be seen if Pakistan sees any concrete economic incentives for supporting the Afghan peace process. For now, Pakistan’s current government is hedging its bets on U.S. support in securing an exit from the Financial Action Task Force’s grey list and foregoing its initial skepticism of CPEC by fast-tracking CPEC projects.

Henceforward, Pakistan’s foreign policy challenge will remain three-pronged: first, zeroing on its national interest as opposed to normative idealism in its ties with the Muslim world and consolidating CPEC in order to reverse its economic downturn ; second, promoting regional peace with neighboring countries and curtailing military threats that compromise economic gains; and, finally, continued global multilateral engagements with the international community to eliminate either/or scenarios where Pakistan is pushed to choose between the United States and China. However, as the U.S.-China dyad intensifies, Pakistan’s balanced navigation between the two powers will be tested, demanding a much tougher proposition of assurances and reassurances to both powers that its foreign policy outreach does not approximate a zero-sum game.

Click here to read this article in Urdu.

Image 1: U.S. Institute of Peace via Flickr

Image 2: U.S. Institute of Peace via Flickr

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Quaid’s vision of foreign policy

• April 15, 2013
• Mirza Tauseef

The Founder of Pakistan Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had envisioned the newly independent Muslim state’s foreign policy to be one of “peace with all, and enmity with none”. Pakistan must follow the doctrine of non-alignment, said the Quaid-i-Azam, in his broadcast talk to the people of the USA in February 1948 said:

“Our foreign policy is one of friendliness and good-will towards all the nations of the world. We do not cherish aggressive designs against any country or nation. We believe in the policy of honesty and fair play in national and international dealings and are prepared to make our utmost contribution to the promotion of peace and prosperity among the nations of the world. Pakistan will never be found lacking in extending its material and moral support to the oppressed and suppressed of the United Nations Charter.”

The Quaid’s foreign policy vision thus stipulated Pakistan’s steadfast adherence to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, particularly the principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-interference in each other’s affairs, and peaceful settlement of bilateral disputes.

Functionally, he also expected the nation’s irrevocable commitment to the ideals of democracy, pluralism, market economy, social justice, communal harmony and egalitarian order. Based on the Quaid’s principles, the basic goals of Pakistan’s foreign policy can be summed up as “preservation of sovereign independence and territorial integrity, socio-economic development, maintenance of Islamic identity while progressing as a modern and forward-looking democratic nation pursuing in solidarity with the international community the cause of global peace and security and making Pakistan a strong factor of regional and global stability.”

Geography places on Pakistan the onerous responsibility of consistent vigilance and careful conduct of its relations not only with its immediate neighbours but also with the rest of the world, particularly the major powers. Pakistan’s foreign policy thus has been determined primarily by its geo-political environment and concomitant compulsions of national security and territorial integrity.

Against this backdrop, Pakistan’s external relations since the very beginning of our independent statehood have been marked by four major constants:

1. Our quest for security and survival as an independent state.

2. The legacy of our troubled relationship with India which in fact constituted the centre-point of our foreign policy.

3. Our excessive reliance on the West for our economic, political and military survival; and

4. Our total solidarity with the Muslim world, and unflinching support to Muslim causes.

No wonder Pakistan’s foreign policy has remained marked by a complex balancing process in the context of the turbulent history of the region in which it is located, its own geo-strategic importance, its security compulsions, and the gravity and vast array of its domestic problems. In the process, Pakistan has encountered a series of challenges and experienced wars and territorial setbacks. It has lost half the country, and even today, it continues to live in a hostile neighbourhood.

Our strategic location was pivotal to the global dynamics of the Cold War era. The policy of containment was enacted on our soil and we were a major player in dismantling what the free world once called the “evil empire” of the former Soviet Union. Unfortunately, the post- 9/11 scenario has placed us in a very negative image as “the breeding ground” of “religious extremism, violence and militancy.”

The sum-total of our foreign policy today is our post-9/11 identity on the global radar screen as the “ground zero” of the war on terror. This negative perception complicates things for Pakistan both domestically and externally, and limits its policy options.

DOMESTIC PERSPECTIVE Unfortunately, decades of political instability resulting from protracted military rule, institutional paralysis, poor governance, socio-economic malaise, rampant crime and corruption, and general aversion to the rule of law have left us politically unstable, economically weak, socially fragmented and physically disintegrated.

Our domestic failures have not only seriously constricted our foreign policy options but also exacerbated Pakistan’s external image and standing. Today, from being a major power in South Asia always equated with India, Pakistan is bracketed with Afghanistan in terms of its outlook, role, needs and problems. This is an unenviable distinction which circumscribes our role both within and beyond our region.

THE CHALLENGES For over sixty-five years, we have followed a foreign policy that we thought was based on globally recognised principles of inter-state relations and which in our view responded realistically to the exceptional challenges of our times. But never did we realise that for a perilously located country, domestically as unstable and unpredictable as ours, there could be not many choices in terms of external relations.

In recent years, grave crises and acute problems have proliferated in our volatile region in a manner that has not only made Pakistan the focus of world attention and anxiety but also forced it to make difficult choices in its perennial struggle for security and survival as an independent state. Our problems are further aggravated by the complex regional configuration with a growing Indo-US nexus, India’s strategic ascendancy in the region and its unprecedented influence in Afghanistan with serious nuisance potential against Pakistan’s security interests and legitimate strategic stakes in the region.

Pakistan’s biggest challenge now is to convert its pivotal location into an asset rather than a liability. We must restore our global image as a moderate, co-operative and responsible state, capable of living at peace with itself and with its neighbours. Instead of always blaming “others” for our problems, let’s have the courage to admit that there is something fundamentally wrong with our own governance patterns. The perennial leadership miscarriages are the root cause of our governance failures. In the ultimate analysis, our problems are not external. Our problems are domestic.

Even our external difficulties are the extension of our governance failures. There is no foreign policy worth its name in the absence of good governance which in today’s world is the real instrument of statecraft. No country has ever succeeded externally if it is weak and crippled domestically. Even a super power, the former Soviet Union could not survive as a super power only because it was domestically week in political and economic terms.

WAY FORWARD Our foremost priority is to fix the fundamentals of our governance. We need domestic consolidation, politically, economically and socially. Governance must be based on the rule of law, accountability and absolute justice on non-discriminatory basis. While preserving our Islamic identity in its real essence, we must extricate ourselves of the distortionist forces of extremism, obscurantism, intolerance, militancy and violence.

Our peculiar socio-economic and political culture, high rate of poverty and illiteracy, and inequality of wealth and power require fundamental changes in our political system and governance patterns. Temperamentally, we are a ‘presidential’ nation. It is time we abandoned the system that we have never been able to practice and opted for an adult franchise-based ‘presidential system’ suitably designed for and tailored to Pakistan’s needs. Also needed is rationalisation of our federal system in order to address the problems of provincial disharmony and regional disparities.

We must opt for self-reliance and national dignity. No begging. Loans are not capital; they are a liability. Foreign aid is never unconditional. Let us dispense with them focusing on optimum utilisation of our own material wealth and human resources. We need to capitalise on our agricultural, economic, industrial and technological potential. Simplicity and austerity should be the cardinal principles of our national life in all its spheres.

No more blind faith in the so-called “Friends of Pakistan.” Let’s be our own friends and seek home-grown solutions to our problems. Our leaders must give up the Marco Polo culture. No more foreign visits unless unavoidable in national interest. No more World Economic Forums, no more state-funded Umra junkets. Corruption must be rooted out from all segments of our society and at all levels of the government and its institutions.

The sanctity of Pakistan’s territorial integrity must be observed with no relaxation or exemption. From now onward, no piece of land in any part of the country should be gifted or leased for any purpose to foreign rulers, sheikhs, princes or states and their governments. No more ‘Shamsi Bases.’

Pakistan needs to develop a well thought-out road map regarding the following points:

—- An independent foreign policy based on the Quaid’s vision: peace with all, enmity with none, and premised on universally established inter-state relations.

—- Steadfast adherence to the principles of the UN Charter, particularly the principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-interference and peaceful settlement of issues.

—- Respect for all internationally recognised human rights and fundamental values and freedoms.

Pakistan needs to have special relationship of abiding friendship and co-operation with its neighbours, especially China, solidarity with the Muslim world and its causes, close co-operative links with Central Asian States, multi-dimensional co-operative relationship with the US, Japan, Canada and EU countries on the basis of sovereign equality and mutuality of benefit, and the principle of friendship with all, enmity with none, as the main pillars of Pakistan’s foreign policy.

Pakistan’s territory should not be allowed to be used as a staging ground for terrorist activities in any other country. There shall be zero tolerance for militancy under any name or under any pretext.

It would be a good idea if, instead of the current “war on terror”, a Global Peace Initiative is launched under the UN auspices involving a comprehensive approach at global level aimed at addressing the underlying causes of this menace. We took principled position on the Kashmir issue seeking its final solution through peaceful means in conformity with the UN resolutions and legitimate aspirations of the people of Kashmir. Mutually beneficial economic co-operation both at bilateral and regional levels in South Asia and Central Asia within the frameworks of SAARC, ECO and SCO.

—- A highly ‘responsible nuclear-weapon state’ posture based on ‘credible minimum deterrence’ with strict adherence to restraint and responsibility and compliance with non-proliferation goals on non-discriminatory criteria-based terms with other nuclear-weapon states.

The world, especially our neighbours, must not forget that even before the Quaid had taken oath as the new Muslim nation’s governor general, he had outlined the basic tenets of Pakistan’s foreign policy in these words at a press conference on 14 July 1947 in Delhi: “We stand for the peace of the world. We will make our contribution whatever we can.”

These ideas were further explicated on 15 August, when as Governor-General of Pakistan, the Quaid observed: “Our objective should be peace within and peace without. We want to live peacefully and maintain cordial and friendly relations with our immediate neighbours and with world at large. We have no aggressive designs against any one. We stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world.”

According to our Great Leader’s vision, we need to have a low-profile foreign policy formulated through institutional rather than personal approach with focus on country’s political, economic and strategic interests while following Hafiz Shirazi’s advice: “kindness to friends,” “courtesy to enemies”, with equal faith in Allama Iqbal’s message of “self-respect, esteem and dignity.”

(The writer is former secretary foreign affairs and member, National Academic Council of the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) Islamabad)

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South Asia Brief: Tensions Escalate on Pakistan-Afghanistan Border

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Tensions Escalate on Pakistan-Afghanistan Border

Islamabad ordered cross-border strikes after a militant attack, dialing up pressure..

• Afghanistan
• Michael Kugelman

Welcome to  Foreign Policy ’s South Asia Brief.

The highlights this week: Pakistan carries out cross-border strikes in Afghanistan after an attack on a Pakistani military post, India officially sets dates for its national election beginning next month, and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Bhutan .

Sign up to receive South Asia Brief in your inbox every Wednesday.

Pakistan carries out strikes in afghanistan.

On Monday, Pakistan announced that security forces conducted anti-terrorism operations against militants based in Afghanistan that morning. The strikes came on the heels of an attack at a military post in North Waziristan, Pakistan, that killed seven soldiers. It is the latest of many assaults against Pakistani soldiers and police in the last few years, most of them perpetrated by Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which is closely allied with the Afghan Taliban.

Taliban officials, who have long denied that militants stage cross-border attacks from Afghan soil, condemned the Pakistani strikes and rejected the claim that the operations targeted terrorists, accusing Islamabad of killing civilians, including children. (In brief comments about the crisis, the Biden administration also said that the strikes killed civilians.) The Taliban said they retaliated with their own strikes against Pakistani troop locations.

These new developments are not surprising, given recent events. The TTP has ramped up attacks in Pakistan in the last two years, emboldened by the Taliban’s return to power in Kabul. Pakistan has tried many things to stop the attacks: talks with the TTP, domestic counterterrorism operations, a border fence, and pressure tactics including the expulsion of thousands of Afghan refugees . Nothing has worked.

Unlike Pakistan’s brief cross-border crisis with Iran in January, the situation on the border with Afghanistan won’t fade away. The new government in Islamabad, already struggling with severe economic stress and public anger about the controversial Feb. 8 election, must now grapple with a crisis it can’t afford.

Pakistani Army Chief Asim Munir, who has held office since November 2022, has taken a tough public stance against Afghanistan, going as far as saying that “when it comes to the safety and security of every single Pakistani, the whole of Afghanistan can be damned.” As the most powerful figure in Pakistan, Munir would have signed off on the strikes.

Pakistan may hope its cross-border operations will restore a semblance of deterrence, freeing up policy space to focus on other concerns, such as the economy. But it’s not that simple. Although Pakistan has staged counterterrorism operations in Afghanistan in the past, the weekend strikes were unusually large in scale, targeting two provinces , suggesting a level of escalation that will be difficult to dial down. Both Pakistan and Afghanistan confirmed the strikes on Monday, raising the domestic political costs of backing down.

Furthermore, Pakistan’s relations with the Taliban, its longtime ally, have been fraught for months. Since 2021, the group hasn’t needed the wartime support it once received from Pakistan, depriving Islamabad of leverage. Festering disagreements have come to the fore, including over the border itself. The Taliban regime, like previous Afghan ruling entities, doesn’t recognize the border with Pakistan, and Taliban fighters have clashed with Pakistani soldiers putting up border fencing.

As a result, Pakistan can’t assume that dialogue will defuse tensions, as it did during the crisis with Iran. Pakistan also doesn’t have the luxury of a truce with Afghanistan, as it has had with India along their disputed border since 2021. Since seizing power, the Taliban have warned that they will not tolerate any foreign military operation on Afghan soil. The border has been relatively calm in the days since the Pakistani strikes, but the recent escalations were too major to expect that the crisis will end as quickly as it started.

The best-case scenario is that relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan remain highly tense, while the worst-case scenario is that the Taliban support or stage more attacks on Pakistani military targets. There is an irony here. During the U.S.-led war in Afghanistan, Taliban militants used Pakistan as a base to stage attacks in Afghanistan. Then, Afghanistan counted on operational support from NATO forces, but now Pakistan must wage its battle alone.

What We’re Following

India releases election dates. India’s election commission has announced that the national polls will run from April 19 to June 1. Because of the country’s large size—nearly 1 billion people are registered voters—it usually holds elections over several weeks. Although India is often praised for its efficient execution, there is some controversy this year about the election environment.

Opposition parties have alleged that India’s electronic voting machines are vulnerable to hacking; last week, the Indian Supreme Court dismissed a petition that alleged irregularities in their use. The U.N. high commissioner for human rights has also expressed concern about the polls, warning earlier this month about “increasing restrictions on the civic space” and stressing the importance of an “open space that respects the meaningful participation of everyone.”

Meanwhile, changes to India’s election funding system, known as electoral bonds, have become another pre-election storyline. For seven years, Indian individuals and companies could send financial contributions to political parties anonymously with little oversight. In February, the Indian Supreme Court ruled this system unconstitutional, and earlier this week it ordered India’s state bank to share information about the donations.

The development could affect India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, for which nearly 50 percent of bonds were earmarked, according to initial data released this month.  

South Asia has the world’s worst air pollution. IQAir has released its annual global air quality ratings , and the news isn’t good for South Asia. Bangladesh, Pakistan, and India are the world’s three worst air polluters, in that order, and the top four most polluted cities are all in India. The region has a perfect storm of factors driving serious air pollution: dense and growing cities, transport vehicles that run on dirty fuel, agricultural practices that entail burning excess wheat crops, and a lack of effective policies.

There may be some hope for the problem to ease in the coming years, with South Asian capitals—especially New Delhi—placing more emphasis on the need for energy transitions. India has arguably made the most progress of the three worst polluters: One recent initiative is a plan to make its transport sector less polluting by rolling out city buses that run on green hydrogen fuel cells, and it is scaling up its electronic vehicles sector.

U.S. investigates Adani. U.S. officials are reportedly investigating the business interests of Indian billionaire Gautam Adani, who heads the Adani Group. The investigation is being led by a U.S. attorney’s office in New York and by the U.S. Justice Department’s fraud unit, which are looking into whether an Adani company or people tied to an Adani company have paid Indian officials in return for favorable treatment for an energy project.

The details of the probe remain sketchy; presumably it relates to activities connected to U.S. companies, investments, or markets. Last November, the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation announced a $553 million investment in an Adani-sponsored port development project in Sri Lanka, but there is no indication that the investigation relates to that deal.

Regardless, the news is a reputational setback for Adani, who managed to survive serious fraud allegations against him last year with relatively little damage to his business interests. Adani has repeatedly denied those allegations, and this week the Adani Group rejected any involvement in bribery. The Justice Department has not made any charges against Adani or his companies.

FP’s Most Read This Week

• Russia’s Military Is Already Preparing for Its Next War by Amy Mackinnon
• China Is Selectively Bending History to Suit Its Territorial Ambitions by Frederik Kelter
• The World’s Biggest Crisis Is the End of Scarcity by Francis J. Gavin

Under the Radar

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will visit Bhutan later this week, where he is expected to sign deals on trade, energy, and infrastructure. The timing is notable: India’s national elections are less than a month away and Modi has focused his attention on campaigning.

However, one can understand India’s urgency in making the visit. Bhutan has traditionally had a deep partnership with India and is reliant on Indian assistance, but in recent years China has become more present in Bhutan. China became embroiled in a border crisis with Bhutan and India in 2017, but it has recently taken a softer approach, including steps to ease the dispute.

India has sought to push back against China, as it has elsewhere in South Asia. A few months ago, India and Bhutan announced new plans for connectivity cooperation, including a cross-border rail project . Modi’s visit is likely intended to underscore India’s commitment to partnership with Bhutan and to signal that he feels strongly enough to step off the campaign trail and convey the message in person.

Michael Kugelman is the writer of Foreign Policy ’s weekly South Asia Brief. He is the director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center in Washington. Twitter:  @michaelkugelman

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