the effects of unemployment essay

Unemployment Causes and Effects Essay

Introduction, causes of unemployment, effects of unemployment, works cited.

Unemployment causes and effects are vital to recognize in order to solve the problem. Analyzing them can also allow people to realize what consequences are to expect. Yet, first of all, all the essential terminology should be defined.

Unemployment refers to a state of not having a job. It entails individuals with the ability to work, a resolve to find employment, available and in the hunt for employment (Stone 25). Categories of unemployment include classical, structural, frictional, cyclical, and hidden types.

Classical unemployment entails a situation in which earnings received for a job go beyond ordinary levels. This results in limited job vacancies for people. The structural type refers to a situation in which unemployed individuals fail to meet job requirements in terms of skills needed (Stone 29). Frictional unemployment concerns the changeover phase between jobs, while the cyclical one refers to a state in which claims in the economy fail to offer jobs to people. When the claim for goods and services lowers, there is a limited production that requires few workers (Stone 29). Finally, the hidden type refers to the unemployment of prospective workers due to errors made in generating statistics on the subject (Stone 30).

The causes and effects of unemployment impact individuals, society and the economy in general. The overall problem issue results from various factors relating to social, economic, environmental, political and individual elements in an economy. So, to gather both consequences and causes of unemployment, this essay attempts to consider and analyze them separately.

Unemployment results from several causes and factors related to an economy. Some causes are due to personal choices while others are beyond individual control (Stone 31). People invest many resources in gaining reputable education and eligibility for jobs, but often find themselves with no employment (Stone 34). Unemployment results from factors and causes discussed below.

The first cause is inflation. Inflation refers to the progressive increase in prices of commodities and services in the economy. Economic inflation is one of the major causes of unemployment (Stone 37). Inflation results in a limited market activity by economies that cannot match efforts by others due to escalating prices. The economy experiences trouble, and progressively employers fire some workers to reduce the cost of production. This result in unemployment among the individuals fired.

The second cause is recession. Recession refers to decline Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of an economy, employment rate and market activity (Dawson 75). Economic recession links directly with economic inflation. Recession results from inflation where people are not able to afford goods and services offered by the economy (Stone 41).

A decline in production and more imports than exports characterize a recession. These elements influence negatively on GDP of an economy. This results in increased rates of unemployment because many employers refuse to hire while others fire some of their employees (Stone 43).

Another cause is change in technology. Rapid change in technology is driving many employers into diversifying and improving the effectiveness of their workforce (Dawson 78). Some of technology applied replaces individuals in the production process as some process executed manually apply through technology.

This leads to several people losing their jobs. Job dissatisfaction is also another leading cause of unemployment (Dawson 78). New technology results in some employees being involved partially in production activities, which leads to frustration. Frustrations may lead to employee resignation (Dawson 80). This causes unemployment.

Another cause is employee worth (Dawson 85). Employees put a lot of effort and dedication in their activities but often end up unappreciated by their employers. This may result to lack of motivation among employees, which may compel them to stop working for their employers (Dawson 85).

This leads to individuals being unemployed until they find employers who appreciate their efforts. Discrimination in places of work is another cause of unemployment. Discrimination could be because of age, gender, social class, race, religion or ethnic background. Securing a job in such a working environment is extremely difficult and may discourage people from looking for jobs as well as forcing those already in jobs to quit (Dawson 87).

Other causes of unemployment relate to an individual and include disability, attitude towards potential employers, negative perceptions about jobs and employees as well as an individual’s ability to look for a job (Dawson 93). Welfare payments should be discouraged as they reduce the will of unemployed people to look for jobs. People develop dependency on grants and lack any meaning in employment since they are able to meet their basic needs (Dawson 98).

Unemployment has both positive and negative effects. However, negative effects of unemployment surpass positive effects (Stone 65). Unemployed individuals experience difficulties meeting their basic needs as well as contributing to economic prosperity of their countries (Stone 66). In recessions, many people lose their jobs, but companies usually develop mechanisms to produce more goods with limited workforce. Unemployment leads to effects discussed below.

The first effect is loss of income. Unemployment results in individuals losing their source of income and livelihood. Most people in employment use their incomes to get mortgages and other forms of financing (Stone 69). Loss of income leads to poor living standards and increased risk on health.

Another effect of unemployment is social exclusion. A work place provides a platform for socialization. When people lose their jobs, their social circle reduces considerably and end up excluded from the social environment. Other social problems associated with unemployment include crime, bribery and gambling (Stone 70).

Unemployment causes political instability (Stone 75). When majority of a country’s population is unemployed, life becomes hard, and people develop hostile characters. They consider their government as ineffective and incapable of providing the needs of its people (Stone 76). Such individuals participate in movements that oppose government policies through riots that result in political instability.

effects of unemployment include over exploitation of available labor, reduced rate of economic growth, reduced human capacity, loss of human resources and increase in poverty levels (Dawson 101). One positive effect of unemployment is the availability of adequate labor at reduced market prices. When many people are unemployed, labor is available at competitive prices because people are always eager to have some income (Stone 80).

Unemployment has various categories that include classical, structural, frictional, cyclical and hidden unemployment (Stone 26). Unemployment results from several factors that vary in terms of the supporting conditions. Some causes are due to personal choices while others are beyond individual control. Unemployment has both positive and negative effects, although negative effects surpass positive effects. Welfare payments should be discouraged as they reduce the will of unemployed people to look for jobs (Stone 50).

People should be encouraged to look for a job instead of waiting on grants because they may not achieve financial freedom to satisfactory levels. In order to reduce the effects of unemployment, governments should develop and implement policies that regulate circumstances in which an employer can fire an employee (Dawson 90). This will prevent victimization of employees by employers who take advantage of weak policies on labor regulation and employee protection.

Dawson, Graham. Inflation and Unemployment: Causes, Consequences and Cures . California: University of California, 2008. Print.

Stone, Jack. Unemployment: The Shocking Truth of Its Causes, Its Outrageous Consequences and What Can Be Done About It . New York: Trafford on Demand Pub, 2007. Print.

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Unemployment in the time of COVID-19: A research agenda ☆

David l. blustein.

a Boston College, United States of America

b University of Florida, United States of America

Joaquim A. Ferreira

c University of Coimbra, Portugal

Valerie Cohen-Scali

d Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers, France

Rachel Gali Cinamon

e University of Tel Aviv, Israel

Blake A. Allan

f Purdue University, United States of America

This essay represents the collective vision of a group of scholars in vocational psychology who have sought to develop a research agenda in response to the massive global unemployment crisis that has been evoked by the COVID-19 pandemic. The research agenda includes exploring how this unemployment crisis may differ from previous unemployment periods; examining the nature of the grief evoked by the parallel loss of work and loss of life; recognizing and addressing the privilege of scholars; examining the inequality that underlies the disproportionate impact of the crisis on poor and working class communities; developing a framework for evidence-based interventions for unemployed individuals; and examining the work-family interface and unemployment among youth.

This essay reflects the collective input from members of a community of vocational psychologists who share an interest in psychology of working theory and related social-justice oriented perspectives ( Blustein, 2019 ; Duffy, Blustein, Diemer, & Autin, 2016 ). Each author of this article has contributed a specific set of ideas, which individually and collectively reflect some promising directions for research about the rampant unemployment that sadly defines this COVID-19 crisis.

Our efforts cohere along several assumptions and values. First, we share a view that unemployment has devastating effects on the psychological, economic, and social well-being of individuals and communities ( Blustein, 2019 ). Second, we seek to build on the exemplary research on unemployment that has documented its impact on mental health ( Paul & Moser, 2009 ; Wanberg, 2012 ) and its equally pernicious impact on communities ( International Labor Organization, 2020b ). Third, we hope that this contribution charts a research agenda that will inform practice at individual and systemic levels to support and sustain people as they grapple with the daunting challenge of seeking work and recovering from the psychological and vocational fallout of this pandemic.

The advent of this period of global unemployment is connected causally and temporally to considerable loss of life and illness, which is creating an intense level of grief and trauma for many people. The first step in developing a research agenda for unemployment during the COVID-19 era is to describe the nature of this process of loss in so many critical sectors of life. A major research question, therefore, is to what extent does this unemployment crisis vary from previous bouts of unemployment which were linked to economic fluctuations? In addition, exploring the role of loss and trauma during this crisis should yield research findings that can inform psychological and vocational interventions as well as policy guidance to support people via civic institutions and communities.

1. Recognizing and channeling our own privilege

In Joe Pinker's (2020) Atlantic essay entitled, “ The Pandemic Will Cleave America in Two”, he highlights two distinct experiences of the pandemic. One is an experience felt by those with high levels of education in stable jobs where telework is possible. Lives are now more stressful, work has been turned upside down, childcare is challenging, and leaving the house feels ominous. The other is an experience felt by the rest of the working public – those who cannot work from home and thus are putting themselves at risk every day, whose jobs have been either lost or downsized, and who are wondering not only if they will catch the virus but whether they have the means and resources to survive. As psychologists and professors, the vast majority of “us” (those writing this essay and those reading it) are extremely fortunate to be in the first group. The pandemic has only served to exacerbate the extent of this privilege.

Given our relative position of power, what are ways we can change our research to be more meaningful and impactful to those outside of our bubble? We propose that the recent work on radical healing in communities of color – where the research is often done in collaboration with the participants and building participant agency is an explicit goal - can inform our path forward ( French et al., 2020 ; Mosley et al., 2020 ). Work has always been a domain where individuals experience distress and marginalization. However, in the current pandemic and into the unforeseeable future, this will only exponentially increase. Sure, we can do surveys about people's experiences and provide incentives for their time. And of course qualitative work will allow us to more directly connect with participants and hear their voices. But what is most needed is research where participants receive tangible benefits to improve their work lives. We, as privileged scholars, need to think about how we can use our expertise in studying work to infuse our studies with real world benefits. We see this as occurring on a spectrum in terms of scholars' time and resources available – from information sharing about resources to providing job-seeking or work-related interventions. In our view, now is the time to truly commit to using work-related research not just as a way to build scholarly knowledge, but as a way to improve lives.

2. Inequality and unemployment

Focusing research efforts on real-world benefits means acknowledging how the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed and exacerbated existing inequities in the labor market. Millions of workers in the U.S. have precarious jobs that are uncertain in the continuity and amount of work, do not pay a living wage, do not give workers power to advocate for their needs, or do not provide access to basic benefits ( Kalleberg, 2009 ). Power and privilege are major determinants of who is at risk for precarious work, with historically marginalized communities being disproportionately vulnerable to these job conditions ( International Labor Organization, 2020a ). In turn, people with precarious work experience chronic stress and uncertainty, putting them at risk for mental health, physical, and relational problems ( Blustein, 2019 ). These risk factors may further worsen the effects of the COVID-19 crisis while simultaneously exposing inequities that existed before the crises.

The COVID-19 pandemic is an opportunity for researchers to define and describe how precarious work creates physical, relational, behavioral, psychological, economic, and emotional vulnerabilities that worsen outcomes from crises like the COVID-19 pandemic (e.g., unemployment, psychological distress). For example, longitudinal studies can examine how precarious work creates vulnerabilities in different domains, which in turn predict outcomes of the COVID-19 pandemic, including unemployment and mental health. This may include larger scale cohort studies that examine how the COVID-19 crisis has created a generation of precarity among people undergoing the school-to-work transition. Researchers can also study how governmental and nonprofit interventions reduce vulnerability and buffer the relations between precarious work and various outcomes. For example, direct cash assistance is becoming increasingly popular as an efficient way to help people in poverty ( Evans & Popova, 2014 ). However, dominant social narratives (e.g., the myth of meritocracy, the American dream) blame people with poor quality work for their situations. Psychologists have a critical role in (a) documenting false social narratives, (b) studying interventions to provide accurate counter narratives (e.g., people who receive direct cash assistance do not spend money on alcohol or drugs; most people who need assistance are working; Evans & Popova, 2014 ), and (c) studying how to effectively change attitudes among the public to create support for effective interventions.

3. Work-family interface

Investigating the work-family interface during unemployment may appear contradictory. It can be argued that because there is no paid work, the work-family interface does not exist. But ‘work’ is an integral part of people's lives, even during unemployment; for example, working to find a job is a daunting task that is usually done from home. Thus, the work-family interface also exists during unemployment, but our knowledge about this is limited. Our current knowledge on the work-family interface primarily focuses on people who work full-time and usually among working parents with young children ( Cinamon, 2018 ). As such, focusing on the work-family interface during periods of unemployment represents a needed research agenda that can inform public policy and scholarship in work-family relationships.

The rise in unemployment due to COVID-19 relates not only to the unemployed, but also to other family members. Important research questions to consider are how are positive and negative feelings and thoughts about the absence of work conveyed and co-constructed by family members? What family behaviors and dynamics promote and serve as social capital for the unemployed and for the other members of the family? Do job search behaviors serve as a form of modeling for other family members? What are the experiences of unemployed spouses and children, and how do these experiences shape their own career development? These issues can be discerned among unemployed people of different ages, communities, and cultures.

Several research methods can promote this agenda. Participatory action research can enable vocational researchers to be proactive and involved in increasing social solidarity. This approach requires mutual collaboration between the researcher and families wherein one of the parents is unemployed. By giving them voice to describe their experiences, thoughts, ideas, and suggested solutions, we affirm inclusion of the individuals living through the new reality, thereby conveying respect and acknowledgment. At the same time, we can bring ideas, knowledge, and social connections to the families that can serve as social capital. In addition, longitudinal quantitative studies among unemployed families that explore some of the issues noted above would be important as a means of exploring how the new unemployment experience is shaping both work and relationships. We also advocate that meaningful incentives be offered to participants in all of these studies, such as online job search workshops and career education interventions for adolescents.

4. Strategies for dealing with unemployment in the pandemic of 2020

Forward-looking governments and organizations (such as universities) should begin thinking about how to deal with the immediate and long-term consequences of the economic crisis created by COVID-19, especially in the area of unemployment. Creating meaningful interventions to assist the newly unemployed will be difficult because of the unprecedented number of individuals and families that are affected and because of the diverse contextual and personal factors that characterize this new population. Because of this diversity of contextual and personal factors, different interventions will be required for different patterns of individual/contextual characteristics ( Ferreira et al., 2015 ).

In broad outline, a research program to address the diversity of issues identified above could be envisioned to consist of several distinct phases: First, it would be necessary to carefully assess the external circumstances of the unemployed individual's job loss, including the probability of re-employment, financial condition, family composition, and living conditions, among others. Second, an assessment should be made of the individual's strengths and growth edges, particularly as they impact the current situation. These assessments could be performed via paper or online questionnaire. Based on these initial assessments, the third phase would involve using statistical analyses such as cluster analysis to form distinct groups of unemployed individuals, perhaps based in part on the probability of re-employment following the pandemic. The fourth phase would focus on determining the types (and/or combinations) of intervention most appropriate for each group (e.g., temporary government assistance; emotional support counseling; retraining for better future job prospects; relocation, etc.). Because access to specific types of assistance is frequently a serious challenge, especially for underprivileged individuals, the fifth phase should emphasize facilitating individuals' access to the specific assistance they need. Finally, the sixth phase of research should evaluate the efficacy of this approach, although designing such a large research program in a crisis situation requires ongoing process evaluation throughout the design and implementation stages of the research program.

5. Unemployment among youth

As reflected in a recent International Labor Organization (2020a) report on the impact of the COVID-19 crisis, youth were already vulnerable within the workforce prior to the crisis; the recent advent of massive job losses and growing precarity of work is having particularly painful impacts on young people across the globe. The COVID-19 economic crisis with vast increases in unemployment (and competition between workers) and the probable growth of digitalization may result in a major dislocation of young workers from the labor market for some time ( International Labor Organization, 2020b ). To provide knowledge to meet this daunting challenge, researchers should develop an agenda focusing on two major components—the first is a participatory mode of understanding the experience of youth and the second is the development of evidence-based interventions that are derived from this research process.

The data gathering aspect of this research agenda optimally should focus on understanding unemployed youths' perception of their situation (opportunities, barriers, fears, and intentions) and of the new labor market. We propose that research is needed to unpack how youth are constructing this new reality, their relationship to society, to others, and to the world. This crisis may have changed their priorities, the meaning of work, and their lifestyle. For example, this crisis may have led to an awareness of the necessity of developing more environmentally responsible behaviors ( Cohen-Scali et al., 2018 ). These new life styles could result in skills development and increased autonomy and adaptability among young people. In addition, the focus on understanding youths' experience, which can encompass qualitative and quantitative methods, should also include explorations of shifts in youths' sense of identity and purpose, which may be dramatically affected by the crisis. The young people who are without work should be involved at each step of the research process in order to improve their capacities, knowledge, and agency and to ensure that the research is designed from their lived experiences.

Building on these research efforts, interventions may be designed that include individual counseling strategies as well as systemic interventions based on analyses of the communities in which young people are involved (for example, families and couples and not only individuals). In addition, we need more research to learn about the process of collective empowerment and critical consciousness development, which can inform youths' advocacy efforts and serve as a buffer in their career development ( Blustein, 2019 ).

6. Conclusion

The research ideas presented in this contribution have been offered as a means of stimulating needed scholarship, program development, and advocacy efforts. Naturally, these ideas are not intended to be exhaustive. We hope that readers will find ideas and perspectives in our essay that may stimulate a broad-based research agenda for our field, optimally informing transformative interventions and needed policy interventions for individuals and communities suffering from the loss of work (and loss of loved ones in this pandemic). A common thread in our essay is the recommendation that research efforts be constructed from the lived experiences of the individuals who are now out of work. As we have noted here, their experiences may not be similar to other periods of extensive unemployment, which argues strongly for experience-near, participatory research. We are also advocating for the use of rigorous quantitative methods to develop new understanding of the nature of unemployment during this period and to develop and assess interventions. In addition, we would like to advocate that the collective scholarly efforts of our community include incentives and outcomes that support unemployed individuals. For example, online workshops and resources can be shared with participants and other communities as a way of not just dignifying their participation, but of also providing tangible support during a crisis.

In closing, we are humbled by the stories that we hear from our communities about the job loss of this pandemic period. Our authorship team shares a deep commitment to research that matters; in this context, we believe that our work now matters more than we can imagine.

☆ The order of authorship for authors two through six was determined randomly; each of these authors contributed equally to this paper.

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Essays About Unemployment: Top 6 Examples and 5 Prompts

Read our guide to see helpful essay examples and prompts to further your understanding and write essays about unemployment.

Unemployment is an unfortunate circumstance many find themselves in; it is a challenge that civilized society faces today. When people are unemployed, they look for jobs but cannot get them. As a result, they are left without a source of income and cannot adequately provide for themselves and their families. This, in turn, can lead to various issues, including depression.

Unemployment is a social, economic, and political issue. It leaves many people in poverty and prevents people from obtaining a source of income. As a result, politicians capture the eyes of voters by promising to lower the unemployment rate to get elected.

You can get started by reading these essay examples if you are writing essays about unemployment.

6 Examples of Essays About Unemployment

1. unemployment reflection by christopher haynes, 2. what i learned from nearly a year of unemployment by becca slaughter, 3. why aren’t europe and canada in the same boat as u.s. for unemployment by glen hendrix, 4. a global dilemma: how unemployment creates poverty by tess hinteregger, 5. why has covid-19 been especially harmful for working women by nicole bateman and martha ross, 6. youth day and ordeal of nigerian youth by utomi jerome-mario, essay prompts about unemployment, 1. unemployment during the covid-19 pandemic, 2. the connection between unemployment and crime, 3. unemployment: whose fault is it, 4. the causes of unemployment, 5. the effects of unemployment.

“In order to secure work, we must be prepared to change or upgrade our skills and be willing to relocate if necessary. But some people are not interested in retraining to find work in another field, some people do not have the confidence to go out and look for work, and some refuse to accept a job they feel is below their level. Unless people like this change their attitudes, they will not be able to find work.”

Haynes provides two perspectives on unemployment; first, that the government should do more to address it, and second, that if people want work, they must adjust to make a living. He believes that many are unemployed because they are unwilling to change their skillset or relocate to get a job. Therefore, more should be done to reduce unemployment, but it goes both ways; everyone must put in the effort.

“I remember feeling embarrassed and powerless. I was angry it wasn’t my decision. I was happy I didn’t have to go back there, yet I was stressed about not having anywhere to go. Ultimately, I felt an overwhelming sadness that left me terrified. While I was overflowing with confusing and contradicting emotions, I somehow felt empty.”

In her essay, Slaughter reflects on her unemployed time and how it changed her. Her previous job was long and stressful, but whenever someone would ask her what she did for a living, she was embarrassed and regretful for not being there anymore. In addition to losing her job, she feels like she lost a part of herself at that time. Thankfully, she got a new job, one less taxing than her previous one.

“You would think paying all that money year after year to a government whose purpose is to “establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity” would entitle that person to a modicum of “blessings” to insure his “tranquility” and “general welfare” in case of some stupid virus pandemic. It would certainly be the “just” thing to do. And that person’s “posterity” might look a bit less bleak. European governments and Canada did just that. And it’s not even explicitly stated in the preamble to their constitution.”

Hendrix criticizes the United States’ response to the unemployment problem caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, saying that Canada and European nations have done a much better job. He discusses how much better their unemployment benefit system is compared to the U.S. and how it is ironic that the United States, whose constitution says all of these things promoting justice and wellbeing, cannot provide that for its citizens during a global pandemic.

“While unemployment can create poverty, poverty also reduces the chance of being employed. To ensure that those who are affected by unemployment do not fall into the negative cycle, researchers believe that governments should focus on improving quality education and training all young people so they remain in school.”

Hinteregger, in her essay, explains the link between unemployment and poverty, writing that it leads to the loss of income. People will also have to raise their families in poverty, which perpetuates the cycle of poverty. In addition, the poor may resort to violence to make a living. She points out the sheer irony of this issue, as unemployment causes poverty while poverty may also reduce the chance of being employed.

“COVID-19 is hard on women because the U.S. economy is hard on women, and this virus excels at taking existing tensions and ratcheting them up. Millions of women were already supporting themselves and their families on meager wages before coronavirus-mitigation lockdowns sent unemployment rates skyrocketing and millions of jobs disappeared. And working mothers were already shouldering the majority of family caregiving responsibilities in the face of a childcare system that is wholly inadequate for a society in which most parents work outside the home.”

Bateman and Ross write about the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on women. Many women are forced to go through so much to provide for their families; however, the lockdowns led to many of them losing their jobs. The unemployment rate for women rose dramatically, by 12 percent, from February to April of 2020. It has been difficult for them to balance work with taking care of their families, women’s primary role as dictated by society.

“Youth unemployment is potentially dangerous as it sends a signal to all segments of the Nigerian Society. Here in Nigeria, the rate of youth unemployment is high, even at the period of economic normalcy i.e. the oil boom of the 1970s (6.2 per cent); 1980s (9.8 per cent) and the 1990s (11.5 per cent). Youth unemployment therefore is not a recent phenomenon. But if what happened in the 1980s/90s were a challenge of sorts, what is happening presently, going by the latest report by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), is a challenge.”

Jerome-Mario’s essay focuses on several issues affecting the Nigerian youth, including unemployment. The country has a high unemployment rate; over a fourth of the youth population is unemployed. He stresses the importance of the youth using their voice to make a change and to persuade the government to care for its citizens more.

How COVID-19 contributed to the nursing shortage?

The pandemic and its lockdown policies have undoubtedly caused many people to lose jobs. Look into the impact of COVID-19 on the unemployment rate, particularly during the early months of the pandemic. Which sectors were most affected? Pull data and statistics to show how the public was affected by the covid-19 pandemic in terms of unemployment.

Many say that unemployment leads to higher crime rates. Do you believe this is true? Research how unemployment is linked to crime; examine the effects of unemployment on mental health; and conclude whether this may contribute to the increased likelihood of committing a crime.

In Haynes’ essay, he claims that employers/the government, and workers are to blame for unemployment. After reading his essay and both arguments, who do you believe is at fault? Explain your response in detail, and make sure to provide a solid base of evidence.

Unemployment has many contributing causes. Assuming a non-pandemic setting, research what causes unemployment and list them down in your essay. Elaborate on each one and, if you can draw connections, explain them as well.

As a grave issue, unemployment has many severe effects, notably poverty. For your essay, write about the effects of unemployment on a person, both physical and mental. How are they connected? What secondary effects might they produce? For a compelling and argumentative essay, answer these questions using research material and interview data.

For help with this topic, read our guide explaining what is persuasive writing ?If you are interested in learning more, check out our essay writing tips !

Martin is an avid writer specializing in editing and proofreading. He also enjoys literary analysis and writing about food and travel.

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The unemployment impacts of COVID-19: lessons from the Great Recession

Subscribe to the economic studies bulletin, stephanie aaronson and stephanie aaronson senior associate director, division of research and statistics - federal reserve board francisca alba francisca alba former research analyst - economic studies.

April 15, 2020

12 min read

Efforts to stop the spread of the novel coronavirus—particularly the closure of nonessential businesses—are having an unprecedented impact on the U.S. economy. Nearly 17 million people filed initial claims for unemployment insurance over the past three weeks, suggesting that the unemployment rate is already above 15 percent [1] —well above the rate at the height of the Great Recession.

However, these aggregate statistics mask substantial variation across the country. Some cities, such as New York, are already experiencing full blown pandemics and non-essential business activity has been substantially halted. In other areas economic activity has slowed less. This variation represents the degree of spread of the virus, the timing and extent of the state and local response, and the sectoral mix of economic activity. Work by our colleagues suggests that metropolitan areas dependent on energy, tourism, and leisure and hospitality are likely to suffer greater slowdowns, while those that depend more on industry, agriculture, or professional services will suffer less.

Figure 1 [2] displays the sum of initial claims for unemployment insurance filed during the weeks ending March 21, March 28, and April 4 for selected states as a share of the labor force [3] . As can be seen, in the hardest hit areas, the number of initial claims as a share of the labor force was double or triple that of the least affected areas. While some of the differential likely reflects variation in unemployment insurance systems across states, this explanation is unlikely to explain the entire differential. Since, as can be seen, the states with relatively more claims include those dependent on tourism (Nevada and Hawaii) and those which have been hard hit by the virus ( Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and Michigan ), while those with few claims have low incidence of the virus. Hence, it does appear, at least to start, there has been an idiosyncratic aspect to how states, and implicitly metropolitan areas, are affected by the pandemic. Eventually, however, a shock of the magnitude of the novel coronavirus will certainly result in a national recession, affecting the entire country to a greater or lesser degree.

In this post, we examine how shocks to the economy, like the one we are experiencing now with the coronavirus, play out at the metropolitan level, with a specific focus on the unemployment rate. We use as our laboratory the Great Recession, which started in metropolitan areas that were most affected by the housing bubble and bust, but then spread nationally. In line with previous research, we find that there is persistence in the unemployment rate across metropolitan areas. Idiosyncratic shocks disrupt these persistent differentials, but over time local economies adjust, and metropolitan areas tend to re-sort back to their previous place in the distribution. Our results also suggest that negative macroeconomic shocks tend to affect high-unemployment rate areas most harshly, and that strong macroeconomic performance helps to ameliorate not only the aggregate shocks, but also the differences across metropolitan areas.

Metropolitan Areas Tend to Have Similar Unemployment Rates Over Time

As has been well documented, the economies of metropolitan areas vary in structural ways, for instance based on their industrial mix, geography , demographics , and infrastructure. These structural differences result in persistent differences in labor market outcomes, including unemployment rates [4] .

In Figure 2, we examine the persistence of the unemployment rate by metropolitan area. Each dot represents a metropolitan area, and dots are color coded according to their quartile in the distribution of unemployment rates in 2006. The x-axis denotes the metropolitan area’s unemployment rate in 2006 and the y-axis the area’s unemployment rate in 2018. These are both years at which the economy was near, but not at its peak.

Figure 2 shows a clear, positive relationship between unemployment rates in 2006 and 2018: lower unemployment rates in 2006 are associated with lower unemployment rates in 2018. Notably this relationship holds across the entire sample, and also within the unemployment rate quartiles. Our results suggest that a 1 percentage point higher unemployment rate in 2006 is associated with a 0.6 percentage point higher unemployment rate in 2018. Moreover, the unemployment rate in 2006 explains 44 percent of the variation in the unemployment rate in 2018.

Although Metropolitan Areas Experiencing Idiosyncratic Shocks Undergo Large Changes in Their Unemployment Rates, They Tend to Revert Back to Their Previous Place in the Distribution:

In addition to the persistent characteristics that shape the economies of metropolitan areas over long periods, idiosyncratic events specific to metropolitan areas can also have a significant impact. Examples of these types of shocks include storms, like Hurricane Katrina, which reshaped New Orleans, or technical changes such as hydraulic fracturing, which made it possible to extract oil and gas from areas where they were previously inaccessible. These idiosyncratic shocks may or may not have long-lasting impacts.

Figure 3 shows the distribution of metropolitan area unemployment rates over a fourteen-year period. The figure highlights five metropolitan areas. In 2006 these highlighted areas were in the first quartile of the distribution; meaning that these areas had lower levels of unemployment than 75 percent of the metropolitan areas displayed in the figure. By 2009, these five areas had unemployment rates that were in the top quartile of the distribution that year. While it is true that the unemployment rate on aggregate was also rising during this period (as can be seen by the fact that the unemployment rates of all the other metropolitan areas, represented by the light gray bars, move up), these areas were affected earlier and by more—a function of the fact that they were hit by a specific, negative idiosyncratic shock: the bursting of the housing bubble. These metropolitan areas are located in Florida and Nevada, states with large housing bubbles, and the specific metropolitan areas highlighted experienced large drops in local housing prices when the bubble burst in 2007 [5] .

Like the financial crisis, the current crisis also has an idiosyncratic component. As noted in the introduction, metropolitan areas first affected by the virus closed non-essential businesses earlier. Moreover, the economies of metropolitan areas reliant on tourism, leisure and hospitality, and energy slowed quickly as travel restrictions were imposed and global demand declined. Other areas with fewer cases of the virus and those with economies dependent on industry, agriculture, or professional services appear so far to have been less impacted.

Interestingly, Figure 3 also illustrates that by 2018 these metropolitan areas that faced a negative shock from the bursting of the housing bubble had largely recuperated, with unemployment rates returning to levels similar to 2005/2006. This finding is in line with Blanchard and Katz (1992) who show that state-level unemployment rates tend to recover approximately five to seven years after experiencing a negative shock to employment. Note, this isn’t to say that adjustment is automatic—indeed specific policies geared at addressing idiosyncratic shocks may be necessary to help local areas cope when they face a crisis.

A Strong National Economy Helps All Metropolitan Areas, Even Those with Persistently High Unemployment Rates

Figure 4 plots the distribution of the unemployment rate by metropolitan area from 2005 to 2018, with dots of different colors and sizes identifying the quartiles of the unemployment rate distribution in 2006, as in Figure 2. (We make the dots different sizes to make it possible to follow the movements in the unemployment rates of the metropolitan areas from year to year.)

There are several phenomena that can be observed in this graph. One is the central tendency of the metropolitan area unemployment rates—as a whole, are the unemployment rates relatively high or low in a given year—which reflects the state of the business cycle. The second is how disperse the unemployment rates are—are the unemployment rates across the metropolitan areas relatively similar (are they clumped together) or are they spread out, with some areas having high rates and others relatively low rates. And the third is the relative position of the unemployment rates of specific metropolitan areas—do metropolitan areas that have high or low unemployment rates to start remain in those positions over the entire time period. To help elucidate these points, we also show the mean, range, and variance of the unemployment rates for groups of years in Table 1.

The first thing to note in Figure 4 is the impact of the Great Recession across metropolitan areas. As the recession gained full force in 2009, metropolitan unemployment rates as a whole began to increase. Second, the differences in unemployment rates across metropolitan areas widened in years in which the economy was underperforming. And, metropolitan areas that started off relatively disadvantaged tended to experience the highest unemployment rates during the recession. This information is summarized in Table 1, where we can see that the mean, variance, and range of the unemployment rate all increase substantially during the recession from the pre-recession period.

Table 1: Spread of the Unemployment Rate

Of course, this aggregate phenomenon is being laid on top of the idiosyncratic shocks we discussed previously, in particular, the bursting of the housing bubble. For instance, the metropolitan areas that we identified as having been particularly hard hit by the bursting of the housing are among those metropolitan areas captured by the yellow dots, which rise much more than average during the financial crisis and recession. But, as the economy recovered, and the aggregate unemployment rate fell, metropolitan area unemployment rates began to converge again. Many areas that saw the largest deterioration in their unemployment rates during the financial crisis and the Great Recession experienced substantial improvement. This finding is consistent with prior research demonstrating that strong macroeconomic conditions are particularly beneficial for workers that are disadvantaged in the labor market.

Notably, the distribution of unemployment rates in 2018 looks fairly similar to that of 2005 and 2006. By this we mean that metropolitan areas with the lowest unemployment rates prior to the Great Recession (the yellow dots) tend to have lower unemployment rates in 2018 and metropolitan areas with the highest unemployment rates (the purple dots) tend to have higher unemployment rates. This is just another way of illustrating the result in Figure 2, showing the persistence of the unemployment rate across metropolitan areas over time, even in the face of significant idiosyncratic and macroeconomic shocks.

Policy Implications for COVID-19:

Metropolitan areas have high (or low) unemployment rates for different reasons. First, there are structural causes—such as average education levels or industry mix—which mean that some areas tend to have high or low unemployment rates over time. Second, there are local idiosyncratic shocks that might cause metropolitan areas to see large but typically transitory increases or decreases in their unemployment rates. Finally, metropolitan areas are buffeted by the business cycle—aggregate shocks that play out similarly, although not identically, across metropolitan areas.

The current crisis in which we find ourselves is no different. Before the pandemic reached our shores, metropolitan areas had distinct capacities to respond based on their structural differences. The impact of the virus will vary across metropolitan areas depending on their exposure and industrial mix. Finally, all metropolitan areas will experience the spillovers from the deep recession as economic activity is curtailed.

Policymakers should take into account these different types of shocks that are buffeting localities, because they suggest different policies. Our results indicate that policies aimed at ensuring liquidity in financial markets now and stimulating aggregate demand once it becomes safe to engage in non-essential economic activity will have a broad positive impact on economic outcomes across metropolitan areas and will reduce disparities between them. However, some localities will require more help, either because they face a particularly pernicious impact from the pandemic or because long-standing structural factors make it particularly difficult for them to weather the economic headwinds we face. Our colleagues Louise Sheiner and Sage Belz show that state tax revenues declined by about 9 percent during the Great Recession and argue that recently passed legislation—such as CARES Act and FFCRA—does not provide enough funding to prevent states and localities from cutting spending. Similarly, our colleague Matt Fiedler and Wilson Powell III make the case for increasing the federal match rate for Medicaid in proportion to the amount that the state’s unemployment rate exceeds some threshold. And the Metropolitan program discuss policies that would bolster metropolitan areas by supporting small businesses.

Becca Portman contributed to the graphics/data visualization for this blog.

[1] This is a back-of-the-envelope calculation which assumes all initial claims translate into spells of unemployment. We take the number of initial claims from the weeks ending in April 4, March 28, and March 21 (16,780 thousand); add the number of unemployed people in March 2020 (7140 thousand); and divide by the March 2020 labor force: (16,780 + 7140)/162913 = 14.68%. Although it is not always the case that initial claims translate into spells of unemployment, this calculation is, nonetheless, most likely an underestimate of the unemployment rate as not all people who become unemployed are eligible to receive benefits and not everyone who is eligible for unemployment insurance applies. Moreover, this estimate likely understates the number of people who have tried to file claims in recent weeks, due to limitations with the state unemployment insurance systems which have been overwhelmed. That said, there is currently less certainty about the relationship between insured unemployment and aggregate unemployment because of changes in the unemployment insurance eligibility rules. [2] Note that the ratios in this graph should be interpreted with caution. We choose the total labor force as the denominator because recent legislation has changed the types of workers covered by unemployment insurance. However, this denominator likely overstates the number of people covered by unemployment insurance. The numerator is not without issues either. As mentioned above, it is likely to understate the number of people who have attempted to file claims, due to limitations with the unemployment insurance systems. [3] Claims data by metropolitan area aren’t readily available. [4] Katheryn Russ and Jay Shambaugh show that the persistence of the unemployment rate is related to the average level of education in a county. They find that counties with lower levels of education have higher levels of persistence. In other words, areas with lower, average education are more likely to get “stuck” with a high unemployment rate over time. [5] We also examine metropolitan areas that were in the fourth quartile of the distribution in 2006 and subsequently moved to near the bottom of the distribution in 2009. We find that these areas are mostly located in places with positive energy shocks.

Costs to the Individual

Costs to society, costs to the country, the bottom line, the cost of unemployment to the economy.

It’s not just the price of paying out benefits

Yarilet Perez is an experienced multimedia journalist and fact-checker with a Master of Science in Journalism. She has worked in multiple cities covering breaking news, politics, education, and more. Her expertise is in personal finance and investing, and real estate.

While economists and academics make convincing arguments that a certain natural level of unemployment cannot be erased, elevated unemployment imposes high costs on the individual, society, and the country.

Worse yet, most of the costs are of the dead loss variety, where there are no offsetting gains to the costs that everyone must bear. Depending on how it’s measured, the unemployment rate is open to interpretation. In addition, underemployment can be extremely detrimental to the economy of society as well. Unemployment numbers include people who are working at low-paying or low-skill jobs that do not provide enough full-time hours for benefits or enough to earn a living wage.

Global and national emergencies can trigger both unemployment and underemployment. For example, when the COVID-19 pandemic hit, it left more than 10 million Americans jobless in its first two weeks. The situation was so serious that the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act expanded unemployment benefits to self-employed and part-time workers through Pandemic Emergency Unemployment Assistance and provided up to 39 weeks of benefits beginning on or after Jan. 27, 2020, and ending on or before Dec. 31, 2020.

Key Takeaways

Unemployment has costs to a society that are more than just financial.
Unemployed individuals not only lose income but also face challenges to their physical and mental health.
There are societal costs of high unemployment.
Governmental costs go beyond the payment of benefits to the loss of the production of workers, which reduces the gross domestic product (GDP).
Unemployment affects not on the individual but also their spouses, partners, and children.

The costs of unemployment to the individual are not hard to imagine. When a person loses their job, there is often an immediate impact on their standard of living. Before the Great Recession , the average savings rate in the U.S. had been drifting down toward zero (and sometimes below). There are anecdotal reports that the average person is only a few weeks away from serious financial trouble without a paying job.

Even those eligible for unemployment benefits and other forms of government assistance find it is not enough as these benefits often only replace 50% or less of their regular income. That means these people are consuming far less than usual. However, the economic consequences can go beyond just less consumption. Many people will turn to retirement savings in a pinch, and draining these savings has long-term ramifications.

Prolonged unemployment may lead to an erosion of skills, basically robbing the economy of otherwise useful talents. At the same time, the experience of unemployment (either direct or indirect) may alter how workers plan for their futures—prolonged unemployment can lead to greater skepticism and pessimism. On a similar note, the absence of income created by unemployment can force families to deny educational opportunities to their children and deprive the economy of those future skills.

Last but not least, there are other costs to the individual. Studies have shown that prolonged unemployment harms workers' mental health and can worsen physical health, and shorten lifespans.

The social costs of unemployment are difficult to calculate but no less real. When unemployment becomes a pervasive problem, there are often increased calls for protectionism and severe restrictions on immigration.

Protectionism can not only lead to destructive tit-for-tat retaliation among countries but reductions in trade harm the economic well-being of all trading partners.

Other social costs include how people interact with each other. Studies have shown that times of elevated unemployment may correlate both with less volunteerism and higher crime.

The Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act expanded unemployment benefits to self-employed and part-time workers and helped keep individuals and families solvent during a global pandemic.

The economic costs of unemployment are probably more obvious when viewed through the lens of the national checkbook. Unemployment may lead to higher payments from state and federal governments for unemployment benefits, food assistance, and Medicaid.

Unemployment is also a dangerous state for the U.S. economy. Almost 70% of what the U.S. economy produces goes to personal consumption and unemployed workers.

Even those receiving government support cannot spend at prior levels. The production of those workers leaves the economy, which reduces the gross domestic product (GDP) and moves the country away from the efficient allocation of its resources. For those who subscribe to Jean-Baptiste Say’s theory that the production of goods creates its own demand, that is a serious issue.

It is also worth noting that companies pay a price for high unemployment as well. Unemployment benefits are financed largely by taxes assessed on businesses.

How Does a High Unemployment Rate Affect the Economy?

A high unemployment rate affects the economy in many ways. Unemployed people tend to spend less, may accrue more debt, and unemployment may lead to higher payments from state and federal governments for things like food stamps.

How Do I Get Unemployment Benefits?

You have to apply for unemployment benefits through your state. You can find your state's guidelines via the U.S. Department of Labor website, CareerOneStop . Some states will allow you to file a claim over the phone or online, other states make you file a claim in person. Make sure to have your contact information, like your social security number and information about your former employer on hand.

Should I Use My Retirement Savings if I Am Unemployed?

If you find your unemployment benefits running out or your benefits don't stretch enough to pay the bills, you could be tempted to pull money out of a retirement account. However, it isn't always the best idea. If you withdraw early, you will be hit with a 10% percent penalty tax, plus state and federal taxes, unless you meet certain eligibility requirements to waive the penalty tax. You could consider a loan from your retirement account, which does not incur penalities.

Governments worry about the consequences of inflation, but unemployment is likewise a serious issue. Apart from the social unrest and disgruntlement that unemployment can produce in the electorate, high unemployment can have a self-perpetuating negative impact on businesses and the country's economic health.

Worse still, some of the more pernicious effects of unemployment are subtle and long-lasting. Consumer and business confidence are key to economic recoveries, and workers must feel confident in their future to invest in developing the skills—and building the savings —that the economy needs to grow in the future. The unemployment costs go far beyond the accumulated sums handed out as unemployment insurance benefits.

International Monetary Fund. " Unemployment: The Curse of Joblessness ."

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. " Monthly Labor Review: Unemployment rises in 2020, as the Country Battles the COVID-19 Pandemic ."

U.S. Department of Labor. " Advisory: Unemployment Insurance Program Letter NO. 14-20 ," Page 3.

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. " Monthly Labor Review: Great Recession, Great Recovery? Trends from the Current Population Survey ."

Federal Reserve Bank of St Louis, FRED. " Personal Saving Rate ."

American Psychological Association (APA). " The Toll of Job Loss ."

US National Library of Medicine. " Effects of unemployment on mental and physical health ."

American Immigration Council. " The Economic Blame Game: Immigration and Unemployment ."

Urban Institute. " Consequences of Long-Term Unemployment ," Pages 4 and 5.

U.S. Department of Labor. " Unemployment Insurance Relief During COVID-19 Outbreak ."

Bureau of Economic Analysis. “ National Income and Product Accounts Tables: Table 1.1.6. Real GDP ,” Select “Modify,” Select “First Year 2019,” Select “Series Annual,” Select “Refresh Table.”

Mises Institute. " Say's Law in Context ."

Internal Revenue Service. " Understanding Employment Taxes ," Page 7.

What Is Unemployment? Causes, Types, and Measurement 1 of 43
What Does Termination of Employment Mean? 2 of 43
What Is an Unemployment Claim? 3 of 43
Unemployment Compensation: Definition, Requirements, and Example 4 of 43
What Is Severance Pay? Definition and Why It's Offered 5 of 43
The Layoff Payoff: A Severance Package 6 of 43
7 Considerations When You Negotiate Severance 7 of 43
7 Effective Ways to Prepare for a Layoff 8 of 43
Unemployment Insurance (UI): How It Works, Requirements, and Funding 9 of 43
How to Apply for Unemployment Insurance Now 10 of 43
Who Doesn't Get Unemployment Insurance? 11 of 43
What Was Private Unemployment Insurance? 12 of 43
How to Pay Your Bills When You Lose Your Job 13 of 43
Can I Access Money in My 401(k) If I Am Unemployed? 14 of 43
All About COBRA Health Insurance 15 of 43
Medical Debt: What to Do When You Can’t Pay 16 of 43
Help, My Unemployment Benefits Are Running Out 17 of 43
What Is the Unemployment Rate? Rates by State 18 of 43
How Is the U.S. Monthly Unemployment Rate Calculated? 19 of 43
Unemployment Rates: The Highest and Lowest Worldwide 20 of 43
What You Need to Know About the Employment Report 21 of 43
U-3 vs. U-6 Unemployment Rate: What's the Difference? 22 of 43
Participation Rate vs. Unemployment Rate: What's the Difference? 23 of 43
What the Unemployment Rate Does Not Tell Us 24 of 43
How the Unemployment Rate Affects Everybody 25 of 43
How Inflation and Unemployment Are Related 26 of 43
How the Minimum Wage Impacts Unemployment 27 of 43
The Cost of Unemployment to the Economy 28 of 43
Okun’s Law: Economic Growth and Unemployment 29 of 43
What Can Policymakers Do To Decrease Cyclical Unemployment? 30 of 43
What Happens When Inflation and Unemployment Are Positively Correlated? 31 of 43
The Downside of Low Unemployment 32 of 43
Frictional vs. Structural Unemployment: What’s the Difference? 33 of 43
Structural vs. Cyclical Unemployment: What's the Difference? 34 of 43
Cyclical Unemployment: Definition, Cause, Types, and Example 35 of 43
Disguised Unemployment: Definition and Different Types 36 of 43
Employment-to-Population Ratio: Definition and What It Measures 37 of 43
Frictional Unemployment: Definition, Causes, and Quit Rate Explained 38 of 43
Full Employment: Definition, Types, and Examples 39 of 43
Labor Force Participation Rate: Purpose, Formula, and Trends 40 of 43
Labor Market Explained: Theories and Who Is Included 41 of 43
What Is the Natural Unemployment Rate? 42 of 43
Structural Unemployment: Definition, Causes, and Examples 43 of 43

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Home — Essay Samples — Economics — Unemployment — Understanding Unemployment: Types, Causes, and Solutions

Understanding Unemployment: Types, Causes, and Solutions

Categories: Unemployment

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Words: 792 |

Published: Feb 12, 2024

Words: 792 | Pages: 2 | 4 min read

Unemployment

Hidden unemployment: This refers to cases of unemployment that are not officially recorded. Many instances of unemployment go unreported, and government statistics do not accurately represent the true extent of the problem.
Cyclical unemployment: This type of unemployment occurs as a result of fluctuations in the economy. During periods of economic downturn, there is a decrease in job opportunities, leading to a rise in unemployment rates.
Seasonal unemployment: Some jobs are only available during specific seasons and are not available year-round. Individuals working in such seasonal jobs are considered unemployed during the off-season (Abbot, 2010).
Long-term unemployment: This refers to individuals who have been unemployed for an extended period, usually six months or more. Long-term unemployment can have severe consequences for individuals and society as a whole.
Underemployment: Underemployment occurs when individuals are employed in jobs that do not fully utilize their skills and qualifications. They are often working in positions below their educational or experiential level.
Hardcore unemployment: This type of unemployment is caused by personal reasons such as mental, psychological, or physical barriers that prevent individuals from securing employment.
Structural unemployment: Structural changes in the economy, such as technological advancements or shifts in industries, can lead to job losses and a reduction in work opportunities. This type of unemployment is referred to as structural unemployment.
Frictional unemployment: Frictional unemployment occurs when individuals become unemployed due to conflicts or incompatibility between two different jobs or occupations.
Economic growth: Economic growth can have both positive and negative effects on unemployment. While economic growth indicates a thriving economy, it can also lead to a decrease in employment opportunities. As the economy grows, certain industries may become obsolete, resulting in job losses.
Technology: Technological advancements often lead to job displacement as machines and automation replace human labor. This trend is particularly evident in industries where capital-intensive mechanisms are used, making it more cost-effective to employ machines than humans.
Seasonal fluctuations: Certain industries, such as agriculture and tourism, experience seasonal variations in demand. During off-peak seasons, workers in these industries may face unemployment.
Microeconomic policies: Changes in microeconomic policies can impact employment levels. The implementation of new policies may lead to economic uncertainty, causing businesses to reduce their workforce or delay hiring.
Constraints in economic growth: Economic constraints and uncertainties can discourage companies from hiring new employees. During periods of economic downturn, companies may lay off staff to cut costs.
Abbot, L. (2010). Theories of the Labour Market and Employment: A Review. Washington: Industrial Systems Research.
Harris, N. (2001). Business economics: theory and application. London: Butterworth-Heinemann.
Hooks, G. (2003). Unemployment: Causes and Solutions. New York: Routledge.
Symes, E. (1995). Unemployment: A Social Analysis. London: Routledge.

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Covid-19, unemployment, and health: time for deeper solutions?

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Martin Hensher , associate professor of health systems financing and organisation 1 2
1 Deakin Health Economics, Deakin University, 221 Burwood Highway, Burwood, VIC 3125, Australia
2 Menzies Institute for Medical Research, University of Tasmania
Correspondence to: martin.hensher{at}deakin.edu.au

As covid-19 drives unemployment rates around the world to levels unseen in generations, once radical economic policy proposals are rapidly gaining a hearing. Martin Hensher examines how job guarantee or universal basic income schemes might support better health and better economics

Covid-19 has been a dramatic global health and economic shock. As SARS-CoV-2 spread across nations, economic activity plummeted, first as individuals changed their behaviour and then as government “lockdowns” took effect. 1 Macroeconomic forecasters foresee a major recession continuing through 2020 and into 2021. 2 Although the governments of many nations have taken novel steps to protect workers, unemployment has risen dramatically in many countries ( box 1 , fig 1 ); poverty and hunger are on the rise in low and middle income countries. 5 Covid-19 has directly caused illness and death at a large scale, and further threatens health through disruption of access to health services for other conditions.

Covid-19 and unemployment

Although unemployment soared in response to covid-19 in some nations, the policy measures undertaken by others have prevented many workers from becoming technically unemployed. In the United Kingdom, the headline rate of unemployment for April-June 2020 was 3.9%—only slightly higher than the 3.89% rate in April-June 2019. Yet in June 2020 9.3 million people were in the coronavirus job retention scheme (“furlough”) and another 2.7 million had claimed a self-employment income support scheme grant; there had been the largest ever decrease in weekly hours worked; 650 000 fewer workers were reported on payrolls in June than in March; and the benefit claimant count had more than doubled from 1.24 million to 2.63 million people. 3 The Australian Bureau of Statistics has produced an adjusted estimate of Australian unemployment that includes all those temporarily stood down or laid off, to allow a closer comparison with US and Canadian statistics ( fig 1 ). As emergency support measures are wound back, concern is growing that the downwards trend from the April peak might not be maintained in coming months.

Unemployment rates in Australia, Canada, and the United States from March to July 2020. 4

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The pandemic continues to spread, and hopes for a rapid “return to normal” look increasingly unfounded. The economic consequences of covid-19 have the potential to further damage human health if not managed effectively—even after the pandemic has faded. Even with the most rose tinted views of recovery, the effects of covid-19 on unemployment are likely to be substantial and long lived. Ambitious responses to the imminent scourge of mass unemployment are being discussed. Two such proposals—a job guarantee and universal basic income—might protect and promote health as well as prosperity. Governments around the world should consider radical plans to safeguard their citizens’ livelihoods and wellbeing.

Unemployment and health in the time of covid-19

Decades of accumulated evidence show a strong and consistent association between unemployment and a range of adverse health outcomes, including all cause mortality, death from cardiovascular disease and suicide, and higher rates of mental distress, substance abuse, depression, and anxiety. 6 7 8 Job insecurity is similarly associated with poorer self-assessed health status, mental distress, depression, and anxiety. 9 Unemployment and economic adversity are intimately related with despair and lack of hope, which have increasingly been linked with mortality and the rise and severity of the US opioid epidemic. 10 11 Whether recessions and mass unemployment increase aggregate mortality is less clear; historical studies indicated improvements in mortality during the Great Depression in the 1930s, 7 but more recent US research found that older workers (aged 45-66) who lose their jobs in a recession have higher mortality than those who lose their jobs in boom times. 12 Insecurity, precariousness, and austerity harmed both unemployed and employed people during the protracted economic crisis in Greece after 2008-09. 13 Meanwhile, differing welfare state institutions and unemployment insurance arrangements directly limit or amplify health inequalities in a society. 7 14

These factors could adversely affect the health of growing numbers of unemployed workers after covid-19. 15 16 Governments, business lobbyists, and civil society advocates around the world are debating how economies might best recover from the covid recession. Although governments currently acknowledge the need to spend freely during the crisis, experience suggests that pressure to pursue misguided austerity policies might grow, threatening subsequent recovery. Options on the table range from “green new deal” programmes to build a post-carbon economy and national industrial strategies to bring globalised manufacturing back onshore through to calls for reducing wages and labour protections to “free up” labour markets. Yet these are all indirect approaches to the effects of unemployment. Proposals for a job guarantee or a universal basic income seek to act more directly to support individual citizens.

The job guarantee

The idea of a right to employment can be traced back to the US New Deal in the 1930s, and to Article 23 of the 1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. More recently, in the contest for the Democratic Party’s 2020 candidate for US president, senators Bernie Sanders, Kirsten Gillibrand, and Cory Booker all included a job guarantee in their platforms, as did Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s green new deal resolution. More than one detailed proposal for a Federal Job Guarantee has been published in the US 17 18 and in Australia. 19 In one US proposal, 18 a federally funded public service employment programme would provide a standing offer of work at a living wage ($15 (£12; €13) an hour), along with key benefits including healthcare coverage. Employees of this programme would be deployed on a wide range of public works and community development activities, delivered through federal, state, local, and non-profit agencies. The proposal argues that this would effectively eliminate unwanted joblessness and underemployment and would rapidly force the private sector to increase wages to match this “living wage” alternative, lifting millions out of poverty and greatly improving the incomes of working poor people. 18 Proponents argue that the job guarantee is the most efficient “automatic stabiliser” for the economy throughout the business cycle, able to adjust up and down to reflect the changing economic health of the private sector. In economic downturns, it would provide guaranteed employment to stop people falling into poverty and losing “employability,” while also supporting aggregate demand to lift the economy out of recession. In boom times, workers will simply exit the programme for the private sector, as firms offer higher wages to secure the additional labour they need.

In the US, the job guarantee has been proposed as not only a key tool for recovery from covid-19, 20 but also a mechanism to ensure that this recovery breaks down historically entrenched racial inequalities in wealth. 21 Similarly, an emerging job guarantee proposal for Australia could rectify decades of welfare policy failures that have disproportionately affected indigenous Australians. 22 Proponents point to successful past or present international experiences with full or targeted employment guarantee programmes, including Argentina’s Plan Jefes, South Africa’s Expanded Public Works Programme, India’s National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, Belgium’s Youth Job Guarantee, the US Youth Incentive Entitlement Pilot Projects, and the UK’s Future Jobs Fund. 20

Universal basic income

Over the past few years, there has been a global explosion of interest in the concept of universal basic income. 23 24 25 Andrew Yang, another former contender for the 2020 Democrat presidential nomination, made universal basic income a central plank of his platform. Such proposals share key characteristics: they are a transfer of income (from the state to individuals) that is provided universally (to everyone, with no targeting), unconditionally (with no requirements, for example to work), and in cash (with no controls on what the money can be spent on). 25 Proposals also typically specify an income that is sufficiently generous that it can fully cover a basic level of living expenses. 23 Universal basic income is a direct means of reducing poverty, by ensuring that all in society receive enough to live with dignity; it could reduce income inequality; it could radically simplify current social welfare systems and remove poverty traps and disincentives to move from welfare into work; it could improve the ability of workers to refuse poorly paid, insecure, exploitative or unsafe jobs, through a reduced fear of loss of income; and it could be a buffer against technological unemployment, as automation and artificial intelligence replace human labour. 23 25 Universality is the key difference from today’s welfare systems; everyone should receive universal basic income as a right of citizenship, and its receipt by all should build the solidarity and legitimacy that will sustain this right. Universal basic income could improve health and reduce health inequities through direct action on various social determinants of health. 26 27 This variety of aims leads to the concept being simultaneously supported by those on the left as a radical, anti-capitalist policy, often viewed as an essential component of the ecological degrowth agenda, and by libertarian, tech capitalists as an efficient solution to the risk that ever expanding digital automation will destroy more jobs than it creates, and as a vital measure to help capitalism survive mass technological unemployment in the future. 28

In the wake of the covid-19 economic shock, universal basic income has been discussed as a potentially powerful policy solution to unprecedented economic dislocation. It has specifically been suggested as a tool for limiting the economic, social, and psychological trauma of covid-19. 29 The Spanish government has just introduced a nationwide, means tested minimum income programme (not universal) as a direct response to covid related unemployment. 30 The US government has made unconditional, one-off economic impact payments to most (but not all) American households. Near universal and unconditional universal basic income programmes have only operated at nationwide scale in two countries, Mongolia and Iran. The Mongolian programme has since ceased, and the Iranian programme is no longer strictly universal (the richest people are no longer eligible). Partial schemes and regional pilots, however, have been run successfully in a wide range of nations. 25 A recent trial that provided universal basic income to 2000 recipients in Finland found that employment outcomes, health, and wellbeing measures were better in the universal basic income group than in the comparison group, 31 and the Scottish government has been contemplating a three year trial of universal basic income in an experimental group of recipients. 32

Potential health benefits

Given the substantial evidence linking unemployment to poor health, proponents of both job guarantee and universal basic income schemes point to their potential health benefits as major arguments in their favour ( table 1 ). 20 26 These measures could be expected to positively affect health through four main pathways: direct effects for individual beneficiaries; knock-on effects improving labour market conditions for all workers; the macroeconomic and distributive benefits of more widespread prosperity; and more localised community effects unlocked by these programmes.

Health effects of job guarantee (JG) and universal basic income (UBI) programmes

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Multiple mechanisms would work through these four pathways to deliver potential health benefits, including reduced mortality and improved physical and mental health status. Key mechanisms include reducing poverty, improving economic security, improving the quality of jobs and work, and rebuilding stronger local communities. Unsurprisingly, pathways that link unemployment with poorer health will be more reliably affected by job guarantee programmes than by universal basic income. But universal basic income offers alternative pathways for better health through informal caring and non-market activities. Both types of programme could help resolve one of the problems that the covid-19 pandemic has brought into sharp focus—that low paid, insecure, and casualised workforces cannot afford to self-isolate or stay at home when sick or potentially infected because they lack access to paid sick leave. This problem has proved especially disastrous for those who care for elderly people.

Controversies and choices

Supporters of job guarantee or universal basic income programmes typically have different priorities and view them as two alternative options, not as complementary programmes that could co-exist. Most job guarantee proposals see it as not only a means to fight unemployment, but also an explicit instrument of macroeconomic policy 38 ; universal basic income would not function as an “automatic stabiliser” in the same way. Critics of job guarantee and universal basic income schemes primarily question their affordability and potential macroeconomic consequences ( box 2 ).

Economic controversies

Implementing a job guarantee or universal basic income programme would be a major economic reform in any nation and a decisive break with the economic orthodoxy that has prevailed since the Thatcher-Reagan revolution of the 1980s. It would undoubtedly be controversial. Most obviously, some would question them on cost and affordability grounds. A job guarantee programme would incur a substantial net cost to governments—modelling of proposed programmes indicates a net cost to the federal budget equivalent to 1.5% of annual general domestic product (GDP) in the US 18 and 2.6% in Australia (based on a net budgetary cost of A$51.7bn). 19 By comparison, the Australian government is spending A$70bn, or 3.6% of its GDP, on its emergency JobKeeper employment protection programme this year—budget costs of these magnitudes are not unheard of. The gross costs of a universal basic income programme would be substantially larger: income of $12 000 (close to the 2017 US poverty line) for every US adult would cost the federal budget about $3tn, or nearly 14% of GDP. 23 Yet this gross cost estimate is arguably misleading, 39 not only because universal basic income would be partially offset by large savings from current welfare programmes, but because so many recipients would return much or all of it in the form of tax payments. One estimate of the net cost of such a programme indicates that it could be as low as 2.95% of US GDP. 39 These proposals emerge as a growing number of economists are saying that the governments of countries in possession of their own sovereign currency can never “run out of money” and can always purchase whatever goods and services are for sale in the currency they issue. 38 40 They also suggest that inflation—the other risk often pointed to by critics of job guarantee or universal basic income—is currently highly unlikely, with a general fear that the covid-19 recession will prove to be deflationary rather than inflationary.

For those concerned with health, however, philosophical differences might be of more interest. Social determinants and socioeconomic inequalities are well understood to be powerful forces driving health outcomes at both individual and population levels. Universal basic income seeks to reduce poverty and inequality by putting in place an absolute floor—a minimum income provided to everyone in society. A job guarantee seeks to affect poverty by ensuring that anyone who wants to work can work, for a living wage in a decent job. But in so doing, a job guarantee also explicitly increases the relative power of workers, ensuring that a larger share of national income flows to labour, rather than to the owners of capital—potentially reducing some of the extreme inequalities in income and wealth distribution that have arisen over the past four decades. One criticism of universal basic income is that it might (whether inadvertently or by design) become a “plutocratic, philanthropic” programme 28 —scraps from the table of the ultra wealthy, which might cement dependence and powerlessness in a future of technological unemployment. Equally, a job guarantee might be criticised as being a mid 20th century solution to a 21st century problem, which will reinforce social hierarchies by insisting on participation in paid employment as the solution to poverty.

The unemployment triggered by covid-19 in so many countries is a clear and present danger to individual and population health. Tinkering around the margins of current welfare systems, exhortations for yet more labour market “flexibility,” or an unwillingness to maintain public spending through a potentially long and drawn out downturn all offer a fast track to poor outcomes. The scale of the covid economic shock demands more radical action. The substantial health harms of unemployment might be mitigated by a universal basic income programme, but if unemployment is the problem, then employment seems likely to deliver more effective mitigation along the many and complex pathways by which these harms are transmitted. If so, implementing national job guarantee programmes should be a more urgent priority for governments in the immediate aftermath of covid-19. A successful job guarantee scheme would avert the harms of unemployment, strengthen the position of ordinary working people, and deliver a more broadly distributed prosperity in the short to medium term. This would be a much better position from which to then debate and trial universal basic income, allowing it to be correctly framed as a strategic, long term solution to the changing future of work, rather than simply as a response to the current economic crisis.

Key messages

Covid-19 has triggered economic recession and unprecedented rapid rises in unemployment in many countries

Mass unemployment has the potential to cause grave harm to individual and population health if not effectively mitigated

The scale of the crisis means that radical solutions might need to be considered, such as a job guarantee or universal basic income programmes

These policies have the potential to protect human health and dignity, but would mark a significant break with economic orthodoxy

Acknowledgments

I acknowledge the Wurundjeri people of the Kulin Nation as the traditional owners of the land on which this work was undertaken.

Contributors and sources: MH has worked on health financing, planning, and economics as a senior policy maker and researcher in the UK, South Africa, and Australia and as a consultant for the World Bank, World Health Organization and the European Commission. His research on the ecological and economic sustainability of healthcare systems has included examining a number of emerging heterodox economic approaches, two of which are gaining in significance: ecological economics and modern monetary theory. Members of these schools have promoted universal basic income and a job guarantee, respectively, over many years. This article builds on the existing academic literature to consider very recent policy proposals that are emerging in response to the threat of mass unemployment in the wake of covid-19.

Patient involvement: No patients were involved.

Competing interests: I have read and understood BMJ policy on declaration of interests and have the following interests to declare: this research was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Scholarship.

↵ Goolsbee A, Syverson C. Fear, lockdown, and diversion: comparing drivers of pandemic economic decline 2020. National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2020. https://www.nber.org/papers/w27432
↵ International Monetary Fund. World economic outlook update: a crisis like no other, an uncertain recovery. June 2020. https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WEO/Issues/2020/06/24/WEOUpdateJune2020
↵ Office for National Statistics. Labour market overview, UK: August 2020. 2020. https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peopleinwork/employmentandemployeetypes/bulletins/uklabourmarket/august2020
↵ Australian Bureau Statistics. Understanding unemployment and the loss of work during the covid-19 period: an Australian and international perspective. 13 August 2020. https://www.abs.gov.au/articles/understanding-unemployment-and-loss-work-during-covid-19-period-australian-and-international-perspective
↵ World Bank. World Bank Group. 100 countries get support in response to covid-19. 19 May 2020. https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2020/05/19/world-bank-group-100-countries-get-support-in-response-to-covid-19-coronavirus
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Free Effects of Unemployment Essay Sample

Introduction.

Unemployment can be defined situation where someone who has of the working age is not able to get any job but would like to get a full time employment. For one to be considered to be unemployment, they must be actively involved in seeking jobs for some time. For instance, we cannot jump into a conclusion that a person who has searched for job within a day is unemployed. One has to have searched for the job at least for some time.

Underemployment is closely related to the issue of unemployment. However, the two have different implications. Underemployed person is the one who is willing to work full time but does not have an opportunity. For instance, a company may be forced to hire people for a half a day to minimize the operational cost.

The problem of unemployment has for long time being the major stumbling block in many economies. Unemployment leads to economic instability. This problem of unemployment is made complex by the fact that it is impossible to an economy to maintain reduce the level of unemployment and reduce the inflation rates at the same time. With respect to this, the situation has been very difficult to manage.

Types of unemployment

There are several types of unemployment. One of the main types of unemployment is the demand deficient unemployment. The demand deficient unemployment mostly occurs in the period of recession or low growth. The level of the aggregate demand is the main determinant of the firms' output. If there is insufficient aggregate demand, firms will consequently cut down the level of output. Consequently, the firm will require less number of workers to meet the new demand. This can be done through lying off some of the workers or even lowering the recruitment rate. The severity of this type of unemployment is determined by the level of recession or economic down turn.

Another common type of unemployment is the structural unemployment. This type of unemployment is caused by inefficiencies in the labor market. According to the Economics help guide, this may occur due to the mismatch of skills or geographical location. One category of this form of unemployment is occupational immobility. There can be jobs in the market but people may lack the relevant skills required for these jobs. Another category of this type of unemployment is geographical immobility. There can be job opportunities but if it is difficult for the unemployed people to reach there or stay there, then it cannot be of any help to them.

Real Wage Unemployment is also type unemployment. This type of unemployment occurs when wages are kept above the equilibrium. This situation leads to excess supply of labor assuming that the labor market is competitive.

Voluntary unemployment occurs when workers decides not to take the job at the wage rate offered. A worker may decide to leave the work if they think that the job does not satisfy their expectations.

Frictional unemployment is another common form of employment. This type occurs when people are between jobs. For instance, fresh graduates may take time to find jobs. Frictional unemployment is a common in economies as people search for the jobs feasible with their skills.

Causes of unemployment

Government wage control is another factor which contributes in creating unemployment in the economy. In most cases, government is engaged in wage control mechanisms as a way of protecting employees from exploitation. According to Lindbeck, government wage regulation can lead to a mismatch between demand and supply in the labor market and hence raise the level of unemployment and the disabled labor and also the workers in declining geographical regions. In other words, government involvement in the wage control has interrupted with the mechanism of the labor market. For instance, the government may set a minimum wage which is too high depending on the returns from the service provided by the employee. In order to reduce the costs related to the manipulation of the wages by the government, an organization will be forced to reduce the number of employees by either laying some of the existing employees. They can also do this by reducing the rate of recruitment of new employees. This raises the level of unemployment in the economy. Through the minimum wage, the government manages to improve the well being of the working poor but at the expense of those who may be laid off.

Another cause of unemployment is the mismatch of locations. Gupta observed that the workers and the jobs are not perfectly mobile geographically. The law of immigration restricts the mobility of the labor across countries. With respect to this, there may be a shortage of the workforce in a certain country but the geographical differences deny the unemployed people a chance to get these opportunities.

Job separation can also be another source of unemployment. Sometimes employed people may change their jobs due to frustration in jobs and changes in career and location preferences and also when they are fired from their employment. Individual's preferences over the type of jobs and areas they like to work with changes with time since their environment is not static. Their expectations are also in a perpetual change. Every person will therefore tend to be rational by choosing the jobs which best fits their expectations.

Effects of unemployment

Unemployment has very many effects on different sectors of the economies. The effects of unemployment on different sectors of the economy are connected since the sectors are also connected in one way or another. For instance, the government sector gets its revenue through taxes levied on the goods and services bought by the households.

Unemployment has posed very serious problems on the government sector. To start with, the government relies on the taxes imposed on goods and services as the main source of its revenue. When there is a high level of unemployment in the economy, the tax revenue will automatically fall since less people will be paying less value added tax (VAT) and income tax. As noted earlier, when there is a high level of unemployment, the victims will tend to lower their levels of consumption. Consequently, the level of aggregate demand will fall. This cuts down the tax revenue imposed on the goods and services purchased by the households. The income tax imposed on the employed people will also fall down as a result of unemployment. As a result of this effect of unemployment on the level of government revenue, government's level of borrowing will rise.

Unemployment increases the level of government expenditure. The government will spend more money on the employment benefits. This is the money spent by the government in compensating the unemployed people. Therefore, the higher the level of unemployment, the higher the amount of the money spent by the government on employment benefits.

Unemployment will also lower the level of GDP for the economy. As the level of unemployment increases, the Gross Domestic Product will fall. In most case, the countries which have high level of unemployment are characterized by a low level of GDP. According to Baumol and Blinder, when the economy grows more slowly than its potential, then it cannot succeed in creating new jobs for the growing labor force which increases the level of employment in the economy. On the other hand, GDP growth faster than the country's capacity reduces the rate of unemployment.

A high level of unemployment is a form of resource wastage. Unemployment level rises when the economy fails to create jobs enough for every person who is willing to work. When a person who has skills fails to get any opportunity to utilize these skills, this is a big loss to the government since it invests a lot of money in fostering different kinds of skills. In addition, the goods and services which these persons could have produced are lost forever and can never be recovered. In other words, unemployment is a resource loss to the government and the entire economy.

High rate of unemployment raise the level of social problems. In most cases, areas of high levels of unemployment tend to have a high rate of crime and vandalism. Unemployed people are usually faced with the difficulties of meeting their needs. Consequently, these people may engage themselves in criminal activities like burglary as a means to meet their needs. This increases the costs to the government in terms of security maintenance.

Unemployment causes stress to the unemployed people. It also lowers the health status of members of the state. This increases the government expenditure on the health sector. This money incurred by the government on treatment expenses could have been used in economy building activities.

A rise in the level of unemployment has an effect of altering the rate of inflation. This has led to market instability. This has negatively affected the business sector. Most of the companies have been forced to undergo such hardships like maintaining the global value of companies. This has negatively affected the economic activities in the economy which has incurred the government sector a lot of costs.

In conclusion, this discussion has clearly shown the effects of unemployment. The study has revealed that unemployment has posed a very big danger on the government and household or consumer sector. Unemployment cuts down the level of domestic income. Households are then forced to cut down their level of consumption. Consequently, the level of aggregate demand will fall which will further worsen the situation. The problem is therefore very serious when it sets in. There is a need for the government to come up with different measures to solve the problem of unemployment. For instance, the government can invest on education to reduce the level of illiteracy. This will equip the citizens with the necessary skills so that they can grab any opportunity which comes along. It is also advisable for the governments to concentrate on developments which can generate employment. Such developments include infrastructure and industrial relations. Unemployment can also be reduced by implementing the appropriate monetary policies. By so doing, the government will solve the problems that results from unemployment.

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Unemployment Essay

500+ words essay on unemployment.

Unemployment is a serious problem among young people. There are thousands of people who do not have any work to do and cannot find work for themselves. Unemployment refers to the situation where a person wants to work but cannot find employment in the labour market. One of the major reasons that contribute to unemployment is the large population of India and the limited availability of resources. In this essay on unemployment, we will discuss all these issues responsible for unemployment in India and how we can overcome this problem. Students must go through this unemployment essay to get ideas on how to write an effective essay on the topic related to unemployment. Also, they can practice more CBSE essays on different topics to boost their writing skills.

Unemployment is measured by the unemployment rate, defined as the number of people actively looking for a job as a percentage of the labour force. The unemployment rate for the year 2013-14 in rural India was 4.7%, whereas it was 5.5% for urban India. In the short term, unemployment significantly reduces a person’s income and, in the long term, it reduces their ability to save for retirement and other goals. Unemployment is a loss of valuable productive resources to the economy. The impact of job loss in rural and regional areas flows through the local community, damaging businesses.

Reason for Unemployment

An unemployed person is one who is an active member of the labour force and is seeking work but is unable to find any work for himself. There are multiple reasons behind the unemployment of a person. One of them is the slow economic growth, due to which jobs in adequate numbers are not created. Excessive dependence on agriculture and slow growth of non-farm activities also limit employment generation. Unemployment in urban areas is mainly the result of substantial rural migration to urban areas. This has also resulted in a labour workforce in cities. The lack of technology and proper machinery has also contributed to unemployment.

The present educational system is based on theoretical knowledge instead of practical work. Thus, it lacks the development of aptitude and technical qualifications required for various types of work among job seekers. This has created a mismatch between the need and availability of relevant skills and training. This results in unemployment, especially among the youth and educated people with high degrees and qualifications. Apart from it, the lack of investment and infrastructure has led to inadequate employment opportunities in different sectors.

Steps to Eliminate Unemployment

Various strategies and proposals have been implemented to generate employment. Many Employment programmes and policies have been introduced and undertaken to boost self-employment and help unemployed people engage in public works. The Government of India has taken several policy measures to fight the problem of unemployment. Some of the measures are the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), National Skill Development Mission, Swarna Jayanti Shahari Rozgar Yojana (SJSRY), Regional Rural Banks (RRBs).

Despite the measures taken by the government, India remains a country experiencing severe unemployment problems. It can be resolved by imparting education in such a way that youth get the necessary skills so as to get employment easily. Setting up various vocational training and vocational courses for undergraduate and postgraduate students will help in finding employment for youth. The government needs to emphasise these courses at the primary level and make them a compulsory part of the curriculum to make students proficient in their early stages of life. Career counselling should be provided within schools and colleges so that students can choose a better career option based on their interests and ability. Government should create more job opportunities for the youth and graduates.

India is a fast-growing economy. There is an enormous scope for improvement in the unemployment sector. The various measures and steps taken by the government to increase the employment rate have succeeded to a great extent. The widespread skill development programmes have gained popularity across the nation. With better enforcement of the strategies, the employment level can be significantly improved. Although, we have to go a long way before we can say that all the people in India will get employment.

We hope this essay on unemployment must have helped students in boosting their essay-writing skills. Keep learning and visiting the BYJU’S website for more study material.

Frequently Asked Questions on Unemployment Essay

Is unemployment still an existing problem in india.

Yes, unemployment is still a serious issue in our country. Steps need to be taken by the government and also by the youngsters in India to improve this situation.

Is it necessary for schoolchildren to be informed about unemployment?

Students at this young age should definitely be informed about this topic as it will motivate them to study and aim for higher scores in exams.

What points are to be added to an essay topic on Unemployment?

Add details about different age groups of people suffering from this state of employment. You can focus on the fact that poverty is an indirect reason for unemployment and vice-versa. Then, suggest steps that can be taken to bring about an improvement in education and increase the percentage of literacy.

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The Crime Rate of the United States

This essay about the United States crime rate explores its fluctuations over the decades, underlying causes, and the impact of societal and policy changes on crime dynamics. The discussion begins with a historical overview, noting a significant rise in crime from the 1970s through the early 1990s, followed by a decline into the early 2000s. It examines recent trends showing slight increases in certain types of crimes, including cybercrime, and considers socioeconomic factors like unemployment and poor education as major influences on crime rates. Additionally, the essay addresses how public perception and media coverage, particularly regarding police practices, affect both crime rates and policy responses. It critiques the tough-on-crime approaches of the late 20th century while highlighting contemporary shifts towards criminal justice reform focused on rehabilitation and addressing root causes such as mental health and economic disparity. The essay emphasizes the need for a multidisciplinary approach to understanding crime in the U.S., advocating for policies that prioritize prevention, equity, and rehabilitation to foster a safer and more just society.

How it works

Delving into the intricate realm of crime dynamics in the United States entails navigating a labyrinth of statistical intricacies, historical ebbs and flows, and multifaceted societal influences. Crime rates serve as multifaceted barometers, reflecting not only the pulse of social vitality but also the convolutions of economic inequity and the efficacy of law enforcement and judicial apparatus. This discourse embarks on an expedition through the crime landscape in the United States, honing its lens on the undulating patterns over time, the myriad catalysts shaping these oscillations, and the consequential reverberations resonating throughout society and policy corridors.

Historically, the United States has borne witness to undulant undulations in its crime metrics. The late 20th century, particularly the epoch spanning from the 1970s to the early 1990s, bore witness to a seismic surge in criminal activity, notably in the realm of violent transgressions such as homicide, assault, and theft. However, from the mid-1990s onward, a discernible downturn in crime rates manifested, a trajectory that persisted into the nascent years of the 21st century. This downturn has been subjected to rigorous scrutiny and debate, with hypotheses attributing it to an array of catalysts including advancements in policing methodologies, demographic aging, heightened incarceration rates, and even the phased elimination of lead from gasoline and paint.

In recent epochs, particularly in the aftermath of the 2008 economic cataclysm and myriad social and political convulsions, select locales have borne witness to a volte-face in this trajectory, with marginal upticks observed in select categories of criminality, including property offenses and violent misdemeanors. The advent of the digital epoch has further augmented the crime paradigm, with cyber malfeasance and identity usurpation emerging as ubiquitous threats, rendering the precise quantification and mitigation of criminality an increasingly Herculean task.

A constellation of variables conspires to orchestrate the capricious undulations in U.S. crime metrics. Socioeconomic factors exert a palpable gravitational pull, with locales grappling with elevated unemployment rates, educational deserts, and substandard housing stock invariably manifesting augmented crime indices. Additionally, the sinuous interplay of social and cultural dynamics, such as shifts in communal attitudes toward criminality and trust in law enforcement, exerts a pivotal influence. The pervasive media spotlight on instances of police malfeasance and ensuing public scrutiny of policing paradigms has not only sculpted communal perceptions but also engendered seismic shifts in law enforcement strategies.

Policy ripostes to crime in the United States have traversed a broad spectrum, oft swayed by political winds and public sentiment. The punitive ethos of yesteryears, emblematic of the 1980s and 1990s, precipitated a carceral deluge, with certain analyses positing a causal nexus with the subsequent downturn in crime metrics. Nevertheless, these draconian measures exacted a prohibitive social and economic toll, disproportionately impacting marginalized demographics. In contemporary epochs, a discernible pivot toward criminal justice reform has materialized, heralding an epoch wherein rehabilitation supersedes retribution, mandatory minimum sentences are eschewed, and concerted efforts are directed toward addressing the etiological underpinnings of criminality, including mental health exigencies and economic asymmetries.

Comprehending the crime tableau in the United States mandates a multidisciplinary hermeneutic, one that transcends numerical abstractions to encompass the sprawling tapestry of social, economic, and political milieus. It necessitates a nuanced examination of legislative and law enforcement modalities, communal mores, and economic vicissitudes, all of which conspire to sculpt the contours of crime diachrony. As the United States traverses the annals of temporality, so too will its stratagems for comprehending and addressing criminality, ideally pivoting toward modalities that prioritize prevention, equity, and the reintegration of transgressors, thereby fostering a milieu conducive to communal well-being and legal rectitude.

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The Effect of Quenching Temperature on the Structure and Properties of Alloy Ei437B-VD Blades for a Helicopter Gas Turbine Engine

Published: 20 October 2016
Volume 60 , pages 617–621, ( 2016 )

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B. S. Lomberg 1 ,
M. N. Letnikov 1 ,
I. V. Kabanov 2 &
A. N. Chelombit’ko 3

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Results are given for a study of the effect of quenching temperature on macro- and microstructure, and mechanical properties of nickel-based superalloy EI437B-VD. It is shown that in order to improve structure stability and mechanical properties of rolled bar and stamped GTE blades made of alloy EI437B-VD, and also to avoid a different grain size, it is necessary to reduce quenching temperature in performing heat treatment from 1080 ± 5°C to 1020 ± 5°C.

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State Research Center of the Russian Federation – All-Russia Research Institute of Aviation Materials (VIAM), Moscow, Russia

B. S. Lomberg & M. N. Letnikov

Elektrostal Metallurgical Plant, Elektrostal, Moscow Region, Russia

I. V. Kabanov

Motor Sich Company, Zaporozhie, Ukraine

A. N. Chelombit’ko

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Translated from Metallurg, No. 6, pp. 68–72, June, 2016.

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Lomberg, B.S., Letnikov, M.N., Kabanov, I.V. et al. The Effect of Quenching Temperature on the Structure and Properties of Alloy Ei437B-VD Blades for a Helicopter Gas Turbine Engine. Metallurgist 60 , 617–621 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11015-016-0340-5

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Published : 20 October 2016

Issue Date : September 2016

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s11015-016-0340-5

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