descriptive qualitative research design according to authors

Introduction to Nutrition and Health Research pp 219–248 Cite as

Descriptive Research and Qualitative Research

• Eunsook T. Koh 2 &
• Willis L. Owen 2  

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Descriptive research is a study of status and is widely used in education, nutrition, epidemiology, and the behavioral sciences. Its value is based on the premise that problems can be solved and practices improved through observation, analysis, and description. The most common descriptive research method is the survey, which includes questionnaires, personal interviews, phone surveys, and normative surveys. Developmental research is also descriptive. Through cross-sectional and longitudinal studies, researchers investigate the interaction of diet (e.g., fat and its sources, fiber and its sources, etc.) and life styles (e.g., smoking, alcohol drinking, etc.) and of disease (e.g., cancer, coronary heart disease) development. Observational research and correlational studies constitute other forms of descriptive research. Correlational studies determine and analyze relationships between variables as well as generate predictions. Descriptive research generates data, both qualitative and quantitative, that define the state of nature at a point in time. This chapter discusses some characteristics and basic procedures of the various types of descriptive research.

• Qualitative Research
• Personal Interview
• Food Record
• Nutrition Survey

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Koh, E.T., Owen, W.L. (2000). Descriptive Research and Qualitative Research. In: Introduction to Nutrition and Health Research. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-1401-5_12

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An overview of the qualitative descriptive design within nursing research

Affiliations.

• 1 Associate Professor in Mental Health Nursing, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland.
• 2 Associate Professor in General Nursing, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland.
• 3 Assistant Professor in Mental Health Nursing, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland.
• 4 Chair of Nursing and Chronic Illness, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland.
• 5 Assistant Professor in General Nursing, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland.
• PMID: 34394658
• PMCID: PMC7932381
• DOI: 10.1177/1744987119880234

Background: Qualitative descriptive designs are common in nursing and healthcare research due to their inherent simplicity, flexibility and utility in diverse healthcare contexts. However, the application of descriptive research is sometimes critiqued in terms of scientific rigor. Inconsistency in decision making within the research process coupled with a lack of transparency has created issues of credibility for this type of approach. It can be difficult to clearly differentiate what constitutes a descriptive research design from the range of other methodologies at the disposal of qualitative researchers.

Aims: This paper provides an overview of qualitative descriptive research, orientates to the underlying philosophical perspectives and key characteristics that define this approach and identifies the implications for healthcare practice and policy.

Methods and results: Using real-world examples from healthcare research, the paper provides insight to the practical application of descriptive research at all stages of the design process and identifies the critical elements that should be explicit when applying this approach.

Conclusions: By adding to the existing knowledge base, this paper enhances the information available to researchers who wish to use the qualitative descriptive approach, influencing the standard of how this approach is employed in healthcare research.

Keywords: descriptive research; methodology; nursing research; qualitative research; research methods.

© The Author(s) 2019.

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• Descriptive Research | Definition, Types, Methods & Examples

Descriptive Research | Definition, Types, Methods & Examples

Published on May 15, 2019 by Shona McCombes . Revised on June 22, 2023.

Descriptive research aims to accurately and systematically describe a population, situation or phenomenon. It can answer what , where , when and how   questions , but not why questions.

A descriptive research design can use a wide variety of research methods  to investigate one or more variables . Unlike in experimental research , the researcher does not control or manipulate any of the variables, but only observes and measures them.

Table of contents

When to use a descriptive research design, descriptive research methods, other interesting articles.

Descriptive research is an appropriate choice when the research aim is to identify characteristics, frequencies, trends, and categories.

It is useful when not much is known yet about the topic or problem. Before you can research why something happens, you need to understand how, when and where it happens.

Descriptive research question examples

• How has the Amsterdam housing market changed over the past 20 years?
• Do customers of company X prefer product X or product Y?
• What are the main genetic, behavioural and morphological differences between European wildcats and domestic cats?
• What are the most popular online news sources among under-18s?
• How prevalent is disease A in population B?

Prevent plagiarism. Run a free check.

Descriptive research is usually defined as a type of quantitative research , though qualitative research can also be used for descriptive purposes. The research design should be carefully developed to ensure that the results are valid and reliable .

Survey research allows you to gather large volumes of data that can be analyzed for frequencies, averages and patterns. Common uses of surveys include:

• Describing the demographics of a country or region
• Gauging public opinion on political and social topics
• Evaluating satisfaction with a company’s products or an organization’s services

Observations

Observations allow you to gather data on behaviours and phenomena without having to rely on the honesty and accuracy of respondents. This method is often used by psychological, social and market researchers to understand how people act in real-life situations.

Observation of physical entities and phenomena is also an important part of research in the natural sciences. Before you can develop testable hypotheses , models or theories, it’s necessary to observe and systematically describe the subject under investigation.

Case studies

A case study can be used to describe the characteristics of a specific subject (such as a person, group, event or organization). Instead of gathering a large volume of data to identify patterns across time or location, case studies gather detailed data to identify the characteristics of a narrowly defined subject.

Rather than aiming to describe generalizable facts, case studies often focus on unusual or interesting cases that challenge assumptions, add complexity, or reveal something new about a research problem .

If you want to know more about statistics , methodology , or research bias , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

• Normal distribution
• Degrees of freedom
• Null hypothesis
• Discourse analysis
• Control groups
• Mixed methods research
• Non-probability sampling
• Quantitative research
• Ecological validity

Research bias

• Rosenthal effect
• Implicit bias
• Cognitive bias
• Selection bias
• Negativity bias
• Status quo bias

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• Section 2: Home
• Developing the Quantitative Research Design
• Qualitative Descriptive Design

Overview of Descriptive Design

Sources of data.

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A descriptive design is a flexible, exploratory approach to qualitative research. Descriptive design is referred to in the literature by other labels including generic, general, basic, traditional, interpretive, and pragmatic. Descriptive design as an acceptable research design for dissertation and other robust scholarly research has received varying degrees of acceptance within the academic community. However, descriptive design has been gaining momentum since the early 2000’s as a suitable design for studies that do not fall into the more mainstream genres of qualitative research (ie. Case study, phenomenology, ethnography, narrative inquiry and grounded theory). In contrast to other qualitative designs, descriptive design is not aligned to specific methods (for example, bracketing in phenomenology, bounded systems in case study, or constant comparative analysis in grounded theory). Rather, descriptive design “borrows” methods appropriate to the proposed study from other designs. 

Arguments supporting the flexible nature of descriptive designs describe it as being preferable to forcing a research approach into a design that is not quite appropriate for the nature of the intended study. However, descriptive design has also been criticized for this mixing of methods as well as for the limited literature describing it. The descriptive design can be the foundation for a rigorous study within the ADE program. Because of the flexibility of the methods used, a descriptive design provides the researcher with the opportunity to choose methods best suited to a practice-based research purpose.   

• Example Descriptive Design in an Applied Doctorate

Sources of Data in Descriptive Design

Because of the exploratory nature of descriptive design, the triangulation of multiple sources of data are often used for additional insight into the phenomenon. Sources of data that can be used in descriptive studies are similar to those that may be used in other qualitative designs and include interviews, focus groups, documents, artifacts, and observations.

The following video provides additional considerations for triangulation in qualitative designs including descriptive design: Triangulation: Pairing Thematic and Content Analysis

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Chapter 5: Qualitative descriptive research

Darshini Ayton

Learning outcomes

Upon completion of this chapter, you should be able to:

• Identify the key terms and concepts used in qualitative descriptive research.
• Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of qualitative descriptive research.

What is a qualitative descriptive study?

The key concept of the qualitative descriptive study is description.

Qualitative descriptive studies (also known as ‘exploratory studies’ and ‘qualitative description approaches’) are relatively new in the qualitative research landscape. They emerged predominantly in the field of nursing and midwifery over the past two decades. 1 The design of qualitative descriptive studies evolved as a means to define aspects of qualitative research that did not resemble qualitative research designs to date, despite including elements of those other study designs. 2

Qualitative descriptive studies  describe  phenomena rather than explain them. Phenomenological studies, ethnographic studies and those using grounded theory seek to explain a phenomenon. Qualitative descriptive studies aim to provide a comprehensive summary of events. The approach to this study design is journalistic, with the aim being to answer the questions who, what, where and how. 3

A qualitative descriptive study is an important and appropriate design for research questions that are focused on gaining insights about a poorly understood research area, rather than on a specific phenomenon. Since qualitative descriptive study design seeks to describe rather than explain, explanatory frameworks and theories are not required to explain or ‘ground’ a study and its results. 4 The researcher may decide that a framework or theory adds value to their interpretations, and in that case, it is perfectly acceptable to use them. However, the hallmark of genuine curiosity (naturalistic enquiry) is that the researcher does not know in advance what they will be observing or describing. 4 Because a phenomenon is being described, the qualitative descriptive analysis is more categorical and less conceptual than other methods. Qualitative content analysis is usually the main approach to data analysis in qualitative descriptive studies. 4 This has led to criticism of descriptive research being less sophisticated because less interpretation is required than with other qualitative study designs in which interpretation and explanation are key characteristics (e.g. phenomenology, grounded theory, case studies).

Diverse approaches to data collection can be utilised in qualitative description studies. However, most qualitative descriptive studies use semi-structured interviews (see Chapter 13) because they provide a reliable way to collect data. 3 The technique applied to data analysis is generally categorical and less conceptual when compared to other qualitative research designs (see Section 4). 2,3 Hence, this study design is well suited to research by practitioners, student researchers and policymakers. Its straightforward approach enables these studies to be conducted in shorter timeframes than other study designs. 3 Descriptive studies are common as the qualitative component in mixed-methods research ( see Chapter 11 ) and evaluations ( see Chapter 12 ), 1 because qualitative descriptive studies can provide information to help develop and refine questionnaires or interventions.

For example, in our research to develop a patient-reported outcome measure for people who had undergone a percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI), which is a common cardiac procedure to treat heart disease, we started by conducting a qualitative descriptive study. 5 This project was a large, mixed-methods study funded by a private health insurer. The entire research process needed to be straightforward and achievable within a year, as we had engaged an undergraduate student to undertake the research tasks. The aim of the qualitative component of the mixed-methods study was to identify and explore patients’ perceptions following PCI. We used inductive approaches to collect and analyse the data. The study was guided by the following domains for the development of patient-reported outcomes, according to US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) guidelines, which included:

• Feeling: How the patient feels physically and psychologically after medical intervention
• Function: The patient’s mobility and ability to maintain their regular routine
• Evaluation: The patient’s overall perception of the success or failure of their procedure and their perception of what contributed to it. 5(p458)

We conducted focus groups and interviews, and asked participants three questions related to the FDA outcome domains:

• From your perspective, what would be considered a successful outcome of the procedure?

Probing questions: Did the procedure meet your expectations? How do you define whether the procedure was successful?

• How did you feel after the procedure?

Probing question: How did you feel one week after and how does that compare with how you feel now?

• After your procedure, tell me about your ability to do your daily activities?

Prompt for activities including gardening, housework, personal care, work-related and family-related tasks.

Probing questions: Did you attend cardiac rehabilitation? Can you tell us about your experience of cardiac rehabilitation? What impact has medication had on your recovery?

• What, if any, lifestyle changes have you made since your procedure? 5(p459)

Data collection was conducted with 32 participants. The themes were mapped to the FDA patient-reported outcome domains, with the results confirming previous research and also highlighting new areas for exploration in the development of a new patient-reported outcome measure. For example, participants reported a lack of confidence following PCI and the importance of patient and doctor communication. Women, in particular, reported that they wanted doctors to recognise how their experiences of cardiac symptoms were different to those of men.

The study described phenomena and resulted in the development of a patient-reported outcome measure that was tested and refined using a discrete-choice experiment survey, 6 a pilot of the measure in the Victorian Cardiac Outcomes Registry and a Rasch analysis to validate the measurement’s properties. 7

Advantages and disadvantages of qualitative descriptive studies

A qualitative descriptive study is an effective design for research by practitioners, policymakers and students, due to their relatively short timeframes and low costs. The researchers can remain close to the data and the events described, and this can enable the process of analysis to be relatively simple. Qualitative descriptive studies are also useful in mixed-methods research studies. Some of the advantages of qualitative descriptive studies have led to criticism of the design approach, due to a lack of engagement with theory and the lack of interpretation and explanation of the data. 2

Table 5.1. Examples of qualitative descriptive studies

Qualitative descriptive studies are gaining popularity in health and social care due to their utility, from a resource and time perspective, for research by practitioners, policymakers and researchers. Descriptive studies can be conducted as stand-alone studies or as part of larger, mixed-methods studies.

• Bradshaw C, Atkinson S, Doody O. Employing a qualitative description approach in health care research. Glob Qual Nurs Res. 2017;4. doi:10.1177/2333393617742282
• Lambert VA, Lambert CE. Qualitative descriptive research: an acceptable design. Pac Rim Int J Nurs Res Thail. 2012;16(4):255-256. Accessed June 6, 2023. https://he02.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/PRIJNR/article/download/5805/5064
• Doyle L et al. An overview of the qualitative descriptive design within nursing research. J Res Nurs. 2020;25(5):443-455. doi:10.1177/174498711988023
• Kim H, Sefcik JS, Bradway C. Characteristics of qualitative descriptive studies: a systematic review. Res Nurs Health. 2017;40(1):23-42. doi:10.1002/nur.21768
• Ayton DR et al. Exploring patient-reported outcomes following percutaneous coronary intervention: a qualitative study. Health Expect. 2018;21(2):457-465. doi:10.1111/hex.1263
• Barker AL et al. Symptoms and feelings valued by patients after a percutaneous coronary intervention: a discrete-choice experiment to inform development of a new patient-reported outcome. BMJ Open. 2018;8:e023141. doi:10.1136/bmjopen-2018-023141
• Soh SE et al. What matters most to patients following percutaneous coronary interventions? a new patient-reported outcome measure developed using Rasch analysis. PLoS One. 2019;14(9):e0222185. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0222185
• Hiller RM et al. Coping and support-seeking in out-of-home care: a qualitative study of the views of young people in care in England. BMJ Open. 2021;11:e038461. doi:10.1136/bmjopen-2020-038461
• Backman C, Cho-Young D. Engaging patients and informal caregivers to improve safety and facilitate person- and family-centered care during transitions from hospital to home – a qualitative descriptive study. Patient Prefer Adherence. 2019;13:617-626. doi:10.2147/PPA.S201054

Qualitative Research – a practical guide for health and social care researchers and practitioners Copyright © 2023 by Darshini Ayton is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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• Knowledge Base
• Methodology
• Descriptive Research Design | Definition, Methods & Examples

Descriptive Research Design | Definition, Methods & Examples

Published on 5 May 2022 by Shona McCombes . Revised on 10 October 2022.

Descriptive research aims to accurately and systematically describe a population, situation or phenomenon. It can answer what , where , when , and how   questions , but not why questions.

A descriptive research design can use a wide variety of research methods  to investigate one or more variables . Unlike in experimental research , the researcher does not control or manipulate any of the variables, but only observes and measures them.

Table of contents

When to use a descriptive research design, descriptive research methods.

Descriptive research is an appropriate choice when the research aim is to identify characteristics, frequencies, trends, and categories.

It is useful when not much is known yet about the topic or problem. Before you can research why something happens, you need to understand how, when, and where it happens.

• How has the London housing market changed over the past 20 years?
• Do customers of company X prefer product Y or product Z?
• What are the main genetic, behavioural, and morphological differences between European wildcats and domestic cats?
• What are the most popular online news sources among under-18s?
• How prevalent is disease A in population B?

Prevent plagiarism, run a free check.

Descriptive research is usually defined as a type of quantitative research , though qualitative research can also be used for descriptive purposes. The research design should be carefully developed to ensure that the results are valid and reliable .

Survey research allows you to gather large volumes of data that can be analysed for frequencies, averages, and patterns. Common uses of surveys include:

• Describing the demographics of a country or region
• Gauging public opinion on political and social topics
• Evaluating satisfaction with a company’s products or an organisation’s services

Observations

Observations allow you to gather data on behaviours and phenomena without having to rely on the honesty and accuracy of respondents. This method is often used by psychological, social, and market researchers to understand how people act in real-life situations.

Observation of physical entities and phenomena is also an important part of research in the natural sciences. Before you can develop testable hypotheses , models, or theories, it’s necessary to observe and systematically describe the subject under investigation.

Case studies

A case study can be used to describe the characteristics of a specific subject (such as a person, group, event, or organisation). Instead of gathering a large volume of data to identify patterns across time or location, case studies gather detailed data to identify the characteristics of a narrowly defined subject.

Rather than aiming to describe generalisable facts, case studies often focus on unusual or interesting cases that challenge assumptions, add complexity, or reveal something new about a research problem .

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Descriptive Research Design

Definition:

Descriptive research design is a type of research methodology that aims to describe or document the characteristics, behaviors, attitudes, opinions, or perceptions of a group or population being studied.

Descriptive research design does not attempt to establish cause-and-effect relationships between variables or make predictions about future outcomes. Instead, it focuses on providing a detailed and accurate representation of the data collected, which can be useful for generating hypotheses, exploring trends, and identifying patterns in the data.

Types of Descriptive Research Design

Types of Descriptive Research Design are as follows:

Cross-sectional Study

This involves collecting data at a single point in time from a sample or population to describe their characteristics or behaviors. For example, a researcher may conduct a cross-sectional study to investigate the prevalence of certain health conditions among a population, or to describe the attitudes and beliefs of a particular group.

Longitudinal Study

This involves collecting data over an extended period of time, often through repeated observations or surveys of the same group or population. Longitudinal studies can be used to track changes in attitudes, behaviors, or outcomes over time, or to investigate the effects of interventions or treatments.

This involves an in-depth examination of a single individual, group, or situation to gain a detailed understanding of its characteristics or dynamics. Case studies are often used in psychology, sociology, and business to explore complex phenomena or to generate hypotheses for further research.

Survey Research

This involves collecting data from a sample or population through standardized questionnaires or interviews. Surveys can be used to describe attitudes, opinions, behaviors, or demographic characteristics of a group, and can be conducted in person, by phone, or online.

Observational Research

This involves observing and documenting the behavior or interactions of individuals or groups in a natural or controlled setting. Observational studies can be used to describe social, cultural, or environmental phenomena, or to investigate the effects of interventions or treatments.

Correlational Research

This involves examining the relationships between two or more variables to describe their patterns or associations. Correlational studies can be used to identify potential causal relationships or to explore the strength and direction of relationships between variables.

Data Analysis Methods

Descriptive research design data analysis methods depend on the type of data collected and the research question being addressed. Here are some common methods of data analysis for descriptive research:

Descriptive Statistics

This method involves analyzing data to summarize and describe the key features of a sample or population. Descriptive statistics can include measures of central tendency (e.g., mean, median, mode) and measures of variability (e.g., range, standard deviation).

Cross-tabulation

This method involves analyzing data by creating a table that shows the frequency of two or more variables together. Cross-tabulation can help identify patterns or relationships between variables.

Content Analysis

This method involves analyzing qualitative data (e.g., text, images, audio) to identify themes, patterns, or trends. Content analysis can be used to describe the characteristics of a sample or population, or to identify factors that influence attitudes or behaviors.

Qualitative Coding

This method involves analyzing qualitative data by assigning codes to segments of data based on their meaning or content. Qualitative coding can be used to identify common themes, patterns, or categories within the data.

Visualization

This method involves creating graphs or charts to represent data visually. Visualization can help identify patterns or relationships between variables and make it easier to communicate findings to others.

Comparative Analysis

This method involves comparing data across different groups or time periods to identify similarities and differences. Comparative analysis can help describe changes in attitudes or behaviors over time or differences between subgroups within a population.

Applications of Descriptive Research Design

Descriptive research design has numerous applications in various fields. Some of the common applications of descriptive research design are:

• Market research: Descriptive research design is widely used in market research to understand consumer preferences, behavior, and attitudes. This helps companies to develop new products and services, improve marketing strategies, and increase customer satisfaction.
• Health research: Descriptive research design is used in health research to describe the prevalence and distribution of a disease or health condition in a population. This helps healthcare providers to develop prevention and treatment strategies.
• Educational research: Descriptive research design is used in educational research to describe the performance of students, schools, or educational programs. This helps educators to improve teaching methods and develop effective educational programs.
• Social science research: Descriptive research design is used in social science research to describe social phenomena such as cultural norms, values, and beliefs. This helps researchers to understand social behavior and develop effective policies.
• Public opinion research: Descriptive research design is used in public opinion research to understand the opinions and attitudes of the general public on various issues. This helps policymakers to develop effective policies that are aligned with public opinion.
• Environmental research: Descriptive research design is used in environmental research to describe the environmental conditions of a particular region or ecosystem. This helps policymakers and environmentalists to develop effective conservation and preservation strategies.

Descriptive Research Design Examples

Here are some real-time examples of descriptive research designs:

• A restaurant chain wants to understand the demographics and attitudes of its customers. They conduct a survey asking customers about their age, gender, income, frequency of visits, favorite menu items, and overall satisfaction. The survey data is analyzed using descriptive statistics and cross-tabulation to describe the characteristics of their customer base.
• A medical researcher wants to describe the prevalence and risk factors of a particular disease in a population. They conduct a cross-sectional study in which they collect data from a sample of individuals using a standardized questionnaire. The data is analyzed using descriptive statistics and cross-tabulation to identify patterns in the prevalence and risk factors of the disease.
• An education researcher wants to describe the learning outcomes of students in a particular school district. They collect test scores from a representative sample of students in the district and use descriptive statistics to calculate the mean, median, and standard deviation of the scores. They also create visualizations such as histograms and box plots to show the distribution of scores.
• A marketing team wants to understand the attitudes and behaviors of consumers towards a new product. They conduct a series of focus groups and use qualitative coding to identify common themes and patterns in the data. They also create visualizations such as word clouds to show the most frequently mentioned topics.
• An environmental scientist wants to describe the biodiversity of a particular ecosystem. They conduct an observational study in which they collect data on the species and abundance of plants and animals in the ecosystem. The data is analyzed using descriptive statistics to describe the diversity and richness of the ecosystem.

How to Conduct Descriptive Research Design

To conduct a descriptive research design, you can follow these general steps:

• Define your research question: Clearly define the research question or problem that you want to address. Your research question should be specific and focused to guide your data collection and analysis.
• Choose your research method: Select the most appropriate research method for your research question. As discussed earlier, common research methods for descriptive research include surveys, case studies, observational studies, cross-sectional studies, and longitudinal studies.
• Design your study: Plan the details of your study, including the sampling strategy, data collection methods, and data analysis plan. Determine the sample size and sampling method, decide on the data collection tools (such as questionnaires, interviews, or observations), and outline your data analysis plan.
• Collect data: Collect data from your sample or population using the data collection tools you have chosen. Ensure that you follow ethical guidelines for research and obtain informed consent from participants.
• Analyze data: Use appropriate statistical or qualitative analysis methods to analyze your data. As discussed earlier, common data analysis methods for descriptive research include descriptive statistics, cross-tabulation, content analysis, qualitative coding, visualization, and comparative analysis.
• I nterpret results: Interpret your findings in light of your research question and objectives. Identify patterns, trends, and relationships in the data, and describe the characteristics of your sample or population.
• Draw conclusions and report results: Draw conclusions based on your analysis and interpretation of the data. Report your results in a clear and concise manner, using appropriate tables, graphs, or figures to present your findings. Ensure that your report follows accepted research standards and guidelines.

When to Use Descriptive Research Design

Descriptive research design is used in situations where the researcher wants to describe a population or phenomenon in detail. It is used to gather information about the current status or condition of a group or phenomenon without making any causal inferences. Descriptive research design is useful in the following situations:

• Exploratory research: Descriptive research design is often used in exploratory research to gain an initial understanding of a phenomenon or population.
• Identifying trends: Descriptive research design can be used to identify trends or patterns in a population, such as changes in consumer behavior or attitudes over time.
• Market research: Descriptive research design is commonly used in market research to understand consumer preferences, behavior, and attitudes.
• Health research: Descriptive research design is useful in health research to describe the prevalence and distribution of a disease or health condition in a population.
• Social science research: Descriptive research design is used in social science research to describe social phenomena such as cultural norms, values, and beliefs.
• Educational research: Descriptive research design is used in educational research to describe the performance of students, schools, or educational programs.

Purpose of Descriptive Research Design

The main purpose of descriptive research design is to describe and measure the characteristics of a population or phenomenon in a systematic and objective manner. It involves collecting data that describe the current status or condition of the population or phenomenon of interest, without manipulating or altering any variables.

The purpose of descriptive research design can be summarized as follows:

• To provide an accurate description of a population or phenomenon: Descriptive research design aims to provide a comprehensive and accurate description of a population or phenomenon of interest. This can help researchers to develop a better understanding of the characteristics of the population or phenomenon.
• To identify trends and patterns: Descriptive research design can help researchers to identify trends and patterns in the data, such as changes in behavior or attitudes over time. This can be useful for making predictions and developing strategies.
• To generate hypotheses: Descriptive research design can be used to generate hypotheses or research questions that can be tested in future studies. For example, if a descriptive study finds a correlation between two variables, this could lead to the development of a hypothesis about the causal relationship between the variables.
• To establish a baseline: Descriptive research design can establish a baseline or starting point for future research. This can be useful for comparing data from different time periods or populations.

Characteristics of Descriptive Research Design

Descriptive research design has several key characteristics that distinguish it from other research designs. Some of the main characteristics of descriptive research design are:

• Objective : Descriptive research design is objective in nature, which means that it focuses on collecting factual and accurate data without any personal bias. The researcher aims to report the data objectively without any personal interpretation.
• Non-experimental: Descriptive research design is non-experimental, which means that the researcher does not manipulate any variables. The researcher simply observes and records the behavior or characteristics of the population or phenomenon of interest.
• Quantitative : Descriptive research design is quantitative in nature, which means that it involves collecting numerical data that can be analyzed using statistical techniques. This helps to provide a more precise and accurate description of the population or phenomenon.
• Cross-sectional: Descriptive research design is often cross-sectional, which means that the data is collected at a single point in time. This can be useful for understanding the current state of the population or phenomenon, but it may not provide information about changes over time.
• Large sample size: Descriptive research design typically involves a large sample size, which helps to ensure that the data is representative of the population of interest. A large sample size also helps to increase the reliability and validity of the data.
• Systematic and structured: Descriptive research design involves a systematic and structured approach to data collection, which helps to ensure that the data is accurate and reliable. This involves using standardized procedures for data collection, such as surveys, questionnaires, or observation checklists.

Advantages of Descriptive Research Design

Descriptive research design has several advantages that make it a popular choice for researchers. Some of the main advantages of descriptive research design are:

• Provides an accurate description: Descriptive research design is focused on accurately describing the characteristics of a population or phenomenon. This can help researchers to develop a better understanding of the subject of interest.
• Easy to conduct: Descriptive research design is relatively easy to conduct and requires minimal resources compared to other research designs. It can be conducted quickly and efficiently, and data can be collected through surveys, questionnaires, or observations.
• Useful for generating hypotheses: Descriptive research design can be used to generate hypotheses or research questions that can be tested in future studies. For example, if a descriptive study finds a correlation between two variables, this could lead to the development of a hypothesis about the causal relationship between the variables.
• Large sample size : Descriptive research design typically involves a large sample size, which helps to ensure that the data is representative of the population of interest. A large sample size also helps to increase the reliability and validity of the data.
• Can be used to monitor changes : Descriptive research design can be used to monitor changes over time in a population or phenomenon. This can be useful for identifying trends and patterns, and for making predictions about future behavior or attitudes.
• Can be used in a variety of fields : Descriptive research design can be used in a variety of fields, including social sciences, healthcare, business, and education.

Limitation of Descriptive Research Design

Descriptive research design also has some limitations that researchers should consider before using this design. Some of the main limitations of descriptive research design are:

• Cannot establish cause and effect: Descriptive research design cannot establish cause and effect relationships between variables. It only provides a description of the characteristics of the population or phenomenon of interest.
• Limited generalizability: The results of a descriptive study may not be generalizable to other populations or situations. This is because descriptive research design often involves a specific sample or situation, which may not be representative of the broader population.
• Potential for bias: Descriptive research design can be subject to bias, particularly if the researcher is not objective in their data collection or interpretation. This can lead to inaccurate or incomplete descriptions of the population or phenomenon of interest.
• Limited depth: Descriptive research design may provide a superficial description of the population or phenomenon of interest. It does not delve into the underlying causes or mechanisms behind the observed behavior or characteristics.
• Limited utility for theory development: Descriptive research design may not be useful for developing theories about the relationship between variables. It only provides a description of the variables themselves.
• Relies on self-report data: Descriptive research design often relies on self-report data, such as surveys or questionnaires. This type of data may be subject to biases, such as social desirability bias or recall bias.

About the author

Muhammad Hassan

Researcher, Academic Writer, Web developer

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Descriptive research design is a powerful tool used by scientists and researchers to gather information about a particular group or phenomenon. This type of research provides a detailed and accurate picture of the characteristics and behaviors of a particular population or subject. By observing and collecting data on a given topic, descriptive research helps researchers gain a deeper understanding of a specific issue and provides valuable insights that can inform future studies.

In this blog, we will explore the definition, characteristics, and common flaws in descriptive research design, and provide tips on how to avoid these pitfalls to produce high-quality results. Whether you are a seasoned researcher or a student just starting, understanding the fundamentals of descriptive research design is essential to conducting successful scientific studies.

Table of Contents

What Is Descriptive Research Design?

The descriptive research design involves observing and collecting data on a given topic without attempting to infer cause-and-effect relationships. The goal of descriptive research is to provide a comprehensive and accurate picture of the population or phenomenon being studied and to describe the relationships, patterns, and trends that exist within the data.

Descriptive research methods can include surveys, observational studies , and case studies, and the data collected can be qualitative or quantitative . The findings from descriptive research provide valuable insights and inform future research, but do not establish cause-and-effect relationships.

Importance of Descriptive Research in Scientific Studies

1. understanding of a population or phenomenon.

Descriptive research provides a comprehensive picture of the characteristics and behaviors of a particular population or phenomenon, allowing researchers to gain a deeper understanding of the topic.

2. Baseline Information

The information gathered through descriptive research can serve as a baseline for future research and provide a foundation for further studies.

3. Informative Data

Descriptive research can provide valuable information and insights into a particular topic, which can inform future research, policy decisions, and programs.

4. Sampling Validation

Descriptive research can be used to validate sampling methods and to help researchers determine the best approach for their study.

5. Cost Effective

Descriptive research is often less expensive and less time-consuming than other research methods , making it a cost-effective way to gather information about a particular population or phenomenon.

6. Easy to Replicate

Descriptive research is straightforward to replicate, making it a reliable way to gather and compare information from multiple sources.

Key Characteristics of Descriptive Research Design

The primary purpose of descriptive research is to describe the characteristics, behaviors, and attributes of a particular population or phenomenon.

2. Participants and Sampling

Descriptive research studies a particular population or sample that is representative of the larger population being studied. Furthermore, sampling methods can include convenience, stratified, or random sampling.

3. Data Collection Techniques

Descriptive research typically involves the collection of both qualitative and quantitative data through methods such as surveys, observational studies, case studies, or focus groups.

4. Data Analysis

Descriptive research data is analyzed to identify patterns, relationships, and trends within the data. Statistical techniques , such as frequency distributions and descriptive statistics, are commonly used to summarize and describe the data.

5. Focus on Description

Descriptive research is focused on describing and summarizing the characteristics of a particular population or phenomenon. It does not make causal inferences.

6. Non-Experimental

Descriptive research is non-experimental, meaning that the researcher does not manipulate variables or control conditions. The researcher simply observes and collects data on the population or phenomenon being studied.

When Can a Researcher Conduct Descriptive Research?

A researcher can conduct descriptive research in the following situations:

• To better understand a particular population or phenomenon
• To describe the relationships between variables
• To describe patterns and trends
• To validate sampling methods and determine the best approach for a study
• To compare data from multiple sources.

Types of Descriptive Research Design

1. survey research.

Surveys are a type of descriptive research that involves collecting data through self-administered or interviewer-administered questionnaires. Additionally, they can be administered in-person, by mail, or online, and can collect both qualitative and quantitative data.

2. Observational Research

Observational research involves observing and collecting data on a particular population or phenomenon without manipulating variables or controlling conditions. It can be conducted in naturalistic settings or controlled laboratory settings.

3. Case Study Research

Case study research is a type of descriptive research that focuses on a single individual, group, or event. It involves collecting detailed information on the subject through a variety of methods, including interviews, observations, and examination of documents.

4. Focus Group Research

Focus group research involves bringing together a small group of people to discuss a particular topic or product. Furthermore, the group is usually moderated by a researcher and the discussion is recorded for later analysis.

5. Ethnographic Research

Ethnographic research involves conducting detailed observations of a particular culture or community. It is often used to gain a deep understanding of the beliefs, behaviors, and practices of a particular group.

Advantages of Descriptive Research Design

1. provides a comprehensive understanding.

Descriptive research provides a comprehensive picture of the characteristics, behaviors, and attributes of a particular population or phenomenon, which can be useful in informing future research and policy decisions.

2. Non-invasive

Descriptive research is non-invasive and does not manipulate variables or control conditions, making it a suitable method for sensitive or ethical concerns.

3. Flexibility

Descriptive research allows for a wide range of data collection methods , including surveys, observational studies, case studies, and focus groups, making it a flexible and versatile research method.

4. Cost-effective

Descriptive research is often less expensive and less time-consuming than other research methods. Moreover, it gives a cost-effective option to many researchers.

5. Easy to Replicate

Descriptive research is easy to replicate, making it a reliable way to gather and compare information from multiple sources.

6. Informs Future Research

The insights gained from a descriptive research can inform future research and inform policy decisions and programs.

Disadvantages of Descriptive Research Design

1. limited scope.

Descriptive research only provides a snapshot of the current situation and cannot establish cause-and-effect relationships.

2. Dependence on Existing Data

Descriptive research relies on existing data, which may not always be comprehensive or accurate.

3. Lack of Control

Researchers have no control over the variables in descriptive research, which can limit the conclusions that can be drawn.

The researcher’s own biases and preconceptions can influence the interpretation of the data.

5. Lack of Generalizability

Descriptive research findings may not be applicable to other populations or situations.

6. Lack of Depth

Descriptive research provides a surface-level understanding of a phenomenon, rather than a deep understanding.

7. Time-consuming

Descriptive research often requires a large amount of data collection and analysis, which can be time-consuming and resource-intensive.

7 Ways to Avoid Common Flaws While Designing Descriptive Research

1. Clearly define the research question

A clearly defined research question is the foundation of any research study, and it is important to ensure that the question is both specific and relevant to the topic being studied.

2. Choose the appropriate research design

Choosing the appropriate research design for a study is crucial to the success of the study. Moreover, researchers should choose a design that best fits the research question and the type of data needed to answer it.

3. Select a representative sample

Selecting a representative sample is important to ensure that the findings of the study are generalizable to the population being studied. Researchers should use a sampling method that provides a random and representative sample of the population.

4. Use valid and reliable data collection methods

Using valid and reliable data collection methods is important to ensure that the data collected is accurate and can be used to answer the research question. Researchers should choose methods that are appropriate for the study and that can be administered consistently and systematically.

5. Minimize bias

Bias can significantly impact the validity and reliability of research findings.  Furthermore, it is important to minimize bias in all aspects of the study, from the selection of participants to the analysis of data.

6. Ensure adequate sample size

An adequate sample size is important to ensure that the results of the study are statistically significant and can be generalized to the population being studied.

7. Use appropriate data analysis techniques

The appropriate data analysis technique depends on the type of data collected and the research question being asked. Researchers should choose techniques that are appropriate for the data and the question being asked.

Have you worked on descriptive research designs? How was your experience creating a descriptive design? What challenges did you face? Do write to us or leave a comment below and share your insights on descriptive research designs!

extremely very educative

Indeed very educative and useful. Well explained. Thank you

Simple,easy to understand

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Outcomes of professional misconduct by nurses: a qualitative study

• Shokoh Varaei   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7126-2014 1 ,
• Nahid Dehghan Nayeri   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-1594-6790 2 ,
• Leila Sayadi   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7613-3051 3 ,
• Mehraban Shahmari   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-2501-8667 4 &
• Akram Ghobadi   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7673-7362 5  

BMC Nursing volume  23 , Article number:  200 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Metrics details

Professional misconduct by nurses is a critical challenge in providing safe quality care, which can lead to devastating and extensive outcomes. Explaining the experiences of clinical nurses and nursing managers in this regard using an in-depth qualitative method can be beneficial. This study was conducted with the aim of explaining the experiences of nurses regarding the outcomes of professional misconduct.

The present study used a qualitative descriptive with a conventional content analysis approach. A total of 22 clinical nurses and nursing managers were selected through purposive sampling until data saturation was reached. Data were collected using semi-structured in-depth interviews and analyzed using Graneheim and Lundman’s approach.

Analyzed data were categorized into four main themes and 11 subthemes: (1) Physical outcomes: critical threat and weakening patients’ safety; (2) Psychological outcomes: psycho-emotional responses of patients and their families, moral distress, and cautionary tale of nurses; (3) Financial outcomes: imposing costs on the patient and financial loss of the nurse; (4) Organizational outcomes: the normalization of misconduct, chaos in the organization, waste of the organization’s resources, and reputational damage to the organization.

Professional misconduct by nurses can have adverse outcomes for patients in physical, mental, and financial dimensions, their families, nurses, and healthcare organizations. Therefore, it is indispensable to adopt management strategies to reduce the rate of professional misconduct.

Peer Review reports

Nurses play a vital role in ensuring patients’ well-being and recovery. They are patients’ trustworthy caregivers, advocates, and instructors [ 1 ]. According to the code of ethics for nurses, they have the responsibility for protecting the patient, society, and the profession against possible harm [ 2 ]. Maintaining nurses’ ethical standards and professional conduct is imperative in ensuring patient safety, trust, and integrity of the nursing profession [ 1 , 3 , 4 ]. In the nursing profession as a caring and humane profession, there is the possibility of another reality termed professional misconduct [ 5 , 6 , 7 ]. Professional misconduct refers to any practice or action by nurses that deviates from the established ethical and professional standards and guidelines [ 8 , 9 ].

Professional misconduct in nursing is a multifaceted issue with wide-ranging outcomes in patient safety (physical and mental harm or even death), trust in the healthcare system, and healthcare workers’ well-being. Professional misconduct can damage the profession’s reputation and weaken nurses’ vital role in society [ 10 , 11 ].

Considering that professional misconduct weakens the integrity of nursing practice, perceiving consequences is of particular importance for nurses, healthcare managers, and policymakers since it emphasizes the prominence of maintaining the highest professional standards [ 12 ]. As part of a broader research initiative, this study extensively examines the multifaceted repercussions of such misconduct, extending beyond immediate effects, to deepen understanding across various dimensions. Given healthcare organizations’ mandate to deliver high-standard care with minimal harm, comprehending these implications becomes paramount. The research enhances related knowledge by categorizing the consequences of misconduct, highlighting potential dangers and irreparable harm. Also, it emphasizes the imperative of responsibility and ethical conduct to enhance patient quality and safety. Through this endeavor, the study addresses gaps in understanding within the field.

Study design, setting, and participants

This qualitative descriptive study was conducted through the generic qualitative design and content analysis approach to data analysis. The study setting was different wards of general and referral hospitals in the capital of one of the western provinces of Iran. The participants included in the study were selected using purposive sampling. The inclusion criteria included at least a bachelor’s degree in nursing, an experience of observing professional misconduct by colleagues, and the willingness to discuss experiences. Before conducting the interview, the researcher coordinated the interview time and location while establishing communication with the eligible participants and explaining the study objectives. In order to achieve maximum diversity and richness of data, participants with diverse personal and professional characteristics were selected. Sampling continued until saturation, resulting in the inclusion of 22 nurses and nursing managers aged between 25 and 48 years (Table  1 ).

Data collection

After preparing the interview guide using the expert opinions of the research team, the data were collected through a semi-structured individual interview. Each interview lasted between 45 and 90 min. Data collection was performed by the first author under the supervision and cooperation of the research team. Participants were asked: “Describe your experience on the outcomes of professional misconduct.” “Who is affected by the outcomes of professional misconduct? Explain it.” At the end of the interview, open questions were asked. The interviews were recorded using a mobile phone with the participants’ permission. Data collection and analysis were performed simultaneously from February 2021 to August 2021.

Data analysis

The conventional content analysis method was employed by following five steps proposed by Graneheim and Lundman [ 13 ]: (1) Implementing the entire interview immediately after each interview, (2) Reading the entire text several times to get an overall understanding of its content, (3) Determining semantic units and basic codes, (4) Classifying primary codes in more comprehensive categories, and (5) Determining the main theme of categories.

Interviews were recorded and transcribed using Word software, followed by iterative readings for content understanding. Semantic units were identified based on study objectives, and primary codes were derived. The initial codes were categorized, and the main and sub-themes were determined. Data management was facilitated by MAXQDA10 software.

It is noteworthy that the researcher, aimed to maintain objectivity during the coding process by closely aligning the codes with the data, and setting aside personal biases and preconceptions.

Trustworthiness

The following strategies were used to establish the trustworthiness of Study [ 14 ] Credibility was achieved through trust-based communication and prolonged engagement with the participants and the data and by providing a lot of time for data collection. Dependability was ensured by checking the consistency between quotes and codes/subthemes by the research team and two external observers familiar with qualitative research. In addition, confirmability was established by presenting the quotes extracted from each interview and returning the text of several interviews to a number of participants and applying their opinions, Transferability was enhanced by selection of participants with maximum diversity in terms of age, gender, work experience, educational level and position and detailed description of the research process, participant characteristics, and study context. In addition, quotes were expressed directly by providing each participant’s quote (P).

Ethical considerations

The Joint Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Nursing, Midwifery, and Rehabilitation of Tehran University of Medical Sciences approved this study with the ethics code IR.TUMS.FNM.REC.1400.187. The study objectives were explained to the participants at the beginning of the interviews. Due to the disapproving nature of professional misconduct and the sensitivity of the issue, the possibility of voluntary participation, confidentiality, and anonymity of individuals and their organizations were guaranteed. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants. Transcripts were securely stored in an encrypted file on a personal computer and destroyed following data analysis to further protect the confidentiality of participants.

The outcomes of professional misconduct by nurses were categorized into four main themes and 11 sub-themes (Table  2 ).

Physical outcomes

Data analysis indicated that patients were the primary individuals affected by professional misconduct by nurses and experienced more harm than other parties. One of the most critical outcomes of misconduct is the physical impact on patients. This theme is subdivided into two aspects: critical threat and undermining of patient safety.

Critical threat to patients

The participants’ experience showed that professional misconduct by nurses exposes patients to critical and adverse events such as death, disability such as leg amputation, and critical injuries such as pneumothorax, finger gangrene, tissue necrosis, burns, bleeding, and falls.

“ The patient was critically ill and we announced the CPR code ten minutes after the shift was handed over. We checked and noticed that they hadn’t inserted an IV line for him. It was impossible to do it with a blood pressure of 65. We finally inserted the intravenous) IV (, but it was in vain…” (Participant 9).

Weakening patients’ safety

According to the participants’ experiences, in addition to critical injuries, less life-threatening injuries such as mouth sores and infections could occur following professional misconduct by nurses. There was also the possibility of unwanted side effects. Yet most of these complications may not appear right away and be noticed after discharge from the hospital.

“ One of the colleagues, as she said, made a potion, combined several antibiotics into the Microset, and injected it into the patient .” (Participant 14).

This theme shows that considering the physical aspect, professional misconduct by nurses ultimately leads to a decrease in the quality of care and safety and delays the treatment process.

Psychological outcomes

Based on data analysis, professional misconduct by nurses affects psychological aspects in addition to physical dimensions. This outcome may involve not only patients but also their families and nurses. This theme includes the psycho-emotional responses of patients and their families, moral distress, and edification of nurses.

Psycho-emotional responses of patients and their families

Nurses’ experiences showed that professional misconduct sometimes caused psycho-emotional reactions in the patient or their companions. These side effects were reported as crying, feeling abandoned, distrust, dissatisfaction, cursing, aggression, objection, reporting to the authorities, and complaints.

“ At the beginning of the outbreak, a patient suspected of being infected with coronavirus was hospitalized in the ward and was left in the room; the door was closed. She was ordered not to get out of the room because she could spread the coronavirus to other patients; she was crying all the time.” (Participant 11).

Moral distress of nurses

Sometimes, the repercussions of professional misconduct by a nurse affect both the perpetrator and the cooperating and witnessing nurse. The participants stated that, at times, they experienced various emotional reactions, including discomfort, remorse, guilt, and even psychological complications and quitting work after committing misconduct. In addition, the colleagues of a nurse who is the perpetrator of the misconduct may express regret, discomfort, and anger upon witnessing this situation.

“ I know that catheterization is a sterile procedure, and I’m fully aware of it, but at that moment, there may not be a betadine or a sterile set or gloves. I may not do it correctly and scientifically as I should, which is really sad. Most of the time, we feel guilty.” (Participant 10).

Cautionary tale

According to some participants’ experiences, the effect of a nurse’s encounter with a colleague’s misconduct depended on the morale and personality of the witnessing nurse. By witnessing misconduct and its negative outcomes for the patient and the nurse committing it, the nurse may learn never to commit such misconduct. According to the famous quote, “A man profits more by the sight of an idiot than by the orations of the learned,” it should also be instructive and improve patient care quality.

“ Misconduct by a colleague can influence the nurse seeing it and make them improve, that is, not perform that wrong deed. Due to a written warning to a few colleagues because of the rapid infusion of antibiotics, the others learned and are now very careful .” (Participant 10).

This theme showed that professional misconduct by nurses might harm patients not only physically but also mentally and occasionally cause psychological problems for the nurses. It should be noted that, besides all the negative outcomes, professional misconduct by nurses has a positive consequence, which is a cautionary tale of other nurses and, subsequently, efforts to improve care.

Financial outcomes

Data analysis showed that another outcome of professional misconduct by nurses was the financial outcomes that could affect the patient or nurse. This theme includes two subthemes: ‘imposing costs on the patient’ and ‘financial loss of the nurse.’

Imposing costs on the patient

According to the obtained data, additional costs are imposed on the patient due to adverse events and unwanted complications caused by the reduced care quality resulting from professional misconduct by nurses. These costs may be related to increased length of hospital stay and the need for additional procedures or medication.

“ Unfortunately, some colleagues don’t observe the principles of sterile technique when dressing, which can cause the patient to return with an infection at the surgery site and need to take intravenous antibiotics such as Ciprofloxacin and Clindamycin and be hospitalized for a few days, all of which impose an additional cost to the patient.” (Participant 11).

The financial loss of the nurse

Several participants’ experiences showed that the nurse might experience legal issues such as warnings, reprimands, and referrals to the administrative violations department following committing misconduct, which, especially if repeated, could negatively affect the process of recruiting the training nurses or changing their employment status, in-service promotion process when being appointed to a position until retirement. Based on the participants’ experiences, addressing misconduct might have financial outcomes for the nurse who committed it. These financial damages included a deduction of salary and wages, no further promotion after warning, reprimand and its negative impact on salary, and incurring damages.

“Our nurse colleague hadn’t paid attention to the warmer’s temperature. The mask on the baby’s nose was almost burnt and caused nasal necrosis. The baby’s family pursued it. The nurse was fined to pay the damages. ” (Participant 8).

This theme generally indicated the financial damages resulting from professional misconduct by nurses, which might affect patients and nurses.

Organizational outcomes

Professional misconduct by nurses has negative outcomes not only for individuals but also for the organization. This theme includes the subthemes of normalization of misconduct, chaos in the organization, waste of the organization’s resources, and reputational damage to the organization.

The normalization of misconduct

Participants stated that one of the organizational outcomes of misconduct was its normalization for the perpetrator, modeling, and contagion of misconduct to other colleagues, leading to the normalization of erroneous conduct in the organization.

“M isconduct possibly affects others as well, as it is considered a routine, as they think somebody did it, and there was no problem. Now, in ward X, it has become routine that vital signs aren’t monitored and are only recorded .’ (Participant 10).

Chaos in the organization

The data analysis showed that due to professional misconduct by nurses, colleagues might be forced to compensate for their colleague’s misconduct by carrying out the medical orders for the maltreated patient. As a result, nurses usually avoided working shifts together with that nurse. There might also be turmoil, chaos, arguments, protests, complaints, and even physical encounters between patients and their companions with the medical staff or colleagues.

“ My colleague’s work burden falls on my shoulders, so I should also manage her duty. For example, in my shift, I followed up on a medicine that had to be prepared in the previous shift and made a prescription for the patient; the patient prepared it but growled at me because the medicine was expensive. The doctor talked to me as if I was the one who hadn’t done it while it hadn’t been followed up in the previous shift .” (Participant 19). “ Colleagues who impatiently do the patient’s tasks get angry at the patient. The patient or the companion asks one question or two; upon the third question, they conflict with the patient’s companion. We have a code called code 44 for a security guard, which is often announced during their shifts.” (Participant 19).

Waste of the organization’s resources

After analyzing the data, it was revealed that due to the professional misconduct by nurses, the patient might need a transfer to the intensive care unit or more specialized centers, additional procedures, such as debridement, intubation, dialysis, surgery, re-surgery, or cancellation of surgery, increased hospital stay, and re-hospitalization. By jeopardizing the quality and safety of patient care, these cases lead to complications, and managing them can impose additional costs on the hospital. Some participants believed that failure to provide optimal care caused the patient’s condition to aggravate and the nurse’s workload to increase.

“ The patient, who was just discharged from the operating room, was bleeding badly. The nurse hadn’t followed up or informed the doctor. The patient was transferred to the ICU due to severe bleeding and was treated for approximately 15–16 days. He was operated on twice .” (Participant 14).

In addition, nurses’ professional misconduct directly leads to the waste of resources and equipment.

“ For example, in the COVID-19 situation, when the equipment and supplies were scarce from the beginning, they rationed it for the wards. A male colleague poured Septicidine. Well, it was wasted. It could be used in the COVID-19 ward .” (Participant 7).

Reputational damage to the organization

According to the data analysis, professional misconduct could lead to damage to the reputation and credibility of the nursing profession and loss of public trust in nurses and healthcare organizations in general.

“ Sometimes we refer the patient to a certain hospital, but they say they wouldn’t go there even if they die. They believe whoever is referred to that hospital won’t stay alive .” (Participant 13).

This theme revealed outcomes of misconduct that threatened and affected the healthcare organization.

In the present study, nurses’ experiences regarding the outcomes of professional misconduct were investigated. The results showed that this phenomenon had widespread outcomes in different dimensions and levels, including patients, nurses, and healthcare organizations. In line with the present study, researchers concluded in a systematic review that unprofessional conduct included multidimensional issues and serious outcomes concerning patient safety, nurses, colleagues, managers, and healthcare organizations [ 6 ].

One of the significant outcomes of professional misconduct is physical outcomes, which can critically threaten patients’ health and life or jeopardize their safety. In a review, the threat to patients’ safety has been identified as the main reason for adopting disciplinary measures against nurses [ 15 ]. In addition, in a qualitative study, various unsafe practices leading to physical harm to patients have been identified and classified [ 16 ]. In line with the present study, Rooddehghan et al. (2018) reported that missed nursing care could lead to the elimination or postponement of scheduled therapies, which causes serious life threats, complications, and, as a result, patient dissatisfaction [ 17 ]. Professional misconduct in health care can jeopardize patients’ safety, health, and well-being [ 5 , 18 , 19 ]. Since the main goal of health care is to provide quality and safe care to patients, the physical outcomes of professional misconduct by nurses are considered the most important outcomes, and their prevention is absolutely vital.

Another consequence of professional misconduct by nurses is its psychological effects on patients and nurses. Healthcare workers’ misconduct can cause psychological harm to patients, including anxiety, feeling insulted, and fear [ 18 ]. Moreover, misconduct demonstrates the violation of patients’ human rights and dignity [ 7 ]. Since the quality of services provided to patients is an important component of their satisfaction [ 20 ], professional misconduct can reduce patient satisfaction by negatively affecting the quality of care. Nurses charged with professional misconduct face a variety of outcomes, including psychological, physical, and mental suffering [ 21 ]. Furthermore, observing misconduct can lead to moral and emotional distress, sympathy for patients, and increased negative emotions such as distress, sorrow, guilt, bias, and negative stigma in fellow nurses [ 18 , 22 ]. These nurses may to leave their positions and may experience anxiety, sleep disturbances, and uncertainty in dealing with their colleagues [ 16 ]. In general, professional misconduct can cause psychological problems not only for patients but also for nurses, which supports the need for prevention and corrective action.

Unprofessional conduct is a complex phenomenon that impacts nurses’ practice [ 6 ]. In the present study, it was found that professional misconduct could serve as edification for other nurses. In other words, misconduct by colleagues can serve as a cautionary tale to assist nurses in improving their performance. In this regard, studies have shown that unsafe practices by colleagues and related complaints can provide an opportunity for nurses to strengthen their abilities by focusing more on themselves and being more attentive, and contribute to professional development and increased patient safety [ 16 , 23 ]. Therefore, it seems that, when encountering colleague misconduct, nurses can use negative experiences in the organization and enhance their skills and precision in order to improve professional conduct and patient safety.

Other outcomes of professional misconduct by nurses obtained in the present study were financial outcomes that could affect patients and nurses. In line with this finding, a study shows that unsafe practices can impose additional costs on patients [ 24 ]. The financial losses of nurses caused by professional misconduct can be related to legal outcomes such as restrictions, suspension, revocation of professional license, or finement [ 15 , 25 , 26 ]. It can be concluded that, regarding economic issues, professional misconduct by nurses can harm the patients and even the nurses.

Professional misconduct by nurses has outcomes not only for patients and nurses but also for the healthcare organization. These outcomes include issues such as the normalization of misconduct, chaos in the organization, waste of the organization’s resources, and reputational damage to the organization. These issues can reduce the organization’s efficiency and cause concerns about the safety and quality of services provided by nurses. Professional misconduct is often initiated by one individual; however, it can spread quickly, change the organization’s dominant values, norms, and behaviors, and become established [ 27 ]. These disciplinary processes affect the nursing profession, and these impacts become more significant in retaining nurses, particularly in global staffing shortage conditions [ 25 ]. In addition, professional misconduct in health care can jeopardize the quality of nurses’ teamwork [ 5 ], increase colleagues’ workload [ 22 ], and threaten the organization’s long-term credibility and ultimate sustainability by deviating the organization from achieving its main goals [ 10 ]. Misconduct in health care can cause patients and the general public to mistrust medical affairs and damage the reputation of the nursing profession and the organization [ 24 , 28 , 29 ]. Jeopardizing satisfactory standards of practice is a clear violation of nursing ethics, norms, and laws, particularly public trust in nurses and the nursing profession as a whole [ 30 ]. To prevent these challenges, the organization can create a safety culture, develop protocols to report misconduct, and encourage and support nurses. These measures can prevent misconduct, help increase public trust in the nursing profession, and improve the working conditions of nurses.

The present study had several limitations. At first, some participants had doubts about the confidentiality of their names and institutional information in the study. This concern was resolved by assuring them about the anonymity and confidentiality of the information. This research was conducted qualitatively, and therefore, the generalizability of the findings is limited.

According to the results of this study, it is revealed that the outcomes of professional misconduct in the nursing field affect not only patients and nurses but also the healthcare organization. The outcomes of professional misconduct have diverse and widespread dimensions. Physically, professional misconduct can lead to a critical threat to patients or jeopardize their safety. Psychologically, it can create psychological responses in patients and nurses or become an edification for other nurses. Financially, it might impose costs on patients and financial losses for nurses. Organizational effects include the normalization of misconduct, chaos in the organization, waste of resources, and damage to the dignity and credibility of the organization. To prevent these complications, there is a need for programs and management measures to deal with professional misconduct and ensure the provision of safe, quality, and compassionate care to patients. To reduce serious outcomes, further studies in diverse nursing communities are required.

Data availability

Availability of data and materials: Data are available by contacting the corresponding author.

Abbreviations

Cardiopulmonary resuscitation

Intravenous

Intensive care unit

Coronavirus disease 2019

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Acknowledgements

The research team appreciates the School of Nursing and Midwifery of Tehran University of Medical Sciences.

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Leila Sayadi

Department of Medical-Surgical, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Ardabil University of Medical Sciences, Ardabil, Iran

Mehraban Shahmari

School of Nursing and Midwifery, Kermanshah University of Medical Sciences, Kermanshah, Iran

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Midwives’ lived experiences of caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium in Eswatini: a qualitative study

• Annie M. Temane 1 ,
• Fortunate N. Magagula 2 &
• Anna G. W. Nolte 1  

BMC Women's Health volume  24 , Article number:  207 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

Midwives encounter various difficulties while aiming to achieve excellence in providing maternity care to women with mobility disabilities. The study aimed to explore and describe midwives’ experiences of caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium in Eswatini.

A qualitative, exploratory, descriptive, contextual research design with a phenomenological approach was followed. Twelve midwives working in maternal health facilities in the Hhohho and Manzini regions in Eswatini were interviewed. Purposive sampling was used to select midwives to participate in the research. In-depth phenomenological interviews were conducted, and Giorgi’s descriptive phenomenological method was used for data analysis.

Three themes emerged from the data analysis: midwives experienced physical and emotional strain in providing maternity care to women with mobility disabilities, they experienced frustration due to the lack of equipment to meet the needs of women with mobility disabilities, and they faced challenges in providing support and holistic care to women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium.

Conclusions

Midwives experienced challenges caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and the puerperium in Eswatini. There is a need to develop and empower midwives with the knowledge and skill to implement guidelines and enact protocols. Moreover, equipment and infrastructure are required to facilitate support and holistic maternity care for women with mobility disabilities.

Peer Review reports

Globally, few studies have focused on midwives’ views of providing maternity care to women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and the puerperium [ 1 ]. In The Disabled World [ 2 ], the World Health Organisation (WHO) defines ‘disability’ as an umbrella term covering impairments, activity limitations, and participation restrictions. Furthermore, the WHO defines an ‘impairment’ as a problem in bodily function or structure; an ‘activity limitation’ as a difficulty encountered by an individual in executing a task or action; and ‘participation restriction’ as a problem experienced by an individual in various life situations [ 2 ]. In this study, mobility disabilities refer to an impairment in the functioning of the upper and lower extremities as experienced by women during pregnancy, labour and the puerperium.

Midwives, as frontline workers in the delivery of maternity care [ 3 ] responsible for the lives of the mother and the baby, are accountable for providing competent and holistic care for women during pregnancy, labour and puerperium. As part of healthcare provision, midwives play an important role in ensuring that every woman, including women with mobility disabilities, receives the best maternity care during pregnancy, labour and puerperium. Moridi et al. [ 4 ] state that women with mobility disabilities are entitled to feel safe, respected and well cared for by midwives, who must be sufficiently prepared to care for these women.

According to the Global Population Report, [ 5 ] more than one billion people have some form of disability. Eswatini is classified as a middle-income setting in the southern African region, measuring 17 000 square kilometres with a population of 1 093 238. Of the population, 76.2% reside in rural areas (833 472), and 23.8% (259 766) reside in urban areas [ 6 ]. The economy is largely agricultural as most industries manufacture agricultural products [ 7 ]. Of the Eswatini population, 146 554 (13%) live with disabilities, with most being women (87 258; 16%), 22,871 (14.1%) and 26,270 (14.3%) of them reside in the Hhohho and Manzini regions respectively [ 8 ]. 15% (125 545) of people with disabilities live in rural areas, and 85% of the disabled population is unemployed [ 8 ], which means most of these individuals are economically disadvantaged. Furthermore, according to the Eswatini Central Statistics Office, 8 26.5% of people with disabilities have a mobility (walking) disability, with 63.5% of these being women.

Midwives may encounter difficulties while aiming to achieve excellence in providing maternity care to women with mobility disabilities in what may be challenging circumstances [ 9 ]. The WHO [ 10 ] claims people with disabilities do not receive the health services they need and are thus likely to find healthcare providers have inadequate skills. Lawler et al. [ 11 ] argue that ineffective interactions and poor communication with women needing care, particularly among health professionals engaged in providing maternity services, limit these women’s opportunities to participate in decision-making processes during pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum care. According to the University of Johannesburg, [ 12 ] the midwife, together with the mother, have to engage collaboratively in order to come up with opportunities to promote health while removing any challenges that could impede the achievement thereof.

Walsh-Gallagher et al. [ 13 ] postulate that healthcare professionals tend to view women with disabilities as liabilities and regard them as high risk; they often exclude them from the individualised plan of care, which leads to an increase in these women’s fears about their maternity care. These challenges frequently result in health disparities and prevent women with mobility disabilities from receiving optimal maternity care. By exploring midwives’ experiences of this phenomenon, guidelines for support can be developed to extend available knowledge on maternity care for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium.

Study design

The aim of the study was to explore and describe midwives’ experiences of caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium in the Hhohho and Manzini regions of Eswatini. A qualitative, [ 14 ] exploratory, [ 15 ] descriptive, [ 16 ] contextual [ 17 ] research design with a phenomenological approach [ 18 ] was applied for this study to gain insight and understanding of the research phenomenon [ 19 ]. The phenomenon under study was midwives’ lived experiences caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium. The participants were approached face-to-face to participate in the study. The researchers followed the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research (COREQ) to report on this qualitative study [ 20 ].

The setting for the study was the Hhohho and Manzini regions of Eswatini. The researcher collected data at the site where participants experienced the phenomenon, as emphasised by Yildiz, [ 21 ] within the context in which they were comfortable to be interviewed [ 22 ]. This setting included maternal health facilities in hospitals and public health units.

Population and sampling

The study’s population comprised midwives working in maternal health facilities in hospitals and public health units, that is, one referral hospital and one public health unit in the Hhohho region and two referral hospitals and one public health unit in the Manzini region of Eswatini. Purposive sampling was used to select midwives to participate in the study; [ 16 ] 12 midwives from both regions were included. The midwives were between the ages of 35 and 55, and all midwives were black in race and identified as females. The years of experience in the field ranged between 5 and 15 years. The criteria for inclusion were midwives who had provided maternity care to women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium for a period of not more than two to three years, willing to participate in the study. The sample size was determined by repetitions of key statements about the research phenomenon during data collection, termed data saturation [ 23 ]. None of the participants refused to participate in the study.

Table  1 summarises the participants’ demographic characteristics.

Data collection

In-depth phenomenological, face-to-face, individual interviews were conducted to collect data [ 17 ]. The researcher who was a Midwifery lecturer held a Master’s Degree in Maternal and Neonatal science at the time of the study requested approval from the Unit manager to seek permission from the midwives to take part in the study. The midwives were given an information letter which included objectives of the study and the reasons for conducting the study. After recruiting midwives and obtaining their written consent to participate in the study and permission to audio-record the interviews, the researcher set up appointments with them for the interviews, and the data collection process commenced. The central question posed to participants was: How was it for you to care for a woman with a mobility disability during pregnancy, labour and puerperium? A pilot of the tool was performed on the first participant who met the inclusion criteria and possessed the same characteristics as those of the study sample. The pre-testing question yielded positive results, the participant responded to the question asked and there was no need to rephrase it or further test it.

The interviews were conducted from March 2019 to July 2019 and lasted 30–45 min. The researcher conducted interviews until the data became redundant and repetitive, reflecting that saturation had been reached, in congruence with Fouché et al. [ 25 ] In addition, field notes were recorded in a notebook after each in-depth phenomenological interview. No repeat interviews were held. The researcher ensured bracketing by omitting any perceptions from her past experiences that were likely to influence her interpretation of the research findings.

Data analysis

Before data analysis commenced, data were organised in computer files after being transcribed and translated into narrative form. Data from each participant were coded and stored in the relevant file and kept in a safe place; only the researcher could access the information. Back-up copies were made of all the data, and the master copies were stored in a safe to which only the researcher had access.

Data collection and analysis occurred concurrently. The researcher was guided by Giorgi et al.’s [ 26 ] five-step method of data analysis. This entailed the researcher reading all the transcribed data and the entire ‘naïve description’ provided by the participants during the interviews. The demarcation of ‘meaning units’ within narratives followed. In addition, the researcher marked where meaning shifts occurred and transformed meaning units into descriptive expressions. The researcher laid out the general structure of midwives’ experiences. Moreover, an independent coder was provided with the raw data (after signing a confidentiality agreement) to analyse the findings. The researcher and independent coder analysed the data separately and met for a consensus discussion. Both agreed on all the units of analysis, with an inter-coder reliability of 100%.

Measures of trustworthiness

The research was informed by Guba and Lincoln’s [ 27 ] model in relation to credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. For credibility, the researcher ensured prolonged engagement in the field [ 28 ], peer debriefing, [ 29 ] member checking, and an external auditor was used [ 25 ]. The study was also presented at a national conference. Transferability refers to the ability to extend the findings of one’s study to comparable environments or participants, as stated by Pitney et al. [ 30 ] The researcher ensured the study’s transferability by providing a richly documented account and in-depth description of all aspects and processes of the study protocol. Data saturation also confirmed transferability [ 23 ]. Dependability is evident in a study when other researchers are able to follow the researcher’s decision trail [ 31 ]. The researcher ensured dependability by densely describing the research process in congruence with Fouché et al.’s [ 25 ] guidelines, so that other researchers can follow similar steps of the same research methodology. Confirmability occurs when the research is judged by the way in which the findings and conclusions achieve their aim and are not the result of the researcher’s prior assumptions and preconceptions [ 32 ]. The researcher ensured this by remaining true to the research process through reflexivity and not compromising the research process in any way [ 28 ]. In addition, the researcher engaged an independent coder and provided a chain of evidence of the entire research process to enable an audit. Therefore, all forms of collected data, including raw data, reflexive journals, [ 29 ] notes and transcriptions, were recorded.

Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the University of Johannesburg Faculty of Health Sciences Higher Degrees Committee (ref. no. HDC-01-50-2018), University of Johannesburg Faculty of Health Research Ethics Committee (ref. no. REC-01-82-2018), and the Eswatini National Health Research Review Board (ref. no. NHRRB982/2018). The researcher applied and adhered to the four principles to be considered when conducting research: autonomy, beneficence, non-maleficence and justice [ 33 ]. Autonomy was adhered to by affording the participants the right to choose to participate in the study and by signing a written informed consent form a week after it was given to them before the interviews commenced. Beneficence was ensured through doing good and doing no harm to participants by prioritising the participants’ interests above those of the researcher, and did not engage in any practice that jeopardised their rights. Non-maleficence was observed by eradicating any possible harmful risks in the study; the researcher ensured the safety of the participants by conducting interviews in a familiar, private environment where they felt free and safe from harm. Furthermore, justice was observed by treating all participants equally regardless of their biographical, social and economic status.

Three themes and categories emerged from the data analysis. Table  2 summarises the themes and categories of midwives’ lived experiences caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium in Eswatini.

Theme 1: physical and emotional efforts required from midwives to provide maternity care to women with mobility disabilities

Category 1.1: midwives experienced that woman with mobility disabilities needed assistance getting onto the bed during labour and delivery.

According to the participants, caring for women with mobility disabilities weighed heavily on them physically as they were required to assist the women onto delivery beds, which were too high for the women to climb up on their own:

“The beds are too high, they need to be adjustable…unless you change her to another room, we only have one in the other room…but to be honest she delivered on the same high bed with the help…It’s uncomfortable even with me who is normal, how about someone who has a disability? Getting the woman onto the bed is also uncomfortable for us we end up having pain on our backs.” (M3) . “The challenge is that I couldn’t help her to climb on to the bed, because I needed someone to assist when she came for postnatal care as she was even carrying 3 babies, I didn’t know what to do…I eventually went out and asked for assistance from my colleague…” (M10) . “I believe that the equipment should accommodate the women with disability, however, ours is not accommodative to the women…there are no special delivery beds, specifically designed for them because in my opinion the beds have to be shorter so they can be able to get on to them easily…yes so that they can be able to climb on the beds” (M1) .

Category 1.2: midwives experienced challenges in manoeuvring women with mobility disabilities during labour

Midwives reported it was difficult to perform some procedures while progressing these women during labour and delivery. This situation called for some adjustment and improvisation on their part, and they were unsure if it was the right thing to do.

“Even though she was a bit uncomfortable and anxious because the leg was just straight and could not bend, I reassured her…She had to remove the artificial leg and remain with the stump. I placed her on the lithotomy position. With the other hand she had to hold on to the ankle of the normal foot, even though it was awkward and difficult to manoeuvre, she managed to deliver the baby.” (M1) . “Luckily for us, she didn’t sustain a tear and we were saved from suturing her cause we foresaw difficulties as how we could have done it as she couldn’t open her thighs well due to the disability…yes I had to get a partner to assist, since she couldn’t even open her thighs. She also couldn’t cooperate possibly because of the pain that is also more reason I asked for my colleague to assist.” (M6) . “…yes…let me make an example, in my case she had a fracture, even if the pelvis was gynaecoid, there were problems of finding the right position for her during delivery, when she had to push the baby out…” (M8) . “The one that I saw did not have one leg. She had come for her postnatal care. We assisted and her on the couch, with my colleague. Since she couldn’t keep her legs open, I asked my colleague to keep one of her legs open whilst I examined her.” (M12) .

Category 1.3: midwives experienced anxiety and the need to exercise patience when caring for women with mobility disabilities

The participants experienced an emotional and psychological burden when caring for women with mobility disabilities. They felt unqualified and foresaw difficulties that triggered anxiety, which led to them not knowing what to do and how to handle these women.

“It was during labour…the woman was limping the woman she was on crutches. The moment she came into the ward I am a human being I just felt sorry for her kutsi (as to) how is she going to take care of the baby, and the hand was somehow deformed.” (M3) . “At first its emotionally draining as an individual you cause you start sympathising…(other midwife chips in)…yes you even find yourself saying things just because you pity her, and in the process they get hurt.” (M6) . “It came as a shock and it was my first experience, it came as a shock as to how I was going to help her as even my experience was limited in that area.” (M7) . “As I was taking care of her it became necessary for me to put myself into her shoes and to bear with her considering her situation….When you see her for the first time you would pity her yet she is now used to it.” (M1) .

Theme 2: lack of equipment to meet the needs of women with mobility disabilities

Category 2.1: midwives reported a lack of special beds and infrastructure to meet the needs of women with mobility disabilities.

Midwives reported their frustration at the lack of sufficient equipment like special beds and examination tables, tailored for women with mobility disabilities. It was a challenge to provide maternity care for women without this equipment.

“I believe that the infrastructure and equipment should accommodate the women with mobility disability, however, ours is not accommodative to the women…Usually we don’t have the prenatal ward in the maternity, most women who come in the latent phase have to ambulate, or go to the waiting huts and come back when the labour pains are stronger…There are no special delivery beds, specifically designed for them because in my opinion the beds have to be shorter so they can be able to get on to them easily. We do not even have toilets meant for them.” (M1) . “I was anxious as to how was she going to push how to push cause we do not have the right beds when it was time for pushing I asked for assistance…” (M2) . “The challenge is that I couldn’t help her to climb on to the bed, because I needed someone to assist when she came for postnatal care…the beds need to be adjustable so that they are able to be pushed lower for the mother to move from wheel chair to the bed and we pull the bed up again to examine her.” (M11) .

Theme 3: challenges in providing holistic care to women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour, and puerperium

Category 3.1: midwives reported a lack of guidelines and protocols in caring holistically for women with mobility disabilities.

Midwives emphasised a lack of guidelines, protocols and knowledge about caring holistically for women with mobility disabilities. This resulted in everyone making their own decisions and doing as they saw fit in caring for these women:

“I think during antenatal care they (the women with mobility disabilities) need to be prepared for labour cause for others the pain is extraordinary, apart from the pain threshold, they also face self-esteem issues, they are looked down upon…I only saw that she was disabled during assessment cause nothing was recorded on the antenatal care card.” (M2) . “I was not aware of the disability at first, I only discovered when she was pushing…she was admitted and progressed by another midwife, I only attended to her when she was pushing… there was nothing written on the nurse’s notes/ handover notes about her disability.” (M5) . “There is no normal practice for a woman with mobility disability when they come and they are in labour, I usually admit regardless of the stage of labour or dilatation…It is not a protocol, it’s a midwife’s prerogative.” (M1) . “We assess and come up with our own discretion even in terms of admitting them (women with mobility disability). Some midwives will admit them regardless of the stage of labour and disregard the protocol that women who come into labour have to ambulate if they are in the latent phase.” (M8) . “There is one that came the past 3 days she has 3 children now and we just scheduled her for c/section because we know that she has been having c/section since she started. Just from looking at the way she walked, we could tell that she couldn’t deliver normally.” (M9) .

Category 3.2: midwives experienced challenges in allowing significant others to support women with mobility disabilities during labour and delivery

Consequent to the challenges in providing holistic care to women with mobility disabilities, midwives experienced challenges in allowing significant others to support these women during labour and delivery.

“It can depend on the patients themselves, they should decide and we need to be flexible for it to happen…as you can see our labour room also has the issue of privacy…we would need to restructure cause we have beds for 5 or more women in labour room…and then bringing someone from outside could be tricky” (M6) . “Maybe…not sure though, that they can bring their relatives, but maybe, considering staffing limitation…also the issue of discrimination and privacy, they (the women with disabilities) might feel we discriminate against them because they are disabled we now treat them differently.” (M7) . “Maybe if she can (bring her relative) but that’s not necessary, because I can always ask my colleague to assist, unless there is no one…” (M12) .

Childbirth is a special experience that requires a personal connection between the midwife and the woman giving birth, characterised by successful communication and respect [ 34 ]. However, the themes identified in the study indicated that midwives experienced challenges caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium based on their limited capacity and preparedness, and lack of protocols to care for these women. They also reported a lack of supportive equipment for women with mobility disabilities. This posed a challenge for them in attending to these women’s specific needs, and they did not always know how to handle the situation appropriately.

One of the themes centred on midwives’ experiences of the physical and emotional efforts required of them to provide maternity care to women with mobility disabilities. They explained women with mobility disabilities required assistance getting onto the bed during labour and delivery, and more manoeuvring was expected of them (as midwives) as they had to adjust their performance and some procedures. The midwives also reported challenges in providing holistic care to women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium. Konig-Bachmann et al. [ 35 ] reiterate that caring for women with disabilities requires a level of flexibility, adaptation beyond routine procedures, and demands a high degree of improvisation from healthcare providers to ensure high-quality care. Morrison et al. [ 36 ] also found that healthcare providers reported difficulties with equipment when providing healthcare for women with physical disabilities; particularly the beds being too high for them to access. Smeltzer et al. [ 37 ] similarly allude to the importance of educating and training clinicians to equip them with knowledge and technical skills to provide more effective care to women with physical disabilities.

The midwives also shared that labour and deliveries were further complicated by some women with mobility disabilities not being able to cooperate due to the pain they experienced; others could not change position due to their disability. In a study by Sonalkar et al., [ 38 ] healthcare providers described the gynaecologic examination as challenging to complete as it required patience and the ability to be adaptable to different methods and positioning. Similarly, Konig-Bachmann et al. [ 35 ] indicate that in order to provide high-quality care for women with disabilities, healthcare providers need to exercise strong flexibility, adapt beyond routine procedures, and engage in a high degree of improvisation. Byrnes and Hickey [ 39 ] concur with this study’s findings and state that due to mobility restrictions, it may be difficult to assess the fundal height and foetal growth in women with physical disabilities.

Some midwives reported their caregiving role was emotionally draining as they felt sorry and pitied the women with mobility disabilities; thus, they needed to show compassion and reassure them. According to Mgwili et al., [ 40 ] psychoanalytic thinkers associate pity among staff members upon first contact with a physically disabled person as being instigated by personal feelings, stimulated by the disability. The midwives in this study stated they needed to be more patient and adjust their approach to caring for these women. Tarasoff [ 41 ] and Schildberger et al. [ 42 ] reiterated that healthcare providers seemed uncomfortable with women’s disability, consequently failing to offer needed support. According to Sonalkar et al., [ 38 ] healthcare providers reported there would be less fear and concern about hurting women with disabilities if midwives had increased training. Similarly, Mitra et al. [ 43 ] mentioned that healthcare providers had a general lack of confidence in their ability to provide adequate maternity care for women with physical disabilities.

Another theme was midwives’ challenges in providing competent and quality care for women with mobility disabilities due to a lack of equipment, including special beds and examination tables to meet these women’s needs. The examination, labour and delivery beds were too high and could not be adjusted for the women to get on by themselves, or even with the assistance of a midwife. In addition, the midwives reported there was no prenatal ward or waiting huts where they could place these women during the latent phase of labour. The midwives further emphasised there were no special toilets for women with mobility disabilities, which made it hazardous and difficult for them. Mitra et al. [ 43 ] concur on the barriers to providing maternity care to women with physical disabilities presented from health professionals’ perspectives. The authors indicated that participants from their study reported inaccessible equipment, including examination tables, as a barrier, making it more difficult and time-consuming to care for women with physical disabilities. In addition, Sonalkar et al. [ 38 ] said healthcare providers shared their concern about the lack of adjustable examination tables and transfer equipment, thus presenting a barrier to equitable care for women with disabilities.

Midwives further reported a lack of guidelines and protocols. This resulted in everyone making their own decisions and doing as they saw fit in caring for these women, and, in most instances, not recording the disability at all during antenatal care and admission into labour records. They often only discovered that the woman had a mobility disability at a later stage, when they were in labour. Sonalkar et al. [ 38 ] reported that healthcare providers felt frustrated and overwhelmed by the uncertainty of whether they made the correct decisions when caring for women with physical disabilities due to the lack of guidelines forcing them to use their own judgement. Mitra et al. [ 43 ] determined that most healthcare providers reported a lack of maternity practice guidelines for women with physical disabilities. Also, healthcare providers highlighted the importance of learning about disabilities and having a better understanding of a condition, particularly if it is likely to be exacerbated during pregnancy [ 44 ]. The need to make and read the notes on these women’s antenatal care cards or reports was emphasised.

Due to the lack of clear guidelines and protocols in caring for women with mobility disabilities, the midwives reported they sometimes admitted the woman into the labour ward regardless of the stage of labour, while other midwives did not and wanted them to walk around and come back for admission once they are in the active phase of labour. Furthermore, the midwives explained they often referred these women for caesarean sections right away, regardless of whether the woman could deliver normally due to mere panic from just seeing the disability or based on a previous record of surgery. Smeltzer et al. [ 45 ] researched obstetric clinicians’ experiences and educational preparation in caring for pregnant women with physical disabilities, and they agree on the lack of knowledge among health professionals caring for women with mobility disability.

Devkota et al. [ 46 ] also agree regarding midwives’ inefficiency in providing quality care for women with mobility disabilities. They claim healthcare providers often struggle to understand women with disabilities’ needs as they are not formally trained to provide services to this population. These healthcare providers were found to be undertrained in specific skills that would equip them to provide better and more targeted services for women with disabilities.

Consequent to the challenges in providing holistic care to women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium, midwives experienced challenges in allowing significant others to support these women. They reported that as much as they needed assistance caring for these women, and as much as the women would prefer to have their family members or significant others assisting them, this is not possible due to the lack of privacy, especially in public health facilities. Walsh-Gallager et al.’s [ 13 ] study on the ambiguity of disabled women’s experiences of pregnancy, childbirth and motherhood resonate with this study’s findings. The authors reported that women with disabilities’ partners were denied access or had their visits curtailed on several occasions due to inflexible hospital visiting policies. Redshaw et al. [ 47 ] reiterated the same in their study; disabled women were less likely to say their companion or partner was welcome to visit, let alone provide any form of assistance. In addition, a study by Bassoumah and Mohammad [ 48 ] reported that women with disabilities were denied their spouses’ support while receiving maternity care. Byrnes and Hickey [ 39 ] also concur that every effort should be made to allow women with disabilities who are in labour to receive support from significant others, and they should be active partners in the labour process.

Limitations

The study was limited to two of the four regions of Eswatini, namely Hhohho and Manzini; hence, the results could not be generalised for the whole country. The study also only focused on mobility disabilities due to time constraints and limited funds. Future research could be conducted to cover all other forms of disabilities.

This study focused on midwives’ lived experiences caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium in Eswatini. In-depth phenomenological interviews were conducted, the findings were analysed, and themes were established. The findings illustrate that midwives experienced challenges caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium in Eswatini. There is a need to develop and implement guidelines to empower midwives with knowledge and skill to provide support and holistic maternity care, and enact protocols. They should also have access to appropriate equipment and infrastructure specifically tailored towards promoting optimal health for women with mobility disabilities.

Data availability

The data analysed is available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge the midwives in the Hhohho and Manzini regions of Eswatini who participated in the study and provided their own experiences of providing maternity care to women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium.

The research received funding from the University of Johannesburg Postgraduate Supervisor-linked Bursary.

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F.N.M conducted the research and wrote the manuscript. A.M.T supervised, reviewed, and finalised the manuscript. A.G.W.N co-supervised the study and edited the manuscript for final submission.

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Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the University of Johannesburg Faculty of Health Sciences Higher Degrees Committee (ref. no. HDC-01-50-2018), University of Johannesburg Faculty of Health Research Ethics Committee (ref. no. REC-01-82-2018) and the Eswatini National Health Research Review Board (ref. no. NHRRB982/2018). Participation in this study was voluntary, and informed consent was obtained from participants before the interviews commenced.

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Temane, A.M., Magagula, F.N. & Nolte, A.G.W. Midwives’ lived experiences of caring for women with mobility disabilities during pregnancy, labour and puerperium in Eswatini: a qualitative study. BMC Women's Health 24 , 207 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-024-03032-z

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What is Qualitative in Qualitative Research

Patrik aspers.

1 Department of Sociology, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden

2 Seminar for Sociology, Universität St. Gallen, St. Gallen, Switzerland

3 Department of Media and Social Sciences, University of Stavanger, Stavanger, Norway

What is qualitative research? If we look for a precise definition of qualitative research, and specifically for one that addresses its distinctive feature of being “qualitative,” the literature is meager. In this article we systematically search, identify and analyze a sample of 89 sources using or attempting to define the term “qualitative.” Then, drawing on ideas we find scattered across existing work, and based on Becker’s classic study of marijuana consumption, we formulate and illustrate a definition that tries to capture its core elements. We define qualitative research as an iterative process in which improved understanding to the scientific community is achieved by making new significant distinctions resulting from getting closer to the phenomenon studied. This formulation is developed as a tool to help improve research designs while stressing that a qualitative dimension is present in quantitative work as well. Additionally, it can facilitate teaching, communication between researchers, diminish the gap between qualitative and quantitative researchers, help to address critiques of qualitative methods, and be used as a standard of evaluation of qualitative research.

If we assume that there is something called qualitative research, what exactly is this qualitative feature? And how could we evaluate qualitative research as good or not? Is it fundamentally different from quantitative research? In practice, most active qualitative researchers working with empirical material intuitively know what is involved in doing qualitative research, yet perhaps surprisingly, a clear definition addressing its key feature is still missing.

To address the question of what is qualitative we turn to the accounts of “qualitative research” in textbooks and also in empirical work. In his classic, explorative, interview study of deviance Howard Becker ( 1963 ) asks ‘How does one become a marijuana user?’ In contrast to pre-dispositional and psychological-individualistic theories of deviant behavior, Becker’s inherently social explanation contends that becoming a user of this substance is the result of a three-phase sequential learning process. First, potential users need to learn how to smoke it properly to produce the “correct” effects. If not, they are likely to stop experimenting with it. Second, they need to discover the effects associated with it; in other words, to get “high,” individuals not only have to experience what the drug does, but also to become aware that those sensations are related to using it. Third, they require learning to savor the feelings related to its consumption – to develop an acquired taste. Becker, who played music himself, gets close to the phenomenon by observing, taking part, and by talking to people consuming the drug: “half of the fifty interviews were conducted with musicians, the other half covered a wide range of people, including laborers, machinists, and people in the professions” (Becker 1963 :56).

Another central aspect derived through the common-to-all-research interplay between induction and deduction (Becker 2017 ), is that during the course of his research Becker adds scientifically meaningful new distinctions in the form of three phases—distinctions, or findings if you will, that strongly affect the course of his research: its focus, the material that he collects, and which eventually impact his findings. Each phase typically unfolds through social interaction, and often with input from experienced users in “a sequence of social experiences during which the person acquires a conception of the meaning of the behavior, and perceptions and judgments of objects and situations, all of which make the activity possible and desirable” (Becker 1963 :235). In this study the increased understanding of smoking dope is a result of a combination of the meaning of the actors, and the conceptual distinctions that Becker introduces based on the views expressed by his respondents. Understanding is the result of research and is due to an iterative process in which data, concepts and evidence are connected with one another (Becker 2017 ).

Indeed, there are many definitions of qualitative research, but if we look for a definition that addresses its distinctive feature of being “qualitative,” the literature across the broad field of social science is meager. The main reason behind this article lies in the paradox, which, to put it bluntly, is that researchers act as if they know what it is, but they cannot formulate a coherent definition. Sociologists and others will of course continue to conduct good studies that show the relevance and value of qualitative research addressing scientific and practical problems in society. However, our paper is grounded in the idea that providing a clear definition will help us improve the work that we do. Among researchers who practice qualitative research there is clearly much knowledge. We suggest that a definition makes this knowledge more explicit. If the first rationale for writing this paper refers to the “internal” aim of improving qualitative research, the second refers to the increased “external” pressure that especially many qualitative researchers feel; pressure that comes both from society as well as from other scientific approaches. There is a strong core in qualitative research, and leading researchers tend to agree on what it is and how it is done. Our critique is not directed at the practice of qualitative research, but we do claim that the type of systematic work we do has not yet been done, and that it is useful to improve the field and its status in relation to quantitative research.

The literature on the “internal” aim of improving, or at least clarifying qualitative research is large, and we do not claim to be the first to notice the vagueness of the term “qualitative” (Strauss and Corbin 1998 ). Also, others have noted that there is no single definition of it (Long and Godfrey 2004 :182), that there are many different views on qualitative research (Denzin and Lincoln 2003 :11; Jovanović 2011 :3), and that more generally, we need to define its meaning (Best 2004 :54). Strauss and Corbin ( 1998 ), for example, as well as Nelson et al. (1992:2 cited in Denzin and Lincoln 2003 :11), and Flick ( 2007 :ix–x), have recognized that the term is problematic: “Actually, the term ‘qualitative research’ is confusing because it can mean different things to different people” (Strauss and Corbin 1998 :10–11). Hammersley has discussed the possibility of addressing the problem, but states that “the task of providing an account of the distinctive features of qualitative research is far from straightforward” ( 2013 :2). This confusion, as he has recently further argued (Hammersley 2018 ), is also salient in relation to ethnography where different philosophical and methodological approaches lead to a lack of agreement about what it means.

Others (e.g. Hammersley 2018 ; Fine and Hancock 2017 ) have also identified the treat to qualitative research that comes from external forces, seen from the point of view of “qualitative research.” This threat can be further divided into that which comes from inside academia, such as the critique voiced by “quantitative research” and outside of academia, including, for example, New Public Management. Hammersley ( 2018 ), zooming in on one type of qualitative research, ethnography, has argued that it is under treat. Similarly to Fine ( 2003 ), and before him Gans ( 1999 ), he writes that ethnography’ has acquired a range of meanings, and comes in many different versions, these often reflecting sharply divergent epistemological orientations. And already more than twenty years ago while reviewing Denzin and Lincoln’ s Handbook of Qualitative Methods Fine argued:

While this increasing centrality [of qualitative research] might lead one to believe that consensual standards have developed, this belief would be misleading. As the methodology becomes more widely accepted, querulous challengers have raised fundamental questions that collectively have undercut the traditional models of how qualitative research is to be fashioned and presented (1995:417).

According to Hammersley, there are today “serious treats to the practice of ethnographic work, on almost any definition” ( 2018 :1). He lists five external treats: (1) that social research must be accountable and able to show its impact on society; (2) the current emphasis on “big data” and the emphasis on quantitative data and evidence; (3) the labor market pressure in academia that leaves less time for fieldwork (see also Fine and Hancock 2017 ); (4) problems of access to fields; and (5) the increased ethical scrutiny of projects, to which ethnography is particularly exposed. Hammersley discusses some more or less insufficient existing definitions of ethnography.

The current situation, as Hammersley and others note—and in relation not only to ethnography but also qualitative research in general, and as our empirical study shows—is not just unsatisfactory, it may even be harmful for the entire field of qualitative research, and does not help social science at large. We suggest that the lack of clarity of qualitative research is a real problem that must be addressed.

Towards a Definition of Qualitative Research

Seen in an historical light, what is today called qualitative, or sometimes ethnographic, interpretative research – or a number of other terms – has more or less always existed. At the time the founders of sociology – Simmel, Weber, Durkheim and, before them, Marx – were writing, and during the era of the Methodenstreit (“dispute about methods”) in which the German historical school emphasized scientific methods (cf. Swedberg 1990 ), we can at least speak of qualitative forerunners.

Perhaps the most extended discussion of what later became known as qualitative methods in a classic work is Bronisław Malinowski’s ( 1922 ) Argonauts in the Western Pacific , although even this study does not explicitly address the meaning of “qualitative.” In Weber’s ([1921–-22] 1978) work we find a tension between scientific explanations that are based on observation and quantification and interpretative research (see also Lazarsfeld and Barton 1982 ).

If we look through major sociology journals like the American Sociological Review , American Journal of Sociology , or Social Forces we will not find the term qualitative sociology before the 1970s. And certainly before then much of what we consider qualitative classics in sociology, like Becker’ study ( 1963 ), had already been produced. Indeed, the Chicago School often combined qualitative and quantitative data within the same study (Fine 1995 ). Our point being that before a disciplinary self-awareness the term quantitative preceded qualitative, and the articulation of the former was a political move to claim scientific status (Denzin and Lincoln 2005 ). In the US the World War II seem to have sparked a critique of sociological work, including “qualitative work,” that did not follow the scientific canon (Rawls 2018 ), which was underpinned by a scientifically oriented and value free philosophy of science. As a result the attempts and practice of integrating qualitative and quantitative sociology at Chicago lost ground to sociology that was more oriented to surveys and quantitative work at Columbia under Merton-Lazarsfeld. The quantitative tradition was also able to present textbooks (Lundberg 1951 ) that facilitated the use this approach and its “methods.” The practices of the qualitative tradition, by and large, remained tacit or was part of the mentoring transferred from the renowned masters to their students.

This glimpse into history leads us back to the lack of a coherent account condensed in a definition of qualitative research. Many of the attempts to define the term do not meet the requirements of a proper definition: A definition should be clear, avoid tautology, demarcate its domain in relation to the environment, and ideally only use words in its definiens that themselves are not in need of definition (Hempel 1966 ). A definition can enhance precision and thus clarity by identifying the core of the phenomenon. Preferably, a definition should be short. The typical definition we have found, however, is an ostensive definition, which indicates what qualitative research is about without informing us about what it actually is :

Qualitative research is multimethod in focus, involving an interpretative, naturalistic approach to its subject matter. This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them. Qualitative research involves the studied use and collection of a variety of empirical materials – case study, personal experience, introspective, life story, interview, observational, historical, interactional, and visual texts – that describe routine and problematic moments and meanings in individuals’ lives. (Denzin and Lincoln 2005 :2)

Flick claims that the label “qualitative research” is indeed used as an umbrella for a number of approaches ( 2007 :2–4; 2002 :6), and it is not difficult to identify research fitting this designation. Moreover, whatever it is, it has grown dramatically over the past five decades. In addition, courses have been developed, methods have flourished, arguments about its future have been advanced (for example, Denzin and Lincoln 1994) and criticized (for example, Snow and Morrill 1995 ), and dedicated journals and books have mushroomed. Most social scientists have a clear idea of research and how it differs from journalism, politics and other activities. But the question of what is qualitative in qualitative research is either eluded or eschewed.

We maintain that this lacuna hinders systematic knowledge production based on qualitative research. Paul Lazarsfeld noted the lack of “codification” as early as 1955 when he reviewed 100 qualitative studies in order to offer a codification of the practices (Lazarsfeld and Barton 1982 :239). Since then many texts on “qualitative research” and its methods have been published, including recent attempts (Goertz and Mahoney 2012 ) similar to Lazarsfeld’s. These studies have tried to extract what is qualitative by looking at the large number of empirical “qualitative” studies. Our novel strategy complements these endeavors by taking another approach and looking at the attempts to codify these practices in the form of a definition, as well as to a minor extent take Becker’s study as an exemplar of what qualitative researchers actually do, and what the characteristic of being ‘qualitative’ denotes and implies. We claim that qualitative researchers, if there is such a thing as “qualitative research,” should be able to codify their practices in a condensed, yet general way expressed in language.

Lingering problems of “generalizability” and “how many cases do I need” (Small 2009 ) are blocking advancement – in this line of work qualitative approaches are said to differ considerably from quantitative ones, while some of the former unsuccessfully mimic principles related to the latter (Small 2009 ). Additionally, quantitative researchers sometimes unfairly criticize the first based on their own quality criteria. Scholars like Goertz and Mahoney ( 2012 ) have successfully focused on the different norms and practices beyond what they argue are essentially two different cultures: those working with either qualitative or quantitative methods. Instead, similarly to Becker ( 2017 ) who has recently questioned the usefulness of the distinction between qualitative and quantitative research, we focus on similarities.

The current situation also impedes both students and researchers in focusing their studies and understanding each other’s work (Lazarsfeld and Barton 1982 :239). A third consequence is providing an opening for critiques by scholars operating within different traditions (Valsiner 2000 :101). A fourth issue is that the “implicit use of methods in qualitative research makes the field far less standardized than the quantitative paradigm” (Goertz and Mahoney 2012 :9). Relatedly, the National Science Foundation in the US organized two workshops in 2004 and 2005 to address the scientific foundations of qualitative research involving strategies to improve it and to develop standards of evaluation in qualitative research. However, a specific focus on its distinguishing feature of being “qualitative” while being implicitly acknowledged, was discussed only briefly (for example, Best 2004 ).

In 2014 a theme issue was published in this journal on “Methods, Materials, and Meanings: Designing Cultural Analysis,” discussing central issues in (cultural) qualitative research (Berezin 2014 ; Biernacki 2014 ; Glaeser 2014 ; Lamont and Swidler 2014 ; Spillman 2014). We agree with many of the arguments put forward, such as the risk of methodological tribalism, and that we should not waste energy on debating methods separated from research questions. Nonetheless, a clarification of the relation to what is called “quantitative research” is of outmost importance to avoid misunderstandings and misguided debates between “qualitative” and “quantitative” researchers. Our strategy means that researchers, “qualitative” or “quantitative” they may be, in their actual practice may combine qualitative work and quantitative work.

In this article we accomplish three tasks. First, we systematically survey the literature for meanings of qualitative research by looking at how researchers have defined it. Drawing upon existing knowledge we find that the different meanings and ideas of qualitative research are not yet coherently integrated into one satisfactory definition. Next, we advance our contribution by offering a definition of qualitative research and illustrate its meaning and use partially by expanding on the brief example introduced earlier related to Becker’s work ( 1963 ). We offer a systematic analysis of central themes of what researchers consider to be the core of “qualitative,” regardless of style of work. These themes – which we summarize in terms of four keywords: distinction, process, closeness, improved understanding – constitute part of our literature review, in which each one appears, sometimes with others, but never all in the same definition. They serve as the foundation of our contribution. Our categories are overlapping. Their use is primarily to organize the large amount of definitions we have identified and analyzed, and not necessarily to draw a clear distinction between them. Finally, we continue the elaboration discussed above on the advantages of a clear definition of qualitative research.

In a hermeneutic fashion we propose that there is something meaningful that deserves to be labelled “qualitative research” (Gadamer 1990 ). To approach the question “What is qualitative in qualitative research?” we have surveyed the literature. In conducting our survey we first traced the word’s etymology in dictionaries, encyclopedias, handbooks of the social sciences and of methods and textbooks, mainly in English, which is common to methodology courses. It should be noted that we have zoomed in on sociology and its literature. This discipline has been the site of the largest debate and development of methods that can be called “qualitative,” which suggests that this field should be examined in great detail.

In an ideal situation we should expect that one good definition, or at least some common ideas, would have emerged over the years. This common core of qualitative research should be so accepted that it would appear in at least some textbooks. Since this is not what we found, we decided to pursue an inductive approach to capture maximal variation in the field of qualitative research; we searched in a selection of handbooks, textbooks, book chapters, and books, to which we added the analysis of journal articles. Our sample comprises a total of 89 references.

In practice we focused on the discipline that has had a clear discussion of methods, namely sociology. We also conducted a broad search in the JSTOR database to identify scholarly sociology articles published between 1998 and 2017 in English with a focus on defining or explaining qualitative research. We specifically zoom in on this time frame because we would have expect that this more mature period would have produced clear discussions on the meaning of qualitative research. To find these articles we combined a number of keywords to search the content and/or the title: qualitative (which was always included), definition, empirical, research, methodology, studies, fieldwork, interview and observation .

As a second phase of our research we searched within nine major sociological journals ( American Journal of Sociology , Sociological Theory , American Sociological Review , Contemporary Sociology , Sociological Forum , Sociological Theory , Qualitative Research , Qualitative Sociology and Qualitative Sociology Review ) for articles also published during the past 19 years (1998–2017) that had the term “qualitative” in the title and attempted to define qualitative research.

Lastly we picked two additional journals, Qualitative Research and Qualitative Sociology , in which we could expect to find texts addressing the notion of “qualitative.” From Qualitative Research we chose Volume 14, Issue 6, December 2014, and from Qualitative Sociology we chose Volume 36, Issue 2, June 2017. Within each of these we selected the first article; then we picked the second article of three prior issues. Again we went back another three issues and investigated article number three. Finally we went back another three issues and perused article number four. This selection criteria was used to get a manageable sample for the analysis.

The coding process of the 89 references we gathered in our selected review began soon after the first round of material was gathered, and we reduced the complexity created by our maximum variation sampling (Snow and Anderson 1993 :22) to four different categories within which questions on the nature and properties of qualitative research were discussed. We call them: Qualitative and Quantitative Research, Qualitative Research, Fieldwork, and Grounded Theory. This – which may appear as an illogical grouping – merely reflects the “context” in which the matter of “qualitative” is discussed. If the selection process of the material – books and articles – was informed by pre-knowledge, we used an inductive strategy to code the material. When studying our material, we identified four central notions related to “qualitative” that appear in various combinations in the literature which indicate what is the core of qualitative research. We have labeled them: “distinctions”, “process,” “closeness,” and “improved understanding.” During the research process the categories and notions were improved, refined, changed, and reordered. The coding ended when a sense of saturation in the material arose. In the presentation below all quotations and references come from our empirical material of texts on qualitative research.

Analysis – What is Qualitative Research?

In this section we describe the four categories we identified in the coding, how they differently discuss qualitative research, as well as their overall content. Some salient quotations are selected to represent the type of text sorted under each of the four categories. What we present are examples from the literature.

Qualitative and Quantitative

This analytic category comprises quotations comparing qualitative and quantitative research, a distinction that is frequently used (Brown 2010 :231); in effect this is a conceptual pair that structures the discussion and that may be associated with opposing interests. While the general goal of quantitative and qualitative research is the same – to understand the world better – their methodologies and focus in certain respects differ substantially (Becker 1966 :55). Quantity refers to that property of something that can be determined by measurement. In a dictionary of Statistics and Methodology we find that “(a) When referring to *variables, ‘qualitative’ is another term for *categorical or *nominal. (b) When speaking of kinds of research, ‘qualitative’ refers to studies of subjects that are hard to quantify, such as art history. Qualitative research tends to be a residual category for almost any kind of non-quantitative research” (Stiles 1998:183). But it should be obvious that one could employ a quantitative approach when studying, for example, art history.

The same dictionary states that quantitative is “said of variables or research that can be handled numerically, usually (too sharply) contrasted with *qualitative variables and research” (Stiles 1998:184). From a qualitative perspective “quantitative research” is about numbers and counting, and from a quantitative perspective qualitative research is everything that is not about numbers. But this does not say much about what is “qualitative.” If we turn to encyclopedias we find that in the 1932 edition of the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences there is no mention of “qualitative.” In the Encyclopedia from 1968 we can read:

Qualitative Analysis. For methods of obtaining, analyzing, and describing data, see [the various entries:] CONTENT ANALYSIS; COUNTED DATA; EVALUATION RESEARCH, FIELD WORK; GRAPHIC PRESENTATION; HISTORIOGRAPHY, especially the article on THE RHETORIC OF HISTORY; INTERVIEWING; OBSERVATION; PERSONALITY MEASUREMENT; PROJECTIVE METHODS; PSYCHOANALYSIS, article on EXPERIMENTAL METHODS; SURVEY ANALYSIS, TABULAR PRESENTATION; TYPOLOGIES. (Vol. 13:225)

Some, like Alford, divide researchers into methodologists or, in his words, “quantitative and qualitative specialists” (Alford 1998 :12). Qualitative research uses a variety of methods, such as intensive interviews or in-depth analysis of historical materials, and it is concerned with a comprehensive account of some event or unit (King et al. 1994 :4). Like quantitative research it can be utilized to study a variety of issues, but it tends to focus on meanings and motivations that underlie cultural symbols, personal experiences, phenomena and detailed understanding of processes in the social world. In short, qualitative research centers on understanding processes, experiences, and the meanings people assign to things (Kalof et al. 2008 :79).

Others simply say that qualitative methods are inherently unscientific (Jovanović 2011 :19). Hood, for instance, argues that words are intrinsically less precise than numbers, and that they are therefore more prone to subjective analysis, leading to biased results (Hood 2006 :219). Qualitative methodologies have raised concerns over the limitations of quantitative templates (Brady et al. 2004 :4). Scholars such as King et al. ( 1994 ), for instance, argue that non-statistical research can produce more reliable results if researchers pay attention to the rules of scientific inference commonly stated in quantitative research. Also, researchers such as Becker ( 1966 :59; 1970 :42–43) have asserted that, if conducted properly, qualitative research and in particular ethnographic field methods, can lead to more accurate results than quantitative studies, in particular, survey research and laboratory experiments.

Some researchers, such as Kalof, Dan, and Dietz ( 2008 :79) claim that the boundaries between the two approaches are becoming blurred, and Small ( 2009 ) argues that currently much qualitative research (especially in North America) tries unsuccessfully and unnecessarily to emulate quantitative standards. For others, qualitative research tends to be more humanistic and discursive (King et al. 1994 :4). Ragin ( 1994 ), and similarly also Becker, ( 1996 :53), Marchel and Owens ( 2007 :303) think that the main distinction between the two styles is overstated and does not rest on the simple dichotomy of “numbers versus words” (Ragin 1994 :xii). Some claim that quantitative data can be utilized to discover associations, but in order to unveil cause and effect a complex research design involving the use of qualitative approaches needs to be devised (Gilbert 2009 :35). Consequently, qualitative data are useful for understanding the nuances lying beyond those processes as they unfold (Gilbert 2009 :35). Others contend that qualitative research is particularly well suited both to identify causality and to uncover fine descriptive distinctions (Fine and Hallett 2014 ; Lichterman and Isaac Reed 2014 ; Katz 2015 ).

There are other ways to separate these two traditions, including normative statements about what qualitative research should be (that is, better or worse than quantitative approaches, concerned with scientific approaches to societal change or vice versa; Snow and Morrill 1995 ; Denzin and Lincoln 2005 ), or whether it should develop falsifiable statements; Best 2004 ).

We propose that quantitative research is largely concerned with pre-determined variables (Small 2008 ); the analysis concerns the relations between variables. These categories are primarily not questioned in the study, only their frequency or degree, or the correlations between them (cf. Franzosi 2016 ). If a researcher studies wage differences between women and men, he or she works with given categories: x number of men are compared with y number of women, with a certain wage attributed to each person. The idea is not to move beyond the given categories of wage, men and women; they are the starting point as well as the end point, and undergo no “qualitative change.” Qualitative research, in contrast, investigates relations between categories that are themselves subject to change in the research process. Returning to Becker’s study ( 1963 ), we see that he questioned pre-dispositional theories of deviant behavior working with pre-determined variables such as an individual’s combination of personal qualities or emotional problems. His take, in contrast, was to understand marijuana consumption by developing “variables” as part of the investigation. Thereby he presented new variables, or as we would say today, theoretical concepts, but which are grounded in the empirical material.

Qualitative Research

This category contains quotations that refer to descriptions of qualitative research without making comparisons with quantitative research. Researchers such as Denzin and Lincoln, who have written a series of influential handbooks on qualitative methods (1994; Denzin and Lincoln 2003 ; 2005 ), citing Nelson et al. (1992:4), argue that because qualitative research is “interdisciplinary, transdisciplinary, and sometimes counterdisciplinary” it is difficult to derive one single definition of it (Jovanović 2011 :3). According to them, in fact, “the field” is “many things at the same time,” involving contradictions, tensions over its focus, methods, and how to derive interpretations and findings ( 2003 : 11). Similarly, others, such as Flick ( 2007 :ix–x) contend that agreeing on an accepted definition has increasingly become problematic, and that qualitative research has possibly matured different identities. However, Best holds that “the proliferation of many sorts of activities under the label of qualitative sociology threatens to confuse our discussions” ( 2004 :54). Atkinson’s position is more definite: “the current state of qualitative research and research methods is confused” ( 2005 :3–4).

Qualitative research is about interpretation (Blumer 1969 ; Strauss and Corbin 1998 ; Denzin and Lincoln 2003 ), or Verstehen [understanding] (Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias 1996 ). It is “multi-method,” involving the collection and use of a variety of empirical materials (Denzin and Lincoln 1998; Silverman 2013 ) and approaches (Silverman 2005 ; Flick 2007 ). It focuses not only on the objective nature of behavior but also on its subjective meanings: individuals’ own accounts of their attitudes, motivations, behavior (McIntyre 2005 :127; Creswell 2009 ), events and situations (Bryman 1989) – what people say and do in specific places and institutions (Goodwin and Horowitz 2002 :35–36) in social and temporal contexts (Morrill and Fine 1997). For this reason, following Weber ([1921-22] 1978), it can be described as an interpretative science (McIntyre 2005 :127). But could quantitative research also be concerned with these questions? Also, as pointed out below, does all qualitative research focus on subjective meaning, as some scholars suggest?

Others also distinguish qualitative research by claiming that it collects data using a naturalistic approach (Denzin and Lincoln 2005 :2; Creswell 2009 ), focusing on the meaning actors ascribe to their actions. But again, does all qualitative research need to be collected in situ? And does qualitative research have to be inherently concerned with meaning? Flick ( 2007 ), referring to Denzin and Lincoln ( 2005 ), mentions conversation analysis as an example of qualitative research that is not concerned with the meanings people bring to a situation, but rather with the formal organization of talk. Still others, such as Ragin ( 1994 :85), note that qualitative research is often (especially early on in the project, we would add) less structured than other kinds of social research – a characteristic connected to its flexibility and that can lead both to potentially better, but also worse results. But is this not a feature of this type of research, rather than a defining description of its essence? Wouldn’t this comment also apply, albeit to varying degrees, to quantitative research?

In addition, Strauss ( 2003 ), along with others, such as Alvesson and Kärreman ( 2011 :10–76), argue that qualitative researchers struggle to capture and represent complex phenomena partially because they tend to collect a large amount of data. While his analysis is correct at some points – “It is necessary to do detailed, intensive, microscopic examination of the data in order to bring out the amazing complexity of what lies in, behind, and beyond those data” (Strauss 2003 :10) – much of his analysis concerns the supposed focus of qualitative research and its challenges, rather than exactly what it is about. But even in this instance we would make a weak case arguing that these are strictly the defining features of qualitative research. Some researchers seem to focus on the approach or the methods used, or even on the way material is analyzed. Several researchers stress the naturalistic assumption of investigating the world, suggesting that meaning and interpretation appear to be a core matter of qualitative research.

We can also see that in this category there is no consensus about specific qualitative methods nor about qualitative data. Many emphasize interpretation, but quantitative research, too, involves interpretation; the results of a regression analysis, for example, certainly have to be interpreted, and the form of meta-analysis that factor analysis provides indeed requires interpretation However, there is no interpretation of quantitative raw data, i.e., numbers in tables. One common thread is that qualitative researchers have to get to grips with their data in order to understand what is being studied in great detail, irrespective of the type of empirical material that is being analyzed. This observation is connected to the fact that qualitative researchers routinely make several adjustments of focus and research design as their studies progress, in many cases until the very end of the project (Kalof et al. 2008 ). If you, like Becker, do not start out with a detailed theory, adjustments such as the emergence and refinement of research questions will occur during the research process. We have thus found a number of useful reflections about qualitative research scattered across different sources, but none of them effectively describe the defining characteristics of this approach.

Although qualitative research does not appear to be defined in terms of a specific method, it is certainly common that fieldwork, i.e., research that entails that the researcher spends considerable time in the field that is studied and use the knowledge gained as data, is seen as emblematic of or even identical to qualitative research. But because we understand that fieldwork tends to focus primarily on the collection and analysis of qualitative data, we expected to find within it discussions on the meaning of “qualitative.” But, again, this was not the case.

Instead, we found material on the history of this approach (for example, Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias 1996 ; Atkinson et al. 2001), including how it has changed; for example, by adopting a more self-reflexive practice (Heyl 2001), as well as the different nomenclature that has been adopted, such as fieldwork, ethnography, qualitative research, naturalistic research, participant observation and so on (for example, Lofland et al. 2006 ; Gans 1999 ).

We retrieved definitions of ethnography, such as “the study of people acting in the natural courses of their daily lives,” involving a “resocialization of the researcher” (Emerson 1988 :1) through intense immersion in others’ social worlds (see also examples in Hammersley 2018 ). This may be accomplished by direct observation and also participation (Neuman 2007 :276), although others, such as Denzin ( 1970 :185), have long recognized other types of observation, including non-participant (“fly on the wall”). In this category we have also isolated claims and opposing views, arguing that this type of research is distinguished primarily by where it is conducted (natural settings) (Hughes 1971:496), and how it is carried out (a variety of methods are applied) or, for some most importantly, by involving an active, empathetic immersion in those being studied (Emerson 1988 :2). We also retrieved descriptions of the goals it attends in relation to how it is taught (understanding subjective meanings of the people studied, primarily develop theory, or contribute to social change) (see for example, Corte and Irwin 2017 ; Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias 1996 :281; Trier-Bieniek 2012 :639) by collecting the richest possible data (Lofland et al. 2006 ) to derive “thick descriptions” (Geertz 1973 ), and/or to aim at theoretical statements of general scope and applicability (for example, Emerson 1988 ; Fine 2003 ). We have identified guidelines on how to evaluate it (for example Becker 1996 ; Lamont 2004 ) and have retrieved instructions on how it should be conducted (for example, Lofland et al. 2006 ). For instance, analysis should take place while the data gathering unfolds (Emerson 1988 ; Hammersley and Atkinson 2007 ; Lofland et al. 2006 ), observations should be of long duration (Becker 1970 :54; Goffman 1989 ), and data should be of high quantity (Becker 1970 :52–53), as well as other questionable distinctions between fieldwork and other methods:

Field studies differ from other methods of research in that the researcher performs the task of selecting topics, decides what questions to ask, and forges interest in the course of the research itself . This is in sharp contrast to many ‘theory-driven’ and ‘hypothesis-testing’ methods. (Lofland and Lofland 1995 :5)

But could not, for example, a strictly interview-based study be carried out with the same amount of flexibility, such as sequential interviewing (for example, Small 2009 )? Once again, are quantitative approaches really as inflexible as some qualitative researchers think? Moreover, this category stresses the role of the actors’ meaning, which requires knowledge and close interaction with people, their practices and their lifeworld.

It is clear that field studies – which are seen by some as the “gold standard” of qualitative research – are nonetheless only one way of doing qualitative research. There are other methods, but it is not clear why some are more qualitative than others, or why they are better or worse. Fieldwork is characterized by interaction with the field (the material) and understanding of the phenomenon that is being studied. In Becker’s case, he had general experience from fields in which marihuana was used, based on which he did interviews with actual users in several fields.

Grounded Theory

Another major category we identified in our sample is Grounded Theory. We found descriptions of it most clearly in Glaser and Strauss’ ([1967] 2010 ) original articulation, Strauss and Corbin ( 1998 ) and Charmaz ( 2006 ), as well as many other accounts of what it is for: generating and testing theory (Strauss 2003 :xi). We identified explanations of how this task can be accomplished – such as through two main procedures: constant comparison and theoretical sampling (Emerson 1998:96), and how using it has helped researchers to “think differently” (for example, Strauss and Corbin 1998 :1). We also read descriptions of its main traits, what it entails and fosters – for instance, an exceptional flexibility, an inductive approach (Strauss and Corbin 1998 :31–33; 1990; Esterberg 2002 :7), an ability to step back and critically analyze situations, recognize tendencies towards bias, think abstractly and be open to criticism, enhance sensitivity towards the words and actions of respondents, and develop a sense of absorption and devotion to the research process (Strauss and Corbin 1998 :5–6). Accordingly, we identified discussions of the value of triangulating different methods (both using and not using grounded theory), including quantitative ones, and theories to achieve theoretical development (most comprehensively in Denzin 1970 ; Strauss and Corbin 1998 ; Timmermans and Tavory 2012 ). We have also located arguments about how its practice helps to systematize data collection, analysis and presentation of results (Glaser and Strauss [1967] 2010 :16).

Grounded theory offers a systematic approach which requires researchers to get close to the field; closeness is a requirement of identifying questions and developing new concepts or making further distinctions with regard to old concepts. In contrast to other qualitative approaches, grounded theory emphasizes the detailed coding process, and the numerous fine-tuned distinctions that the researcher makes during the process. Within this category, too, we could not find a satisfying discussion of the meaning of qualitative research.

Defining Qualitative Research

In sum, our analysis shows that some notions reappear in the discussion of qualitative research, such as understanding, interpretation, “getting close” and making distinctions. These notions capture aspects of what we think is “qualitative.” However, a comprehensive definition that is useful and that can further develop the field is lacking, and not even a clear picture of its essential elements appears. In other words no definition emerges from our data, and in our research process we have moved back and forth between our empirical data and the attempt to present a definition. Our concrete strategy, as stated above, is to relate qualitative and quantitative research, or more specifically, qualitative and quantitative work. We use an ideal-typical notion of quantitative research which relies on taken for granted and numbered variables. This means that the data consists of variables on different scales, such as ordinal, but frequently ratio and absolute scales, and the representation of the numbers to the variables, i.e. the justification of the assignment of numbers to object or phenomenon, are not questioned, though the validity may be questioned. In this section we return to the notion of quality and try to clarify it while presenting our contribution.

Broadly, research refers to the activity performed by people trained to obtain knowledge through systematic procedures. Notions such as “objectivity” and “reflexivity,” “systematic,” “theory,” “evidence” and “openness” are here taken for granted in any type of research. Next, building on our empirical analysis we explain the four notions that we have identified as central to qualitative work: distinctions, process, closeness, and improved understanding. In discussing them, ultimately in relation to one another, we make their meaning even more precise. Our idea, in short, is that only when these ideas that we present separately for analytic purposes are brought together can we speak of qualitative research.

Distinctions

We believe that the possibility of making new distinctions is one the defining characteristics of qualitative research. It clearly sets it apart from quantitative analysis which works with taken-for-granted variables, albeit as mentioned, meta-analyses, for example, factor analysis may result in new variables. “Quality” refers essentially to distinctions, as already pointed out by Aristotle. He discusses the term “qualitative” commenting: “By a quality I mean that in virtue of which things are said to be qualified somehow” (Aristotle 1984:14). Quality is about what something is or has, which means that the distinction from its environment is crucial. We see qualitative research as a process in which significant new distinctions are made to the scholarly community; to make distinctions is a key aspect of obtaining new knowledge; a point, as we will see, that also has implications for “quantitative research.” The notion of being “significant” is paramount. New distinctions by themselves are not enough; just adding concepts only increases complexity without furthering our knowledge. The significance of new distinctions is judged against the communal knowledge of the research community. To enable this discussion and judgements central elements of rational discussion are required (cf. Habermas [1981] 1987 ; Davidsson [ 1988 ] 2001) to identify what is new and relevant scientific knowledge. Relatedly, Ragin alludes to the idea of new and useful knowledge at a more concrete level: “Qualitative methods are appropriate for in-depth examination of cases because they aid the identification of key features of cases. Most qualitative methods enhance data” (1994:79). When Becker ( 1963 ) studied deviant behavior and investigated how people became marihuana smokers, he made distinctions between the ways in which people learned how to smoke. This is a classic example of how the strategy of “getting close” to the material, for example the text, people or pictures that are subject to analysis, may enable researchers to obtain deeper insight and new knowledge by making distinctions – in this instance on the initial notion of learning how to smoke. Others have stressed the making of distinctions in relation to coding or theorizing. Emerson et al. ( 1995 ), for example, hold that “qualitative coding is a way of opening up avenues of inquiry,” meaning that the researcher identifies and develops concepts and analytic insights through close examination of and reflection on data (Emerson et al. 1995 :151). Goodwin and Horowitz highlight making distinctions in relation to theory-building writing: “Close engagement with their cases typically requires qualitative researchers to adapt existing theories or to make new conceptual distinctions or theoretical arguments to accommodate new data” ( 2002 : 37). In the ideal-typical quantitative research only existing and so to speak, given, variables would be used. If this is the case no new distinction are made. But, would not also many “quantitative” researchers make new distinctions?

Process does not merely suggest that research takes time. It mainly implies that qualitative new knowledge results from a process that involves several phases, and above all iteration. Qualitative research is about oscillation between theory and evidence, analysis and generating material, between first- and second -order constructs (Schütz 1962 :59), between getting in contact with something, finding sources, becoming deeply familiar with a topic, and then distilling and communicating some of its essential features. The main point is that the categories that the researcher uses, and perhaps takes for granted at the beginning of the research process, usually undergo qualitative changes resulting from what is found. Becker describes how he tested hypotheses and let the jargon of the users develop into theoretical concepts. This happens over time while the study is being conducted, exemplifying what we mean by process.

In the research process, a pilot-study may be used to get a first glance of, for example, the field, how to approach it, and what methods can be used, after which the method and theory are chosen or refined before the main study begins. Thus, the empirical material is often central from the start of the project and frequently leads to adjustments by the researcher. Likewise, during the main study categories are not fixed; the empirical material is seen in light of the theory used, but it is also given the opportunity to kick back, thereby resisting attempts to apply theoretical straightjackets (Becker 1970 :43). In this process, coding and analysis are interwoven, and thus are often important steps for getting closer to the phenomenon and deciding what to focus on next. Becker began his research by interviewing musicians close to him, then asking them to refer him to other musicians, and later on doubling his original sample of about 25 to include individuals in other professions (Becker 1973:46). Additionally, he made use of some participant observation, documents, and interviews with opiate users made available to him by colleagues. As his inductive theory of deviance evolved, Becker expanded his sample in order to fine tune it, and test the accuracy and generality of his hypotheses. In addition, he introduced a negative case and discussed the null hypothesis ( 1963 :44). His phasic career model is thus based on a research design that embraces processual work. Typically, process means to move between “theory” and “material” but also to deal with negative cases, and Becker ( 1998 ) describes how discovering these negative cases impacted his research design and ultimately its findings.

Obviously, all research is process-oriented to some degree. The point is that the ideal-typical quantitative process does not imply change of the data, and iteration between data, evidence, hypotheses, empirical work, and theory. The data, quantified variables, are, in most cases fixed. Merging of data, which of course can be done in a quantitative research process, does not mean new data. New hypotheses are frequently tested, but the “raw data is often the “the same.” Obviously, over time new datasets are made available and put into use.

Another characteristic that is emphasized in our sample is that qualitative researchers – and in particular ethnographers – can, or as Goffman put it, ought to ( 1989 ), get closer to the phenomenon being studied and their data than quantitative researchers (for example, Silverman 2009 :85). Put differently, essentially because of their methods qualitative researchers get into direct close contact with those being investigated and/or the material, such as texts, being analyzed. Becker started out his interview study, as we noted, by talking to those he knew in the field of music to get closer to the phenomenon he was studying. By conducting interviews he got even closer. Had he done more observations, he would undoubtedly have got even closer to the field.

Additionally, ethnographers’ design enables researchers to follow the field over time, and the research they do is almost by definition longitudinal, though the time in the field is studied obviously differs between studies. The general characteristic of closeness over time maximizes the chances of unexpected events, new data (related, for example, to archival research as additional sources, and for ethnography for situations not necessarily previously thought of as instrumental – what Mannay and Morgan ( 2015 ) term the “waiting field”), serendipity (Merton and Barber 2004 ; Åkerström 2013 ), and possibly reactivity, as well as the opportunity to observe disrupted patterns that translate into exemplars of negative cases. Two classic examples of this are Becker’s finding of what medical students call “crocks” (Becker et al. 1961 :317), and Geertz’s ( 1973 ) study of “deep play” in Balinese society.

By getting and staying so close to their data – be it pictures, text or humans interacting (Becker was himself a musician) – for a long time, as the research progressively focuses, qualitative researchers are prompted to continually test their hunches, presuppositions and hypotheses. They test them against a reality that often (but certainly not always), and practically, as well as metaphorically, talks back, whether by validating them, or disqualifying their premises – correctly, as well as incorrectly (Fine 2003 ; Becker 1970 ). This testing nonetheless often leads to new directions for the research. Becker, for example, says that he was initially reading psychological theories, but when facing the data he develops a theory that looks at, you may say, everything but psychological dispositions to explain the use of marihuana. Especially researchers involved with ethnographic methods have a fairly unique opportunity to dig up and then test (in a circular, continuous and temporal way) new research questions and findings as the research progresses, and thereby to derive previously unimagined and uncharted distinctions by getting closer to the phenomenon under study.

Let us stress that getting close is by no means restricted to ethnography. The notion of hermeneutic circle and hermeneutics as a general way of understanding implies that we must get close to the details in order to get the big picture. This also means that qualitative researchers can literally also make use of details of pictures as evidence (cf. Harper 2002). Thus, researchers may get closer both when generating the material or when analyzing it.

Quantitative research, we maintain, in the ideal-typical representation cannot get closer to the data. The data is essentially numbers in tables making up the variables (Franzosi 2016 :138). The data may originally have been “qualitative,” but once reduced to numbers there can only be a type of “hermeneutics” about what the number may stand for. The numbers themselves, however, are non-ambiguous. Thus, in quantitative research, interpretation, if done, is not about the data itself—the numbers—but what the numbers stand for. It follows that the interpretation is essentially done in a more “speculative” mode without direct empirical evidence (cf. Becker 2017 ).

Improved Understanding

While distinction, process and getting closer refer to the qualitative work of the researcher, improved understanding refers to its conditions and outcome of this work. Understanding cuts deeper than explanation, which to some may mean a causally verified correlation between variables. The notion of explanation presupposes the notion of understanding since explanation does not include an idea of how knowledge is gained (Manicas 2006 : 15). Understanding, we argue, is the core concept of what we call the outcome of the process when research has made use of all the other elements that were integrated in the research. Understanding, then, has a special status in qualitative research since it refers both to the conditions of knowledge and the outcome of the process. Understanding can to some extent be seen as the condition of explanation and occurs in a process of interpretation, which naturally refers to meaning (Gadamer 1990 ). It is fundamentally connected to knowing, and to the knowing of how to do things (Heidegger [1927] 2001 ). Conceptually the term hermeneutics is used to account for this process. Heidegger ties hermeneutics to human being and not possible to separate from the understanding of being ( 1988 ). Here we use it in a broader sense, and more connected to method in general (cf. Seiffert 1992 ). The abovementioned aspects – for example, “objectivity” and “reflexivity” – of the approach are conditions of scientific understanding. Understanding is the result of a circular process and means that the parts are understood in light of the whole, and vice versa. Understanding presupposes pre-understanding, or in other words, some knowledge of the phenomenon studied. The pre-understanding, even in the form of prejudices, are in qualitative research process, which we see as iterative, questioned, which gradually or suddenly change due to the iteration of data, evidence and concepts. However, qualitative research generates understanding in the iterative process when the researcher gets closer to the data, e.g., by going back and forth between field and analysis in a process that generates new data that changes the evidence, and, ultimately, the findings. Questioning, to ask questions, and put what one assumes—prejudices and presumption—in question, is central to understand something (Heidegger [1927] 2001 ; Gadamer 1990 :368–384). We propose that this iterative process in which the process of understanding occurs is characteristic of qualitative research.

Improved understanding means that we obtain scientific knowledge of something that we as a scholarly community did not know before, or that we get to know something better. It means that we understand more about how parts are related to one another, and to other things we already understand (see also Fine and Hallett 2014 ). Understanding is an important condition for qualitative research. It is not enough to identify correlations, make distinctions, and work in a process in which one gets close to the field or phenomena. Understanding is accomplished when the elements are integrated in an iterative process.

It is, moreover, possible to understand many things, and researchers, just like children, may come to understand new things every day as they engage with the world. This subjective condition of understanding – namely, that a person gains a better understanding of something –is easily met. To be qualified as “scientific,” the understanding must be general and useful to many; it must be public. But even this generally accessible understanding is not enough in order to speak of “scientific understanding.” Though we as a collective can increase understanding of everything in virtually all potential directions as a result also of qualitative work, we refrain from this “objective” way of understanding, which has no means of discriminating between what we gain in understanding. Scientific understanding means that it is deemed relevant from the scientific horizon (compare Schütz 1962 : 35–38, 46, 63), and that it rests on the pre-understanding that the scientists have and must have in order to understand. In other words, the understanding gained must be deemed useful by other researchers, so that they can build on it. We thus see understanding from a pragmatic, rather than a subjective or objective perspective. Improved understanding is related to the question(s) at hand. Understanding, in order to represent an improvement, must be an improvement in relation to the existing body of knowledge of the scientific community (James [ 1907 ] 1955). Scientific understanding is, by definition, collective, as expressed in Weber’s famous note on objectivity, namely that scientific work aims at truths “which … can claim, even for a Chinese, the validity appropriate to an empirical analysis” ([1904] 1949 :59). By qualifying “improved understanding” we argue that it is a general defining characteristic of qualitative research. Becker‘s ( 1966 ) study and other research of deviant behavior increased our understanding of the social learning processes of how individuals start a behavior. And it also added new knowledge about the labeling of deviant behavior as a social process. Few studies, of course, make the same large contribution as Becker’s, but are nonetheless qualitative research.

Understanding in the phenomenological sense, which is a hallmark of qualitative research, we argue, requires meaning and this meaning is derived from the context, and above all the data being analyzed. The ideal-typical quantitative research operates with given variables with different numbers. This type of material is not enough to establish meaning at the level that truly justifies understanding. In other words, many social science explanations offer ideas about correlations or even causal relations, but this does not mean that the meaning at the level of the data analyzed, is understood. This leads us to say that there are indeed many explanations that meet the criteria of understanding, for example the explanation of how one becomes a marihuana smoker presented by Becker. However, we may also understand a phenomenon without explaining it, and we may have potential explanations, or better correlations, that are not really understood.

We may speak more generally of quantitative research and its data to clarify what we see as an important distinction. The “raw data” that quantitative research—as an idealtypical activity, refers to is not available for further analysis; the numbers, once created, are not to be questioned (Franzosi 2016 : 138). If the researcher is to do “more” or “change” something, this will be done by conjectures based on theoretical knowledge or based on the researcher’s lifeworld. Both qualitative and quantitative research is based on the lifeworld, and all researchers use prejudices and pre-understanding in the research process. This idea is present in the works of Heidegger ( 2001 ) and Heisenberg (cited in Franzosi 2010 :619). Qualitative research, as we argued, involves the interaction and questioning of concepts (theory), data, and evidence.

Ragin ( 2004 :22) points out that “a good definition of qualitative research should be inclusive and should emphasize its key strengths and features, not what it lacks (for example, the use of sophisticated quantitative techniques).” We define qualitative research as an iterative process in which improved understanding to the scientific community is achieved by making new significant distinctions resulting from getting closer to the phenomenon studied. Qualitative research, as defined here, is consequently a combination of two criteria: (i) how to do things –namely, generating and analyzing empirical material, in an iterative process in which one gets closer by making distinctions, and (ii) the outcome –improved understanding novel to the scholarly community. Is our definition applicable to our own study? In this study we have closely read the empirical material that we generated, and the novel distinction of the notion “qualitative research” is the outcome of an iterative process in which both deduction and induction were involved, in which we identified the categories that we analyzed. We thus claim to meet the first criteria, “how to do things.” The second criteria cannot be judged but in a partial way by us, namely that the “outcome” —in concrete form the definition-improves our understanding to others in the scientific community.

We have defined qualitative research, or qualitative scientific work, in relation to quantitative scientific work. Given this definition, qualitative research is about questioning the pre-given (taken for granted) variables, but it is thus also about making new distinctions of any type of phenomenon, for example, by coining new concepts, including the identification of new variables. This process, as we have discussed, is carried out in relation to empirical material, previous research, and thus in relation to theory. Theory and previous research cannot be escaped or bracketed. According to hermeneutic principles all scientific work is grounded in the lifeworld, and as social scientists we can thus never fully bracket our pre-understanding.

We have proposed that quantitative research, as an idealtype, is concerned with pre-determined variables (Small 2008 ). Variables are epistemically fixed, but can vary in terms of dimensions, such as frequency or number. Age is an example; as a variable it can take on different numbers. In relation to quantitative research, qualitative research does not reduce its material to number and variables. If this is done the process of comes to a halt, the researcher gets more distanced from her data, and it makes it no longer possible to make new distinctions that increase our understanding. We have above discussed the components of our definition in relation to quantitative research. Our conclusion is that in the research that is called quantitative there are frequent and necessary qualitative elements.

Further, comparative empirical research on researchers primarily working with ”quantitative” approaches and those working with ”qualitative” approaches, we propose, would perhaps show that there are many similarities in practices of these two approaches. This is not to deny dissimilarities, or the different epistemic and ontic presuppositions that may be more or less strongly associated with the two different strands (see Goertz and Mahoney 2012 ). Our point is nonetheless that prejudices and preconceptions about researchers are unproductive, and that as other researchers have argued, differences may be exaggerated (e.g., Becker 1996 : 53, 2017 ; Marchel and Owens 2007 :303; Ragin 1994 ), and that a qualitative dimension is present in both kinds of work.

Several things follow from our findings. The most important result is the relation to quantitative research. In our analysis we have separated qualitative research from quantitative research. The point is not to label individual researchers, methods, projects, or works as either “quantitative” or “qualitative.” By analyzing, i.e., taking apart, the notions of quantitative and qualitative, we hope to have shown the elements of qualitative research. Our definition captures the elements, and how they, when combined in practice, generate understanding. As many of the quotations we have used suggest, one conclusion of our study holds that qualitative approaches are not inherently connected with a specific method. Put differently, none of the methods that are frequently labelled “qualitative,” such as interviews or participant observation, are inherently “qualitative.” What matters, given our definition, is whether one works qualitatively or quantitatively in the research process, until the results are produced. Consequently, our analysis also suggests that those researchers working with what in the literature and in jargon is often called “quantitative research” are almost bound to make use of what we have identified as qualitative elements in any research project. Our findings also suggest that many” quantitative” researchers, at least to some extent, are engaged with qualitative work, such as when research questions are developed, variables are constructed and combined, and hypotheses are formulated. Furthermore, a research project may hover between “qualitative” and “quantitative” or start out as “qualitative” and later move into a “quantitative” (a distinct strategy that is not similar to “mixed methods” or just simply combining induction and deduction). More generally speaking, the categories of “qualitative” and “quantitative,” unfortunately, often cover up practices, and it may lead to “camps” of researchers opposing one another. For example, regardless of the researcher is primarily oriented to “quantitative” or “qualitative” research, the role of theory is neglected (cf. Swedberg 2017 ). Our results open up for an interaction not characterized by differences, but by different emphasis, and similarities.

Let us take two examples to briefly indicate how qualitative elements can fruitfully be combined with quantitative. Franzosi ( 2010 ) has discussed the relations between quantitative and qualitative approaches, and more specifically the relation between words and numbers. He analyzes texts and argues that scientific meaning cannot be reduced to numbers. Put differently, the meaning of the numbers is to be understood by what is taken for granted, and what is part of the lifeworld (Schütz 1962 ). Franzosi shows how one can go about using qualitative and quantitative methods and data to address scientific questions analyzing violence in Italy at the time when fascism was rising (1919–1922). Aspers ( 2006 ) studied the meaning of fashion photographers. He uses an empirical phenomenological approach, and establishes meaning at the level of actors. In a second step this meaning, and the different ideal-typical photographers constructed as a result of participant observation and interviews, are tested using quantitative data from a database; in the first phase to verify the different ideal-types, in the second phase to use these types to establish new knowledge about the types. In both of these cases—and more examples can be found—authors move from qualitative data and try to keep the meaning established when using the quantitative data.

A second main result of our study is that a definition, and we provided one, offers a way for research to clarify, and even evaluate, what is done. Hence, our definition can guide researchers and students, informing them on how to think about concrete research problems they face, and to show what it means to get closer in a process in which new distinctions are made. The definition can also be used to evaluate the results, given that it is a standard of evaluation (cf. Hammersley 2007 ), to see whether new distinctions are made and whether this improves our understanding of what is researched, in addition to the evaluation of how the research was conducted. By making what is qualitative research explicit it becomes easier to communicate findings, and it is thereby much harder to fly under the radar with substandard research since there are standards of evaluation which make it easier to separate “good” from “not so good” qualitative research.

To conclude, our analysis, which ends with a definition of qualitative research can thus both address the “internal” issues of what is qualitative research, and the “external” critiques that make it harder to do qualitative research, to which both pressure from quantitative methods and general changes in society contribute.

Acknowledgements

Financial Support for this research is given by the European Research Council, CEV (263699). The authors are grateful to Susann Krieglsteiner for assistance in collecting the data. The paper has benefitted from the many useful comments by the three reviewers and the editor, comments by members of the Uppsala Laboratory of Economic Sociology, as well as Jukka Gronow, Sebastian Kohl, Marcin Serafin, Richard Swedberg, Anders Vassenden and Turid Rødne.

Biographies

is professor of sociology at the Department of Sociology, Uppsala University and Universität St. Gallen. His main focus is economic sociology, and in particular, markets. He has published numerous articles and books, including Orderly Fashion (Princeton University Press 2010), Markets (Polity Press 2011) and Re-Imagining Economic Sociology (edited with N. Dodd, Oxford University Press 2015). His book Ethnographic Methods (in Swedish) has already gone through several editions.

is associate professor of sociology at the Department of Media and Social Sciences, University of Stavanger. His research has been published in journals such as Social Psychology Quarterly, Sociological Theory, Teaching Sociology, and Music and Arts in Action. As an ethnographer he is working on a book on he social world of big-wave surfing.

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Contributor Information

Patrik Aspers, Email: [email protected] .

Ugo Corte, Email: [email protected] .

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