female marginalization essay

A global story

This piece is part of 19A: The Brookings Gender Equality Series . In this essay series, Brookings scholars, public officials, and other subject-area experts examine the current state of gender equality 100 years after the 19th Amendment was adopted to the U.S. Constitution and propose recommendations to cull the prevalence of gender-based discrimination in the United States and around the world.

The year 2020 will stand out in the history books. It will always be remembered as the year the COVID-19 pandemic gripped the globe and brought death, illness, isolation, and economic hardship. It will also be noted as the year when the death of George Floyd and the words “I can’t breathe” ignited in the United States and many other parts of the world a period of reckoning with racism, inequality, and the unresolved burdens of history.

The history books will also record that 2020 marked 100 years since the ratification of the 19th Amendment in America, intended to guarantee a vote for all women, not denied or abridged on the basis of sex.

This is an important milestone and the continuing movement for gender equality owes much to the history of suffrage and the brave women (and men) who fought for a fairer world. Yet just celebrating what was achieved is not enough when we have so much more to do. Instead, this anniversary should be a galvanizing moment when we better inform ourselves about the past and emerge more determined to achieve a future of gender equality.

Australia’s role in the suffrage movement

In looking back, one thing that should strike us is how international the movement for suffrage was though the era was so much less globalized than our own.

For example, how many Americans know that 25 years before the passing of the 19th Amendment in America, my home of South Australia was one of the first polities in the world to give men and women the same rights to participate in their democracies? South Australia led Australia and became a global leader in legislating universal suffrage and candidate eligibility over 125 years ago.

This extraordinary achievement was not an easy one. There were three unsuccessful attempts to gain equal voting rights for women in South Australia, in the face of relentless opposition. But South Australia’s suffragists—including the Women’s Suffrage League and the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, as well as remarkable women like Catherine Helen Spence, Mary Lee, and Elizabeth Webb Nicholls—did not get dispirited but instead continued to campaign, persuade, and cajole. They gathered a petition of 11,600 signatures, stuck it together page by page so that it measured around 400 feet in length, and presented it to Parliament.

The Constitutional Amendment (Adult Suffrage) Bill was finally introduced on July 4, 1894, leading to heated debate both within the houses of Parliament, and outside in society and the media. Demonstrating that some things in Parliament never change, campaigner Mary Lee observed as the bill proceeded to committee stage “that those who had the least to say took the longest time to say it.” 1

The Bill finally passed on December 18, 1894, by 31 votes to 14 in front of a large crowd of women.

In 1897, Catherine Helen Spence became the first woman to stand as a political candidate in South Australia.

South Australia’s victory led the way for the rest of the colonies, in the process of coming together to create a federated Australia, to fight for voting rights for women across the entire nation. Women’s suffrage was in effect made a precondition to federation in 1901, with South Australia insisting on retaining the progress that had already been made. 2 South Australian Muriel Matters, and Vida Goldstein—a woman from the Australian state of Victoria—are just two of the many who fought to ensure that when Australia became a nation, the right of women to vote and stand for Parliament was included.

Australia’s remarkable progressiveness was either envied, or feared, by the rest of the world. Sociologists and journalists traveled to Australia to see if the worst fears of the critics of suffrage would be realised.

In 1902, Vida Goldstein was invited to meet President Theodore Roosevelt—the first Australian to ever meet a U.S. president in the White House. With more political rights than any American woman, Goldstein was a fascinating visitor. In fact, President Roosevelt told Goldstein: “I’ve got my eye on you down in Australia.” 3

Goldstein embarked on many other journeys around the world in the name of suffrage, and ran five times for Parliament, emphasising “the necessity of women putting women into Parliament to secure the reforms they required.” 4

Muriel Matters went on to join the suffrage movement in the United Kingdom. In 1908 she became the first woman to speak in the British House of Commons in London—not by invitation, but by chaining herself to the grille that obscured women’s views of proceedings in the Houses of Parliament. After effectively cutting her off the grille, she was dragged out of the gallery by force, still shouting and advocating for votes for women. The U.K. finally adopted women’s suffrage in 1928.

These Australian women, and the many more who tirelessly fought for women’s rights, are still extraordinary by today’s standards, but were all the more remarkable for leading the rest of the world.

A shared history of exclusion

Of course, no history of women’s suffrage is complete without acknowledging those who were excluded. These early movements for gender equality were overwhelmingly the remit of privileged white women. Racially discriminatory exclusivity during the early days of suffrage is a legacy Australia shares with the United States.

South Australian Aboriginal women were given the right to vote under the colonial laws of 1894, but they were often not informed of this right or supported to enroll—and sometimes were actively discouraged from participating.

They were later further discriminated against by direct legal bar by the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act, whereby Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were excluded from voting in federal elections—a right not given until 1962.

Any celebration of women’s suffrage must acknowledge such past injustices front and center. Australia is not alone in the world in grappling with a history of discrimination and exclusion.

The best historical celebrations do not present a triumphalist version of the past or convey a sense that the fight for equality is finished. By reflecting on our full history, these celebrations allow us to come together, find new energy, and be inspired to take the cause forward in a more inclusive way.

The way forward

In the century or more since winning women’s franchise around the world, we have made great strides toward gender equality for women in parliamentary politics. Targets and quotas are working. In Australia, we already have evidence that affirmative action targets change the diversity of governments. Since the Australian Labor Party (ALP) passed its first affirmative action resolution in 1994, the party has seen the number of women in its national parliamentary team skyrocket from around 14% to 50% in recent years.

Instead of trying to “fix” women—whether by training or otherwise—the ALP worked on fixing the structures that prevent women getting preselected, elected, and having fair opportunities to be leaders.

There is also clear evidence of the benefits of having more women in leadership roles. A recent report from Westminster Foundation for Democracy and the Global Institute for Women’s Leadership (GIWL) at King’s College London, shows that where women are able to exercise political leadership, it benefits not just women and girls, but the whole of society.

But even though we know how to get more women into parliament and the positive difference they make, progress toward equality is far too slow. The World Economic Forum tells us that if we keep progressing as we are, the global political empowerment gender gap—measuring the presence of women across Parliament, ministries, and heads of states across the world— will only close in another 95 years . This is simply too long to wait and, unfortunately, not all barriers are diminishing. The level of abuse and threatening language leveled at high-profile women in the public domain and on social media is a more recent but now ubiquitous problem, which is both alarming and unacceptable.

Across the world, we must dismantle the continuing legal and social barriers that prevent women fully participating in economic, political, and community life.

Education continues to be one such barrier in many nations. Nearly two-thirds of the world’s illiterate adults are women. With COVID-19-related school closures happening in developing countries, there is a real risk that progress on girls’ education is lost. When Ebola hit, the evidence shows that the most marginalized girls never made it back to school and rates of child marriage, teen pregnancy. and child labor soared. The Global Partnership for Education, which I chair, is currently hard at work trying to ensure that this history does not repeat.

Ensuring educational equality is a necessary but not sufficient condition for gender equality. In order to change the landscape to remove the barriers that prevent women coming through for leadership—and having their leadership fairly evaluated rather than through the prism of gender—we need a radical shift in structures and away from stereotypes. Good intentions will not be enough to achieve the profound wave of change required. We need hard-headed empirical research about what works. In my life and writings post-politics and through my work at the GIWL, sharing and generating this evidence is front and center of the work I do now.

GIWL work, undertaken in partnership with IPSOS Mori, demonstrates that the public knows more needs to be done. For example, this global polling shows the community thinks it is harder for women to get ahead. Specifically, they say men are less likely than women to need intelligence and hard work to get ahead in their careers.

Other research demonstrates that the myth of the “ideal worker,” one who works excessive hours, is damaging for women’s careers. We also know from research that even in families where each adult works full time, domestic and caring labor is disproportionately done by women. 5

In order to change the landscape to remove the barriers that prevent women coming through for leadership—and having their leadership fairly evaluated rather than through the prism of gender—we need a radical shift in structures and away from stereotypes.

Other more subtle barriers, like unconscious bias and cultural stereotypes, continue to hold women back. We need to start implementing policies that prevent people from being marginalized and stop interpreting overconfidence or charisma as indicative of leadership potential. The evidence shows that it is possible for organizations to adjust their definitions and methods of identifying merit so they can spot, measure, understand, and support different leadership styles.

Taking the lessons learned from our shared history and the lives of the extraordinary women across the world, we know evidence needs to be combined with activism to truly move forward toward a fairer world. We are in a battle for both hearts and minds.

Why this year matters

We are also at an inflection point. Will 2020 will be remembered as the year that a global recession disproportionately destroyed women’s jobs, while women who form the majority of the workforce in health care and social services were at risk of contracting the coronavirus? Will it be remembered as a time of escalating domestic violence and corporations cutting back on their investments in diversity programs?

Or is there a more positive vision of the future that we can seize through concerted advocacy and action? A future where societies re-evaluate which work truly matters and determine to better reward carers. A time when men and women forced into lockdowns re-negotiated how they approach the division of domestic labor. Will the pandemic be viewed as the crisis that, through forcing new ways of virtual working, ultimately led to more balance between employment and family life, and career advancement based on merit and outcomes, not presentism and the old boys’ network?

This history is not yet written. We still have an opportunity to make it happen. Surely the women who led the way 100 years ago can inspire us to seize this moment and create that better, more gender equal future.

• December 7,1894: Welcome home meeting for Catherine Helen Spence at the Café de Paris. [ Register , Dec, 19, 1894 ]
• Clare Wright, You Daughters of Freedom: The Australians Who Won the Vote and Inspired the World , (Text Publishing, 2018).
• Janette M. Bomford, That Dangerous and Persuasive Woman, (Melbourne University Press, 1993)
• Cordelia Fine, Delusions of Gender: The Real Science Behind Sex Differences, (Icon Books, 2010)

This piece is part of 19A: The Brookings Gender Equality Series.  Learn more about the series and read published work »

About the Author

Julia gillard, distinguished fellow – global economy and development, center for universal education.

Gillard is a distinguished fellow with the Center for Universal Education at the Brookings Institution. She is the Inaugural Chair of the Global Institute for Women’s Leadership at King’s College London. Gillard also serves as Chair of the Global Partnership for Education, which is dedicated to expanding access to quality education worldwide and is patron of CAMFED, the Campaign for Female Education.

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Examples of the Marginalization of Women and Girls

Enjoy a new round-up of examples in which men = people and women = women.  The tendency to include women as a special type of human being, alongside men who get to be regular people, is a specific example of a more general phenomenon in which some people, but not others, are marked as a specific kind.  We see this with race, routinely, in cases where there are “people” and “black people,” “families” and “ethnic families,” or when the skin tone of white people is substituted for the very idea of “skin” tone .  And we’ve covered many examples of this in regards to gender; see our posts on the Body Worlds exhibits , avatars ,  fitness equipment , rulers , and this collection of many additional examples .  Here is a new set of instances submitted by our Readers:

Michelle P. took this photo of two card games in Salem, MA at The House of the Seven Gables gift shop:

froodian sent along a set of guitar straps for sale.  There are “guitar straps,” “giggin for god guitar straps,” “kids guitar straps,” and “girls’ guitar straps” in pink, purple, and baby blue:

Sarah J. noted that the website www.healthcare.gov features sections (along the bottom) for “healthy individuals,” “individuals with health conditions,” and “women”:

Finally,  Leigh sent along Technorati’s odd effort to appeal to women. Their main site has a highlighted yellow tab to press if you’re female, labeled “women.”  And, if you do, you get girly content, plus pretty flowers!

The main site:

The woman site:

Comments 72

Kaileyverse — april 24, 2011.

This is why we still need feminism.

Mazarine — April 24, 2011

I noticed that on the Technorati site yesterday, and I was frankly appalled.

They obviously think that women are all

2. Interested in breast cancer.

it's really sick, the way technorati is all, "let's throw them a bone" and make a website they think will appeal to "women" in general.

Why wouldn't women be interested in sports? In writing? In Music? In art? In just about anything that men would be interested in?

Way to go Technorati. Your flaccid site is very toilet.

Anonymous — April 24, 2011

To be fair, the Health Care example isn't quite the same.

Women face very different challenges in health care in the US, especially in regards to pregnancy.

Under the 'women' section on that site it addresses concerns such as women being denied coverage due to previous pregnancies and paying higher health care costs because of pregnancies. Men have no comparable issues.

http://www.healthcare.gov/foryou/women/index.html

There's a difference between women being considered as lesser or as something less notable than men, and separating men and women based on biological facts and issues that are exclusive to one gender. The healthcare.gov site does bring up very real issues of discrimination against women, but it does so in an effort to combat it and protect women from further discrimination.

J — April 24, 2011

Why there are so many magazines for females than for males? They are probably doing that for "commercial reasons" rather than "social discrimination." They did it because "girls" want it.

James — April 24, 2011

What I think, is that the "women" section was created by thinking of giving women a fair representation in the site. I don't see men as interested in the health issues particular to our sex (prostate cancer, what else?) as much as women do (pregnancy, breast cancer, vaginal infections).

So these people were thinking of giving fair treatment to women, not of differentiating them from "normal people" through some obscure deconstructivist sexist spell.

Sunny — April 24, 2011

Also, science pretty much ignored research on women for a long time, and now that we know the particulars of how diseases effect women specifically, it seems a good idea to highlight it. For example, when looking for the symptoms of a heart attack, you will find that many sites give generalized symptoms (left arm pain, chest tightness, etc.) which are the symptoms common to men, but could happen in women. Now we know that women can experience heart attacks very differently from men, and very often do. Is it really that bad to have a special place to put that information, since we didn't even have it for such a long time?

PJ — April 24, 2011

And don't you wonder why something like a guitar strap has to be labeled as a "girl's" guitar strap because it's pink? I am fairly certain that there are some boys out there who would LOVE a pink guitar strap!

thewhatifgirl — April 24, 2011

In regards to the health section, the idea that women have unique health needs and therefore need a different health section doesn't even hold up. Women are half of the entire human race; our needs are not unique, they are universal for one half of the human race. The idea that a uterus and ovaries must force a person to be considered divisible and separate from "normal people", and that "normal people" are assumed to be male, is the issue here, not the idea that different body parts require different types of health care.

Luna — April 24, 2011

Obviously there's a lot to be said about the issues and problems here, but I wanna point out that I own the "authors" deck, and there are two women in it.

Karyn — April 24, 2011

Anyone else find it weird that the image for "Healthy Individuals" is a white man, while the image for "Individuals with Health Conditions" is a black man? Perhaps not purposeful, but I think it sends a message nonetheless.

Why is it that I get really nervous talking to pretty girls and is that lack of confidence? | game for girls — April 25, 2011

[...] Examples of the Marginalization of Women and Girls » Sociological … [...]

Ekate — April 26, 2011

BTW,Can't men use pink regardless of their sexual orientation? A little bit tired of so many stereotypes! Growing a girl/woman was tough for me but I don't think "becoming a man" is easy either...what if we try to get rid of stupid colour schemes together (where possible)?

Mancao Joyce — August 11, 2011

   shaggggggggggggggggggggggggg

cutieeeeeeeee — August 11, 2011

its better that you can give some examples about marginalization........so that the readers should understand more about it.

Bellandr — October 21, 2011

So what's wrong with a guitar strap that says "Giggin for God"?

The default human — March 13, 2012

[...] (or comediennes), as if being female means that you need a rider to describe you.  There are authors and “women authors” because authors are male by default. And of course, in the same vein as that last link there are [...]

kay — January 8, 2014

The game called "Authors" has male and female authors in it. http://www.amazon.com/gp/aw/d/1572814454/ref=mw_dp_mdsc?dsc=1

Marginalization and Gender – Rethinking "Reality" — February 22, 2015

[…] Lisa Wade professor of sociology, best describes marginalization as “the tendency to include women as […]

Dudecommon — January 25, 2017

Realize how all the comments are from women

Lesson 23: Conflict, Cohesion and Inequality | HSP3C with Ms. Maharaj — April 21, 2017

[…] https://thesocietypages.org/socimages/2011/04/24/35201/comment-page-1/ […]

Calafia — January 29, 2019

Psssst...it's this really strange thing called "market-ing". Target marketing, niche marketing, whatever you want to call it. I think that really IS it. I'm a woman of color, and we are the new feminists. So look out world, it's about to get real interesting ;-).

Jane — February 2, 2019

I'm a mature woman; mother, grandmother, widow, divorcee. I definitely have different issues in my life than a man does. And while we might share some common interests, we are each unique. Physically, emotionally mentally. Maybe all this anger and resentment could be solved by simply adding the label "men" to a column/tab and including generalized sports and political topics in the women's sections. Why are some women so threatened or angry being called a woman or being given something specifically for women? Don't you know how special you are? Women have run the world since the beginning of time. Wasn't it Eve who talked Adam into eating the apple? We are not victims, ladies. We are survivors.....no matter what size, shape, color or sexual orientation. Stop complaining about being treated differently as a woman. There's nothing wrong with being special. And you are.

rhods jog — March 18, 2019

NBA 2K19 APK OBB on PC

Catie — June 2, 2019

The most marginalized in our society are incarcerated women. I work with them and they are treated as “less than” in every possible way. Marginalization is more serious than last pink guitar straps.

Aleop8 — March 29, 2022

Games for you to play. Yukon Gold offers 150 chances to win $1 Million!

abel — May 18, 2023

Discriminatory practices and societal norms can restrict women's economic Mini Crossword participation and limit their financial independence.

Harry Smith — September 25, 2023

Powerful examples shedding light on the marginalization of women and girls. When it's time to share your own insights, consider collaborating with a professional ghostwriting company .

Jenni Morgan — December 14, 2023

Delve into a critical exploration of societal issues with Examples of the Marginalization of Women and Girls. Much like the commitment of the best book publishing company to spotlight diverse narratives, this compilation sheds light on the various ways women and girls face marginalization. Through poignant examples and insightful analysis, the title serves as a catalyst for fostering awareness and understanding. Explore the impactful narratives within, akin to the commitment of the best book publishing company to amplify stories that resonate with readers across the spectrum.

George Mark — December 18, 2023

Fantastic blog i have never ever read this type of amazing information. La Knight Vest

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• Published: 17 May 2016

“Marginalization” in third world feminism: its problematics and theoretical reconfiguration

• Asma Mansoor 1  

Palgrave Communications volume  2 , Article number:  16026 ( 2016 ) Cite this article

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A Corrigendum to this article was published on 07 June 2016

With the imposition of certain notions of agency and marginalization prescribed by first world feminist discourses, global feminism has cumulatively remained mired within a binaristic closure. This closure is based on the idea of an agentive Western feminist center and a passive third world feminism at the margin. This article endeavours to go beyond this closure to initiate debates regarding the operational praxis of a third world woman’s marginal placement as articulated in third world feminist discourses. It problematizes the idea of “disempowerment” that stems from a patriarchal model depicting man as the nucleus and a woman as a peripheral and centripetal entity, drawn within the mise en abyme of self-consolidating representations. Therefore, the argument presented here revisits the notion of the marginalization of third world women by subjecting the theoretical approaches regarding female marginalization and agency—as articulated by Spivak, Irigaray and Kristeva, et al. —to a deconstructive mode of analysis to explore the theoretical reconfiguration of a third world woman’s marginal placement. This article reconsiders the margin as discursively “limitrophic” so that the binaries between the margin/center, agency/disempowerment and third world feminism/first world feminism are re-scrutinized. The margin, thus, becomes an agentive plane for a third world woman as she uses it to direct her gaze away from any discursive center. In this way, a third world woman undermines the West-centric centripetal force despite being englobed within what Kristeva calls “supranational sociocultural ensembles” and sees her “self” as independent of any fixed center so that she redefines herself as an autonomous thinking woman able to dismantle the notion of a congealed subalternity. This article is published as part of a thematic collection on gender studies.

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Introduction.

As a resident third world woman, for me the existing mantra of the disempowerment and passivity of third world women has been particularly difficult to accept in its entirety. One of the problematic aspects of third world feminist discourses in general is that they rely heavily on West-centric, patriarchal terms such as empowerment, agency, selfhood and so on. These terms have percolated into third world feminist discourses without undergoing much of a discursive diffraction that would necessarily stem from their transplantation into a different cultural context. One of the reasons why these terms were not discursively reconfigured during this contextual migration may be that they were mired within the boundaries uncritically prescribed by the rigid, colonial bifurcation between the East and the West. In this theoretical thought experiment, my argument revises the notion of ‘marginalization” as propounded by Western feminisms and absorbed within third world feminist discourses. Instead of viewing the margin as a space of disempowered passivity, I, as a third world woman, view the margin as a discursively permeable space for the agentive reconfiguration of the binaries contouring contemporary feminist discourses.

My argument proposes that the margin needs to be seen as a “limitrophic” ( Derrida, 2002 : 397) domain generating an interplay of “différance” between third and first world feminist discourses. Therefore, the Derridean terms, “limitrophy” ( Derrida, 2002 : 397) and “différance” ( Derrida, 1967 : 23) channelize this thought experiment. The reason why the margin is to be seen as limitrophic is that not only does this concept present boundaries as permeable zones, it also displays an active variation within its space. It is necessary to clarify at the very outset that this limitrophic processuality is able to extract the supposedly third world women out of any monolithic, ontological fixity imposed upon them by first world feminist discourses. Moreover, since the limitrophic margin is seen as permutative, the entities anchored within it are also malleable both within their constitution and “situatedness” ( Spivak, 2010 ). This implies that third world feminism is constitutively heterogeneous. However, at the opening of this discussion, it is essential for me to begin by presenting third world feminism as a monolithic notion only to subsequently disband this essentialism. With a deconstructive mode of reading outlining this thought experiment, this mode of essentialist categorization is “inaccurate yet necessary” ( Spivak, 1976 : xii) to dismantle the a priori , monolithic construction of third world women.

In addition, with the dynamics of the masculine and feminine gaze establishing the infrastructure of my argument, I have utilized ray diagrams of reflection in conjunction with figures illustrating circular motion to provide an analogical subtext to this thought experiment. They elucidate the ideas of the re-configuration of the margin in terms of the interplay of différance as propounded by Derrida in Of Grammatology . In this article, this interplay of différance takes place between first and third world feminisms. This interplay is consolidated by the idea of a limitrophic margin at which a third world woman is supposedly positioned. Here, différance implies a state of constant erasure and modification so that no construct is “ thought at one go ” ( Derrida, 1967 : 23; author’s italics) in all its entirety. Thus, the idea of a third world woman is in a state of constant deferral as an “erased determinator”, which reconfigures both itself, in all its “radical heterogeneity” ( MacCabe, 1987 : xvii), and also its relationship with the first world feminist center. In this way, it is constantly creating alternative modes of self-constitution that constantly postpone any ontological fixity thereby defying any “theoretical closure” ( Said, 1983 : 242). In addition, the ideas of “différance” and “limitrophy” provide tools for questioning Western epistemic paradigms influencing the construction of third world feminism. The incorporation of these ideas is strengthened by the fact that Western feminist discourses need to be countered through their own terminology, so that the tenuousness of their centrality may be effectively conveyed. While Deconstruction itself is a Western theory, however, it may be argued that it is able to exceed “the limits of Western representionalist discourse” even while altering the “images of marginality” ( Bhabha, 1994 : 68–69). Therefore, my argument is anchored in the deconstructive thought process since it aims at avoiding any re-centering of either first or third world feminist discourses.

The opthalmic relationship between first and third world feminisms

Since most first world feminist discourses place themselves at the powerful discursive center, ocularly outlining the third world woman, the third world feminist discourses either defend or contest their peripheral position ( Mohanty, 1988 ; Eisenstein, 2004 ; Spivak, 2010 ) without questioning the dynamics of the optics that govern these discourses. Here, I attempt to question the optics of these discourses along with the ontological fixity of the boundaries that situate first and third world feminisms within an ophthalmic interrelationship. This is because most global feminist discourses have upheld the boundary-based patriarchal dualisms that have contoured gender relations. These US/Other antagonisms have been perceived as ontological absolutes recognizable through a relational interaction with each other. Likewise, the global feminist discourses remain confined within the a priori notion of the central masculine gaze, defining the peripheral feminine entity in terms of its centripetal pull, which the feminine entity resists, and perhaps undermines, in a centrifugal manner. This sub-atomic image of an agentive nucleus binding and neutralizing an opposite marginal entity continues to outline the hierarchal male-female gender relations as well as the relationship between first and third world feminisms.

With this in mind, not only do I question the binaries of the margin/center, agency/ disempowerment and third world feminism/first world feminism, I also attempt to deconstructively revise the accepted associations that these terms carry. My argument is that not only do these West-centric terms carry over their associative ideological baggage into the third world feminist discourses, they are also absorbed by them as they are. In this way, third world feminisms are co-opted by first world feminist discourses adhering to their inherent assumptions. Resultantly, not only does the inherently binaristic, discursive speculum of the West continue to frame the arguments of first world feminists like Julia Kristeva and Luce Irigaray and so on, it also outlines the arguments of third world feminist theorists like Spivak who are situated in the first world academia. These theorists, at times, function like afferents, taking stimuli from the supposedly Eastern periphery to the Western nervous center for decoding and vice versa. While theorists like Mohanty, Judith Butler, Zillah Eisenstein and so on, endeavour to challenge this binarism, my effort is to focus on the operational paradigms of the periphery and the entity located within that periphery.

It is worth restating that third world feminist discourses cover a range of issues demanding a re-writing and re-reading of male texts such as those of Freud in a “race sensitive” ( Spivak, 1986 : 81) manner so that the production of a third world woman as a “colonial object” produced by the “hegemonic First World intellectual practices” ( Spivak, 1986 : 81–82) is brought back into focus. These intellectual practices stem from an assumed privileged position of “what can I do for them?” ( Spivak, 1981 : 155; author’s italics), assuming that most third world women need help. Mohanty, on the other hand, in line with Zillah Eisenstin, argues against such an imposition of an uncritical universality and “cross-cultural validation” ( Mohanty, 1988 : 199) on all categories of women since she postulates that feminism has to be classified on the basis of a “concrete historical and political praxis” ( Mohanty, 1988 : 201). However, since the Third World’s historical and political praxis is contextually diverse, here the limitrophic margin within which they are theoretically located simply serves to depict their heterogeneous wholeness. In this way, the ideas of “agency” and “marginalization” undergo a revision owing to their “transplantation, transference, circulation, and commerce” within new situated contexts ( Said, 1983 : 226) that are multivalent in nature.

To present the marginal placement of a woman as empowering, Fig. 1 becomes the provisional origin of this argument as I engage it here to evaluate the notions of marginalization as presented by Luce Irigaray, Kristeva and Gayatri Spivak. I am not out rightly refuting their arguments, rather I am working through them to define some possibilities of empowerment that stem from a brown woman’s placement at the margin. In my opinion, which stems from my own situatedness at the margin, this permeable margin needs to be seen in a state of constant erasure that challenges the ontology of both the circumference itself and of the center.

The ocular mechanics of the center/periphery interaction in global gender discourses contour not merely the male/female relation but also the reflective mechanics in the relationship between first and third world feminisms, as well as between white and brown women. The gaze of the marginal entity is directed inwards towards the objectifying gaze of the center.

Therefore, my theorization begins by focusing on the center/periphery binary between man and woman, as well as first world and third world feminisms as shown in Fig. 1 , which limns the dynamics of interrelationality in the context of a permeable circumference. From my position as a third world woman, I see this circumference as a tentative, dotted and kinetic—hence, “limitrophic” ( Derrida, 2002 : 397)—line. This line is not to be seen as a confining limit, but an osmotic plane, where the third world woman counters the supposed center’s centripetal gaze as she is easily englobed within “supranational sociocultural ensembles” ( Kristeva, 1981 : 14). The “limitrophic” circumference serves as the first stage in my theorization for undermining the center. My contestation is that through an ophthalmic diffraction of the objectifying centripetal gaze, a third world woman can see her “self” independently of a dominating center. This problematization of the margin and its reconfiguration serves as an “alternativism” ( Suleri, 1992 [1994] : 250) that could lead to a re-articulation of the notions of agency and alterity that have framed global feminisms. Here, the concept of limitrophy needs further elucidation.

For Derrida, limitrophy was his “subject” ( Derrida, 2002 : 397) not merely because it was concerned with what was growing at the limit but what also allowed the limit to remain a tangibility, “by maintaining the limit”, and what complicated the limit ( Derrida, 2002 : 397–398). Derrida (2002) adds that while limitrophy depicts a curdling of the boundary, this curdling is designed to “multiply its figures, to complicate, thicken … precisely by making it increase and multiply” (398). Resultantly, curdling here implies that the margin enters a “liminal state between fluid and solid, which opens the border onto multiple forms beyond two defined as one side or the other of the limit” ( Oliver, 2009 : 126). What is important in this exploration is that the limit remains in its place, so that the interplay of différance continues between first and third world feminisms. The maintenance of a permeable boundary is necessary because a complete collapse of boundaries is not really feasible within the socio-cultural domains wherein they are functioning. It is not that the edge or the circumference is deleted, rather it continues to affirm itself through its malleability. However, it undergoes a perspectival shift in its operational modality. Since the curdled edge is semi-solid, therefore it allows an interplay of différance between the supposed center and periphery. The circumference becomes a malleable plane, both present and not-present; solid and not solid at the same instant, so that both entities at the center and the periphery are constituted precisely because of the delayed presentation of their presence. This deferment of the margin’s presence as an absolute also undermines the absoluteness of the supposed center so that a deferment of their ontological fixity comes into play. If the margin becomes fluctuant, it implies a corresponding fluctuation within the centripetal pull of the center. If the circumference is malleable, it plausibly leads to the notion that the center in itself is also a malleable construct.

The margin, therefore, remains actively engaged in the creation of alternative meanings within the existing Eidos or culturally accepted systems of meanings. With the center no longer being an absolute, its hierarchal placement becomes tenuous. This notion has important implications for a third world woman who has been conditioned to perceive herself as passively marginal to the first world feminist center. Not only that, owing to her marginal placement, she is also assumed to be “alienated” living under the “surveillance of a sign of identity” ( Bhabha, 1994 : 63) that pushed her within an irreversible alterity. Therefore, my argument does not erase the circumference completely; rather, it presents it as an agentive plane in a state of re-constitutive erasure. While some might argue that even if the margin and the center are in a state of constant erasure, the center is not displaced from the center. However, I argue that in challenging the absoluteness of the center, the curdled margin in effect challenges its possible connectivity to the supposed, self-validating truth of the center. It is not the location of the center, which is challenged, it is its operational function as the origin of the truth and ontology of all entities which is challenged. The center thus becomes the “originary” non-origin ( Derrida, 1967 : 19) that initiates the play of différance. This non-origin is originary precisely because it leads to the origination of other entities while undergoing an erasure itself, hence conveying the impossibility of an originating center. Within this deconstructive theoretical paradigm, the center is no longer the binding force so the marginal entity no longer needs a center to reflect it back to articulate itself. When the center is no longer an absolute originator of meaning, the marginal entity is no longer its product either. While this does not de-center the center per se , it does lead to a decentering of its operational mechanics.

Consequently, it is the operational mechanics of the margin that are altered. The margin can thus become a space for deflecting the centripetal pull of the center’s gaze. This is because in becoming a kinetic space, the entity revolving on the circumference also becomes a participant of the kinesis that frames its context. Returning to Fig. 1 , the marginal placement of the third world woman, becomes a space of agentive manoeuvreing so that she can constitute herself in terms of her own situatedness, rather than situating herself within the discursive confines of the first world feminist discourses. In this way, she may use her situated position to deflect the gaze of the center, as is illustrated by the examples of Kishwar Naheed, Azra Abbas and Syeda Ghulam Fatima in the latter half of this article.

Problematizing the margin

As mentioned earlier, to initiate the reconfiguration of marginalization of a third world woman, I felt it necessary to bring into focus the center/periphery binary that dynamizes the global discourses on gender. This is because binary structures do not only serve as discursive “coding ingredients” ( Spivak, 2010 ), they have, in fact, reified into material realities that govern how both genders perceive each other as discourses blend with material realities such as economic, juridical and socio-cultural institutions and practices. Hence, the discursive coding of knowledge influences the way these are enacted within the material embodiment of a particular ideology. Resultantly, the discourse formations of race and gender coupled with juridico-legal and socio-economic practices lead to the concretization of the binaristic infrastructure of social functionalism. This social functionalism produces specific modes of perceiving race and gender across the cultural divide, placing one entity at the margin and the other at the center. Therefore, to re-scrutinize the idea of marginalization, it is necessary for me to initiate a “ rhetorical oscillation between a thing and its opposite” ( Spivak, 1977 : 5, author’s ) as the “provisional origin” ( Spivak, 1976 : xii) of this argument to displace and reconfigure this opposition ( Spivak, 1977 : 5). This is done to inaugurate a rethinking of a relationship through engagement in terms of non-relationship with which my argument culminates.

If Fig. 1 were to be drawn in the light of mainstream global feminism, which is based on “a metaphoricity dominated by the photological” ( Irigaray, 1974 : 20), the center is seen as a phallocratic nucleus, which defines all women. This nucleus functions as a self-proclaimed “ultimate meaning of all discourse, …, the signifier and/or the ultimate signified of all desire, … as emblem and agent of the patriarchal system” ( Irigaray, 1977 : 67). The woman, assumed to be circumambulating at the circumference like an electron, is also a mirror looking inwards. Irigaray (1974) has pointed out that a woman is not only man’s desire, she also modifies her own desire in the self-replication of the masculine One (32) through a phallo-tropic mode of self-recognition. The neological term “phallo-tropic” emanates out of Irigaray’s (1974) notion that a woman’s only relation to the origin is prescribed by man through a form of “tropism” (33) that compels her to grow only in relation to masculine source. Intriguingly, tropism suggests that even if she grows away from a masculine center, her roots remain mired within a masculine substratum; and if she grows towards a masculine nucleus, she is engaged in a heliotropic engagement with masculinity. In brief, a woman, within the existing global gender discourses remains bound to a patriarchal nucleus that stages representational practices “according to exclusively masculine parameters” ( Irigaray, 1977 : 68; author’s italics). Not only that, a major issue that I have found within these theorizations is that they cannot somehow go beyond pre-determined binaristic oppositions. Hence, the notion of womanhood remains operant within a logos that is essentially based on a patriarchal Eidos . For instance, in This Sex which is not One , Irigaray takes the following position:

It is not a matter of toppling that order so as to replace it—that amounts to the same thing in the end—but of disrupting and modifying it, starting from an ‘outside’ that is exempt, in part, from phallocratic law. ( Irigaray, 1977 : 68)

The problem with this argument is that it presents “the outside” as a space that evades the law of the phallocratic center, without taking into account the fact that the outside is in effect created by the center. The outside is that which has been exiled by the center, hence its nomenclature as an exteriority is in effect a product of the nucleus in itself. Irigaray’s acceptance of the pre-existing categories as they are, thus, concretizes the dualisms that have led to the reification of gender-based categories. Hence, the binaries of man/woman, outside/inside remain “reactionary position(s)” ( Spivak, 1986 : 77) and are related in terms of a hierarchal exercise of control in the Western feminist discourse. However, while reactionary positions remain the major pattern around which all paradigms of social functionalism are structured, a displacement within the discourses that have generated these positions may be engaged to revise them, at least theoretically. Therefore, to deconstruct them, one has to begin with provisional definitions that enable one to take a tentative stand that is constantly effaced, so that no “rigorous definition of anything is ultimately possible” ( Spivak, 1986 : 77). This deconstructivist argument by Spivak provides me with an additional groove for problematizing the notion of the “marginalization” of the third world woman in particular.

Before further delving into the problematics of the margin, I feel it necessary to take on certain assumptions regarding third world women from Julia Kristeva’s theorization. In “Women’s Time”, Kristeva (1981) states that the solidity grounded in a particular mode of re-production and representation of any entity is rooted within a specific “socio-cultural ensemble” (14). Every socio-cultural ensemble has its own temporality and memory which exceeds the confines of local history. Humanity, however, exists across multiple ensembles and temporalities. Therefore, when one socio-cultural ensemble establishes a conglomerate with other socio-cultural ensembles, it becomes connected with an overarching heterogeneous humanity. Kristeva adds that through this miscegenation, a specific regional ensemble also rises above its spatio-temporal boundaries and becomes a part of a broader temporal whole wherein one common social denominator specific to a particular region becomes reflected in another socio-cultural ensemble. For instance, when third world feminism comes in contact with other forms of feminist discourses, some common themes and issues do come to the surface, such as issues of domestic and sexual violence, gender discrimination and so on. Yet, these commonalities serve to bring to the fore significant differences as well. To cite one example, the laws governing the penalty of rape in Pakistan differ significantly from those implemented in the United States. In Pakistan, until February 2015, DNA profiling was not admissible as the main evidence to inculpate a rapist since Pakistan’s Council of Islamic Ideology insisted that it should only be taken as corroborating evidence. On the other hand, DNA evidence is sufficient for apprehending a rapist in the United States. Hence, the legal position of a Pakistani rape victim is monumentally different from that of an American rape victim owing to differences in cultural attitudes and legal procedures.

While the dynamics of the interaction between two socio-cultural ensembles that Kristeva has theorized are valid, some aspects of her paper are problematic for a third world woman. First and foremost, on the surface, Kristeva’s (1981) argument suggests that in the process of osmosis, both ensembles ought to undergo a socio-cultural and discursive meiosis as they become participants of a supra-cultural ensemble (14). This would be an ideal situation. However, in the interaction between first world and third world feminisms, it seems that it is primarily third world feminism that, in all its variegated patterns, is losing it solidity in becoming a part of a West-dominated supra-cultural ensemble. The miscegenation that she has presented would ideally take place between two ensembles that are equal in power and have similar racial and historical paradigms. This mode of miscegenation becomes problematic when a politically powerful socio-cultural ensemble, for example a European one, juxtaposes with a different and perhaps contrapositional ensemble such as that of Asia. In this context, what comes to the fore is that the inherent specificity and characteristics of a less dominating socio-cultural ensemble are threatened by those of the dominating ensemble. In this light, the validity of Spivak’s argument that Kristeva’s stance is essentially Euro-centric cannot be refuted as the importing of the West-centric associations of “marginalization” and “agency” within the third world feminist discourses also attests to this fact. This comes in conflict with Kristeva’s own theorization that when a particular socio-cultural ensemble within which first world feminism is placed, meets a different socio-cultural ensemble such as that of third world feminism, both ought to undergo an equal reconfiguration.

Second, the diagrammatic representation in Fig. 2 of Kristeva’s idea about the interactions among different socio-cultural ensembles brings another problem to light. According to Kristeva in “Women’s Time”, within all socio-cultural conglomerates, there are additional formations that are not a part of the mainstream ensemble owing to their place in its production, re-production and representation. Hence, they are attached to the periphery of their respective socio-cultural ensemble. In this way, they are not only participants of the “cursive time” ( Kristeva, 1981 : 14) of their respective region, they also go beyond its boundaries to become participants of the global “monumental time” ( Ibid .) since they become linked (as shown through the dotted lines in Fig. 2 ) with the socio-cultural groups of other sociocultural ensembles. In this way, all marginal socio-cultural groups equally become participants of a global ensemble. As a third world woman, I question whether this supra-cultural global ensemble includes both the remembered histories and the forgotten memories of all the groups involved since all groups must undergo a reciprocal, discursive osmosis. However, what is observed with reference to first world feminist discourses is that while supposedly functioning as supra-cultural ensembles, they practically co-opt third world feminist discourses within their own ideological framework. Hence, from a third world woman’s perspective, the supra-cultural ensembles are not as democratic as suggested by Kristeva. Moreover, despite being based on the notion of exchange, Kristeva’s argument does not focus on the boundaries around these ensembles nor the modalities of their functioning. As a matter of fact, her argument does not question the relationship of first world and third world feminisms, as she elucidates the culture of the Chinese women. In short, her arguments replicate the Western center and non-Western periphery structure, wherein she gives voice to the supposedly mute Chinese women.

A diagrammatic depiction of Kristeva’s idea of supra-national ensembles and the interactions among different regional socio-cultural ensembles and their peripheral formations.

On the other hand, Spivak (1981) correctly argues against the homogenization imposed on third world women by a first world feminist theorist like Kristeva saying that it is “always about her own identity” (158), thus resulting in the stereotyping of both categories of women as agentive or passive respectively. While Spivak identifies inconsistencies in Kristeva’s treatment of Chinese women, my contention against both is that in their arguments, the margin remains uncontroversial and unproblematic, particularly in Kristeva’s argument as she continues to stamp it as a stationary space wherein a third world woman is glaciated in a mute alterity. The central socio-cultural ensemble has always been seen as agentive, thus prescribing the role of the margin in terms of passivity. The margin functions merely as a line separating the regional socio-cultural ensembles from the secondary formations peripherally attached to them ( Fig. 2 ).

However, in Derridean terms, if the inside and outside are arbitrary and constituted through mutual negotiation, the margin functions as a fluctuant plane of negotiation. This idea leads to a dynamic shift within Fig. 2 . If the circumferences of all the ensembles in this diagram are seen as limitrophic, then not only does the central socio-cultural ensemble lose its hierarchal prestige, the idea of a subaltern woman also experiences a shift and leads to a re-thinking of the questions of whether the subaltern can speak ( Spivak, 1988 [1994] : 66) and whether it can be heard ( Maggio, 2007 : 419). This is because the subaltern woman’s agentive act of speaking is no longer to be defined by the Western feminist center’s ability to hear as this speaking-hearing modality experiences a multi-tiered variation. The subaltern may speak without any need to be heard by a Western listener and vice versa . Thus, the agentive/passive binary would be in a state of constant displacement as multiple patterns of agentive manoeuvrings would continue to influence the inter-ensemble interactions. Thus, a subaltern would not strictly remain a subaltern. In the context of first and third world feminisms, this reconfiguration of Kristeva’s idea leads to the notion that both ensembles enjoy a certain degree of freedom to continually constitute themselves and each other while interacting across limitrophic boundaries. This interaction extracts the ideas of the subaltern and the margin out of a monolithic closure.

Since the margin is located both within and without the inside and the outside, it blurs the binary between the two planes as shown in Fig. 1 . As a result, this blurring conjures up “a relationship that can no longer be thought within the simple difference and the uncompromising exteriority of ‘image’ and ‘reality’, of ‘outside’ and ‘inside’, of ‘appearance’ and ‘essence’, with the entire system of oppositions which necessarily follows from it”. ( Derrida, 1967 : 33). In the context of a third world woman, the tenuousness of her orbit around a central first world feminism becomes the foundation of her empowerment since she herself stands within the plane of mediation between the so-called interiority and exteriority. This allows her to defy any theoretical confinement, since she functions within “the contentious internal liminality” to speak of herself as the actively heterogeneous “emergent” ( Bhabha, 1994 : 149; author’s italics). This heterogeneity constantly undermines the reification of a third world woman as a constant category. This argument further becomes the corner stone in dismantling the center’s gaze dynamics which I shall elucidate in the ensuing section.

Deflecting the gaze of the center

As mentioned earlier, the malleable margin hosts an active process of exchange that constantly defies a rigid “closure” ( Derrida, 1967 : 4). It is pertinent to recollect here that in Derridean thought, closure is not the end since permutations may continuously take place within it. That does not imply that the entities at the margin and the center, in this case third and first world women respectively, lose their ontological specificity. This merely leads to the notion that the way these ontologies are perceived within themselves and their modalities of engagement with each other need to be reviewed in the light of the reconfiguration of the margin as a limitrophic space which grants a certain agentive freedom to marginal entities. Since the space within which I am embedded as a third world woman is fluctuant and not rigidly defined by a first world feminist center, it grants a certain leeway for me to see myself outside the first world feminist discourse. In drawing myself outside the center’s gaze and also withdrawing my own gaze from it, I may begin a process of self-configuration as a third world woman as elucidated below.

The theoretical assumptions underlying the theorization of Luce Irigaray’s photological metaphors of a woman’s situatedness vis-à-vis a masculine nucleus as shown in Fig. 1 , posit that a woman is a reflective entity that endlessly reflects the masculine center. Irigaray bases her argument on Derrida’s postulation that the paternal law is an abyme , infinitely replicating similar structures like a hall of mirrors. Explaining how patriarchy uses a woman as a mirror, Irigaray states that if the masculine ego is to be valuable, some “mirror” is needed to reassure it of its value. A woman will be the foundation of this specular duplication, giving man back “his” image and repeating it as the “same” ( Irigaray, 1977 : 52). For Irigaray, in a uterine economy, a woman is endlessly replicating the masculine center, whether it is through copulation, giving birth or nurturing a child; she is merely a means of multiplying the masculine subject’s “sameness” ( Irigaray, 1977 : 54), which is primarily concerned with “the image and the reproduction of the self. A faithful, polished mirror, empty of altering reflections. Immaculate of all auto-copies” ( Irigaray, 1977 : 136).

The application of this theoretical premise in the context of a third world woman would lead to the idea that she merely functions as a reflecting surface for a first world feminist center. Bringing Fig. 1 into play here again suggests that if the margin becomes tenuous and the center becomes weak, then it is possible for the marginal entity to turn away from the center so that it no longer has to “present its surfaces” and could easily rise out of her assumed “self-ignorance” ( Irigaray, 1977 : 136). In simple terms, with a weakened nucleus, a condition to which the porous nature of the circumference attests, the marginal entity is free to look away from the center.

The reflecting capability of a marginal entity, such as a third world woman in the global feminist discourses, is generally described in terms of passivity. However, as a third world woman, I see this reflecting capability in agentive terms. Since the first world feminist center has come into existence precisely because the third world marginal entity continues to reflect it back; therefore, one way of challenging this center is by turning away from it so that the endless process of reflection of the same is disrupted. Fig. 3 elucidates this process.

The constant displacement of the originary center through the play of gazing back and forth between reflected and the reflections.

Figure 3 is an illustration of Derrida’s notion of reflection wherein the act of writing performs the function of a reflecting speculum. According to Derrida, the speculum produces a reflection that induces a split within the reflected so that the reflected also becomes a reflection of the reflection. If person A in Fig. 3 is the reflected individual and person B is the reflected image, the image goes on to displace the reflected person A, as is shown through the images B and C and many others that would be produced in a similar fashion. As the speculum continues to reflect the reflections and the origin at the same time, the distinctions between them are blurred so that they simultaneously become both real and unreal. According to Derrida, the world is a reflection, hence the reflection is both real and unreal so that it initiates a constant forgetting of the origin. In Fig. 3 , the origin is constantly displaced in the play of gazing back and forth. It is this ability of the speculum to displace the origin which is significant in theorizing the marginal entity. However, according to Irigaray, this displacement falls flat because even if the center or origin is displaced or split, the images remain images of the originary center while they themselves remain mired in self-ignorance as is the case with third world feminism. The fact that the terminology of Western feminist discourses has been absorbed by third world feminist discourses like a bolus endorses this view point. This observation undermines the agentive manoeuvreing of the third world woman. If the gaze mechanisms were to be viewed from Luce Irigaray’s angle, then the entire effort of deriving assumptions regarding the third world woman’s agency would fail. Hence, my argument segues from Irigaray’s to present an alternative.

According to Irigaray, a crisis would be induced within the gaze dynamics only if another mirror were used to intervene between a speculum and the reflected entity. On the other hand, my argument is that if the third world woman turns her polished surface away, it would disrupt the self-replication of the so-called center. This necessitates a modification of Fig. 1 in order for me to continue with my theorization in Fig. 4 .

The turning outwards of the marginal third world woman’s gaze, away from the first world feminist center.

In Fig. 4 , if the woman refuses to reflect the center and turns her gaze outwards, this could enable her to see the extensive space beyond the circumference. Moreover, because of the permeability of the margin and the weakening of the hold of the center, there is no ontologically fixed interior or exterior. Both exist in a state of fluctuant interactivity. Since the exteriority is no longer constructed by any nucleus, a woman can gaze in all directions, as is indicated by the multiple arrows emanating out of the shaded circle on the dotted circumference. This mode of resistance may be of use for any woman as she subverts the “voyeuristic heteronormative gaze” ( Eileraas, 2014 : 43), be it of a masculine principle or of Western feminism. This kind of subversion does not dismantle the differences between the genders and multiple races within the same gender. Rather, it enhances the differences between the two without discursively binding them within any ontological fixity. Thus both categories of first and third world women are subject to a constant revision. Within this play of différance between the first and third world feminist discourses, both the notions of agency and resistance gain an added complexity, particularly when the seeing/unseeing modality is engaged.

The act of seeing needs to be undone through an agentive act of unseeing and not through an act of reflecting back. This is evident in the indigenous literature produced by the women writers of the Sub-Continent. One notices that despite the fact that Western feminist discourses did not lace these writings, they remained exceedingly candid about issues that were considered to be taboos in their respective societies. Both the writers and the women characters that they depict are totally oblivious to the Western feminist gaze as they continue to see themselves as they are in relation to their own circumstances. They are not writing for a white audience, although they have openly touched upon exceedingly sensitive issues such as lesbianism and gang rape, not unlike their Western contemporaries. The Pakistani poet Kishwar Naheed is a case in point. Her Urdu poem “Anticlockwise” reflects a woman’s articulation as an agentive act that consolidates the viewpoint of this thought experiment, that despite being a third world woman situated at the margin, she is empowered as she addresses the men of her society, declaring:

Even after you have tied the chains of domesticity, shame and modesty around my feet even after you have paralysed me this fear will not leave you that even though I cannot walk I can still think. ( Naheed, 1968 , ‘Anticlockwise’)

In this way, a third world woman’s ability to think and articulate herself in her own terms extracts her out of any form of monolithic subalternity. She speaks, but being situated at a limitrophic margin, her being heard by a Western feminist center is not of great import. This mode of resistance again belies first world feminists’ assumptions about the passivity of third world women and suggests that the peripheral position is anything but a passive space for a third world woman. In addition to Naheed, Azra Abbas, another female Pakistani Urdu poet also proclaim women’s femininity in accordance with their own selves. Abbas’s (1996) narrator in the poem “Bull Fighter” (95) waves her sexuality like a muleta , reminding man that her sexuality is not a man’s privilege but his responsibility, thus bringing it in alignment with her contextual Islamic gender discourse. Similarly, Naheed’s (1968) poem “The Grass is Really like Me” is a proclamation of a daring selfhood despite the patriarchal insistence of mowing her down as it suggests her rhizomatic ability extend herself beyond any enclosure.

However, it is not only through writing that numerous third world women in South Asia are configuring their marginal placement as agentive. Syeda Ghulam Fatima, a Pakistani Labour activist has liberated nearly 80,000 bonded labourers, despite threats to her life. Although gaining international attention and acclaim through the Humans of New York series on Facebook in 2015, Fatima has been engaged in this form of activism since 1988, long before any international body recognized her efforts. While it is true that these women do not encompass the entire canvas of third world women’s agentive manoeuvrings on the margin, they do constitute themselves in terms of their own situatedness within their respective contexts, as had been mentioned earlier. Through this mode of attaining autonomy of expression and action, they deflect the stereotyping gaze of the Western feminist center as they discard the stereotypical assumption that a third world woman’s sexuality and articulation are repressed. Their marginality thus allows them to acquire a fluctuant femininity that evades closure. In this context, it is the third world woman who becomes absolute différance, both in her situatedness at the margin and in her ability to unsee any Western center which has a hetero-cultural gaze.

Deflecting the Western feminist gaze

The problem with most forms of contemporary resistance by third world women is problematic, particularly as one sets out to deconstruct their modes of resistance which remain mired in reflective gaze mechanics. To elucidate this point, I will take the conflict between Femen’s nude protest across Europe and the pro-Hijab protest in Egypt immediately in its after math, as cases in point. Women across the first or third worlds are co-opted by both a masculine and a Western feminist gaze. My contention is that whether it is a pro-hijab or a topless women’s protest, both are responding to the gaze mechanics of a Western feminist center and its objectifying potential. Both protests address the Western gaze that prescribes how a third world woman is to be seen or unseen. In both contexts, our modes of resistance somehow get co-opted by the male “voyeuristic heteronormative gaze” ( Eileraas, 2014 : 43), whether it is ElMahdy in the nude protest or someone else in the hijab movement. The pro-hijab women argue that the hijab gives them a sense of freedom from the intrusive masculine gaze that most men in our region have. The hijab becomes a mode of freedom for them since they are veiled from the objectifying gaze of the center and thus they gain agency outside this gaze. Yet, at the same time, the hijab also responds to a specific modality of the central masculine gaze that is prescribed within their specific cultural discourses. On the other hand, the Western feminist gaze does not see the veil as a symbol of emancipation from the masculine center, but as a mode of cultural and religious suppression. They forget that there are certain circles, even within a conservative Muslim country like Pakistan, where wearing a hijab constrains a woman’s agency and they are discriminated against.

On the other hand, ElMahdy might be nude, but she is addressing both a masculine gaze and also seeking approval from a Western feminist gaze such as that of Femen that prescribes nudity as an act of freedom for all women, regardless of their socio-cultural environment. Since the body becomes a mode of social engagement, the third world woman ends up seeing and identifying her embodiment in terms of the gaze of the Western feminist center. By debating on this gaze, through nude or pro-hijab protests, third world women are constantly re-centering the masculine principle and the white feminist discourses. What needs to be remembered at this stage is that the Western feminist ideas of embodiment are in themselves responding to the objectifying Western masculine gaze, even as a veiled third world woman responds to the objectifying masculine gaze of her own society. In this context, the establishment of Femen in itself is problematic, since it was a man, Victor Svyatski, who was its mastermind ( Eileraas, 2014 : 48). Therefore, whether it is a liberal or a conservative man or a Western feminist discourse telling a third world woman to wear or not to wear a hijab, her action is constantly problematized by the fact that even her resistance adheres to certain modalities prescribed either by her immediate patriarchal order or the Western feminist gaze.

However, in turning her back to the gaze of the Western feminist center, some mode of self-knowledge may be extracted by a third world woman. This is because a woman on the periphery can use her situatedness in such a way that she no longer depends upon the Master Signifier for her signification, as the example of Ghulam Fatima indicates. She can remain in a state of constant flux and sous rature ( Derrida, 1967 : 146) to evade any prescriptive mechanisms imposed on her by Western feminist discourses. She can not only inscribe herself as a “political and sexual subject” ( Eileraas, 2014 : 46) but also as a thinking subject, as she constantly re-thinks her position and all its possibilities. It is by positing herself as a thinking subject that a third world woman can extract the symbols of her incarceration out of their global and local implications to be customized according to an understanding emanating out of her own situation. In this way, the hijab would no longer remain a symbol of suppression, nor a nude protest remain a symbol of emancipation. It is through context-based intellectual activism that a third world woman can exceed the universal representationalist dogmas of Western feminist thoughts that posit themselves in terms of liberalism. Once, she exceeds those dogmas, her need to justify herself in terms of the Western feminist terms of emancipation would fade. For a third world woman, the prescriptive social symbols, thus, lose their rigidity. The veil is both emancipatory and constraining, depending upon her usage of it within her own context. Since she reverts to no center, the way she appropriates the socio-symbolic order remains heterogeneously open, so that they reflect her in all her contradictions. A third world woman does not have to be a uniform essentialist category. It is in embracing this fluctuant heterogeneity that she can counter any prescriptive gaze. Clothing can become an emancipatory metaphor only if the third world woman’s gaze is withdrawn from any center. Only then can she evade any ontological fixity. While it may be acceded that her options are by and large limited, between her willingness to adhere or not to adhere to a particular dress code, the freedom to sustain or alter it ought to stem from a third world woman’s perception of her own self, rather than in compliance with any kind of gaze dynamics. It is not only through embodiment or that which is thought for her by Western feminists that she can exceed the center’s gaze. It is also through the thought that she thinks herself in terms of her own situatedness that she can gain emancipation since her thoughts may then osmose into her context. Her dress should not merely be reflective of the social gaze, it should be reflective of her own thinking processes. Her consciousness needs to be in a state of constant negotiation with the multi-layered contexts within which she is embedded so that it embraces her heterogeneity. Thus, in Eisensteinian paradigms, she becomes a shifting metaphor to correlate with the shifting dynamics of her location so that she turns her back both on the phallus and on global feminism and becomes a “dispersion and discontinuity” ( Eisenstein, 1988 : 41).

What needs to be considered here is that while a first world woman perceives a hijab-wearing third world woman as suppressed and a more Westernized woman as more liberal, Eisenstein (2004) has focused on how the privileging of the English language and the hierarchal binaries contouring its episteme have played on excluding numerous indigenous forms of non-Western feminisms, assuming that genuine agency only resides in white women, (203). Therefore, the first world woman’s gaze is also functioning like the masculine center that prescribes how a third world woman ought to dress or not. As a third world woman the question that I ask is a modified version of Spivak’s question: “Who am I or who am I (not)”, not only outside the masculine gaze but also outside the gaze of first world feminism?” ( Spivak, 1981 : 179). My answer is that my position as an Other can be used as an agent for displacing the central gaze so that it can no longer define the periphery. I am and I am not, both at the same time, because I am multiple and protean, hence heterogeneous. I am pure différance and within this dynamism lies my agency. My Otherness does not have to be in terms of my being passively objectified but in using my objectification to subvert the objectifying gaze. Once the center is in a process of constant displacement by my refusal to look back at it, so is my objectification as a third world woman, because I will no longer be able to rely on it to see myself as a single integrated projection. My agentive and mutating heterogeneity would only be visible in this displacement of the center’s gaze as it defies any mode of ontological determination.

This article began with a proposal to re-view the margin as a limitrophic domain which puts into question the “edge” ( Derrida, 2002 : 379) that outlines gender roles. With gender being ocularly re-inscribed, both by patriarchal and Western feminist discourses, in terms of a center/periphery binary, I have endeavoured to re-visit the ophthalmic operations of both the center and the periphery in revising the notions of agentive manoeuvreing of the marginal third world woman. In contesting the functional modality of these binaries and re-presenting the margin as a curdled space, my theorization argues that the margin does not strictly bind any entity to any fixed center. As a matter of fact, this marginality provides a certain degree of freedom to a third world woman from the ideological fixity of a Western feminist center. This kinetic margin grants an impetus to a third world woman to turn away from the gaze of a Western feminist center; to un-see it and thus deflect its gaze, in the process of the articulation of its selfhood. In this way, her voice is neither co-opted nor silenced in a mute alterity by the Western feminist voice. Her task is to speak on her own, in a non-relationship to any center, in a language which she understands, even if it is not understood by anyone else. Since articulation is agency and so is the movement away from the center, she need not reflect the One in herself through self-ignorance. This mode of a theoretical “alternativism” ( Suleri, 1992 [1994] : 250) may be used as an irruption point within the existing gender discourses to re-argue the supposed alterity and passivity of the marginal third world woman.

It may be argued that my own argument does take Western discourses on board to project my own reflection back onto it; however, since it is the Western discourse that has monumentally informed the contemporary third world feminist discourses, it was necessary for me to contest some of its notions to provide a groove for my thought experiment. In addition, my own position at the margin sanctions my freedom to agentively modulate my situatedness at the permeable circumference that does not hinder any mode of exchange across races or cultures. Both the fluctuant inside and outside of my marginal position inform my agentive manoeuvrings. The need is to revise the perceptions regarding this interplay of différance without reducing any of the participants into the binaristic, ontologically fixed categories of the agentive/passive and the central/marginal. It is through the re-configuration of the operational modalities of these binaries that being marginal will no longer share a synonymy with passivity and a third world woman can engage in agentive practices to re-view herself in herself.

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Acknowledgements

The author thanks her mentors Dr Riaz Hassan, Dr Aroosa Kanwal and Dr Sibghatullah Khan for their constant guidance and faith in her abilities.

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Received : 24 December 2015

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Research: How Bias Against Women Persists in Female-Dominated Workplaces

• Amber L. Stephenson,
• Leanne M. Dzubinski

A look inside the ongoing barriers women face in law, health care, faith-based nonprofits, and higher education.

New research examines gender bias within four industries with more female than male workers — law, higher education, faith-based nonprofits, and health care. Having balanced or even greater numbers of women in an organization is not, by itself, changing women’s experiences of bias. Bias is built into the system and continues to operate even when more women than men are present. Leaders can use these findings to create gender-equitable practices and environments which reduce bias. First, replace competition with cooperation. Second, measure success by goals, not by time spent in the office or online. Third, implement equitable reward structures, and provide remote and flexible work with autonomy. Finally, increase transparency in decision making.

It’s been thought that once industries achieve gender balance, bias will decrease and gender gaps will close. Sometimes called the “ add women and stir ” approach, people tend to think that having more women present is all that’s needed to promote change. But simply adding women into a workplace does not change the organizational structures and systems that benefit men more than women . Our new research (to be published in a forthcoming issue of Personnel Review ) shows gender bias is still prevalent in gender-balanced and female-dominated industries.

• Amy Diehl , PhD is chief information officer at Wilson College and a gender equity researcher and speaker. She is coauthor of Glass Walls: Shattering the Six Gender Bias Barriers Still Holding Women Back at Work (Rowman & Littlefield). Find her on LinkedIn at Amy-Diehl , Twitter @amydiehl , and visit her website at amy-diehl.com
• AS Amber L. Stephenson , PhD is an associate professor of management and director of healthcare management programs in the David D. Reh School of Business at Clarkson University. Her research focuses on the healthcare workforce, how professional identity influences attitudes and behaviors, and how women leaders experience gender bias.
• LD Leanne M. Dzubinski , PhD is acting dean of the Cook School of Intercultural Studies and associate professor of intercultural education at Biola University, and a prominent researcher on women in leadership. She is coauthor of Glass Walls: Shattering the Six Gender Bias Barriers Still Holding Women Back at Work (Rowman & Littlefield).

Partner Center

Christine Michel Carter

Become a modern leader. Climb the corporate ladder. Get past the broken rung.

Marginalization of Women – How Working Women Fall Victim To It

Women have never made up a larger percentage of the workforce than they do today. Although nearly half of the employees are women, female workers are still disproportionately represented in leadership roles.  Laws and public opinion have changed significantly in the past 50 years, but women continue to lag behind their male counterparts in senior job titles and salaries. As of 2021, women made about 80 cents to the dollar a man-made in a comparable job. Women of color and other marginalized groups find it even more difficult to break through the glass ceiling. Here are  a few examples of marginalization and why women still struggle to climb the corporate ladder. 

Marginalization of Women : Fewer Networking Opportunities

Networking is a tried and true way to advance in your career. As the saying goes, it’s not what you know, it’s who you know. Yet in many career fields, networking continues to be an “old boys club,” with few options available for women and people of color. 

A study conducted by Northwestern University and the University of Notre Dame found women have a better chance of advancing in their careers if they have a strong network of support from other women in similar positions. That creates a problem for many working women, who may be the first – or only – woman in their workplace or department.

Change takes time and effort. Whether you want to become an effective sales leader on your team or the CEO of the company, women need more training and educational opportunities to narrow the leadership gap. As more women gain the skills needed to advance in their careers, there will be more women to create supportive networks. Women can also support women-owned businesses by choosing them as vendors or by directing other women to small-business grants and loans that can help them grow their businesses. 

Marginalization of Women : The COVID-19 Pandemic

When the COVID-19 pandemic hit , many workplaces sent their employees home to work remotely. At the same time, daycares closed, and schools switched to distance learning . The burden of providing full-time child care and education fell on working parents, with women shouldering most of the responsibility. 

At the same time, the global market took a hit, causing a devastating impact on personal finances. About 70% of Americans have lived paycheck to paycheck at some point since the pandemic started in 2020, according to a recent survey by Real Estate Witch .

The toll was particularly hard on parents, who had to make tough decisions about how to pay their bills. Of those surveyed, 71% of families said they have not yet recovered from the financial impact of the pandemic. More than half (52%) said they think it will take up to five years to recover, with 1 in 7 saying they don’t think they’ll ever recover financially.

With increasing gas prices, groceries, rent, and other expenses, some families are struggling to pay for child care. Many families have found that one parent needs to leave their job rather than pay for child care. With women still making less money and holding lower-ranking positions, the sacrifice often falls on them.

While the world recovers from the financial ramifications of the pandemic, some women may be able to pivot in their careers by finding stay-at-home mom jobs . Companies hoping to retain employees should also consider offering full- or part-time work-from-home options. By working from home, women can cut down on time and money they spend commuting to a job. 

Marginalization of Women : Burnout and the Great Resignation

In 2021, more than 47 million Americans quit their jobs. The pandemic played a significant role in what has been dubbed the Great Resignation, but it wasn’t the only reason for the mass exodus from the workplace. A toxic company culture, which can be more prevalent among women who face harassment on a larger scale, is fueling the record number of resignations. 

The Great Resignation may also take a toll on employees who decide to stay at their jobs. Some companies may leave a role vacant and reassign responsibilities, leaving the remaining employees overworked and stressed. An overworked and stressed employee is more likely to quit their job, too, and they may not have the capacity to take on additional training or networking opportunities to advance in their careers.

Employers hoping to retain employees should look at their company’s culture. Is it a place where women feel supported? Is it a place where training opportunities and coaching exist to help advance all employees’ careers? Does the company offer a work-life balance? More than money, employees want a workplace where they feel safe and supported to build their careers. 

Marginalization of Women : Lack of Parental Support

One of the greatest factors that prevent women from climbing the corporate ladder is the lack of parental benefits. This includes paid family leave, child care costs, and sick days to care for ill children. 

The U.S. lags behind other economically advanced countries when it comes to providing paid parental leave . Only 24% of companies provide 12 weeks or more of paid leave, which is recommended when bringing home a child. Legislation requires companies to provide 12 weeks of unpaid, job-protected leave, but most women return to work early because they can’t afford the unpaid time off.

Even after returning to work, women may feel like they have to choose between their career and raising a family. By providing working families with support and flexibility, companies can help women with marginalization and advance professionally while they care for their families.

Before you go...

Marginalization and Poverty of Rural Women Essay

Introduction.

Marginalization and poverty of rural women is a multifaceted problem that calls for a multidisciplinary approach to be addressed amicably. It has its roots in the social economic and cultural settings of the rural areas. The situation particularly paints a grim picture of economic development in the globe given that the majority of the homesteads in the world are increasingly being headed by women. This is so because in many households particularly in developing countries, the husbands are often likely to travel to the cities to look for jobs leaving behind their wives in charge of their homesteads. The women are left to take care of the economic welfare of the households. This means that poverty bites women most as they are left to feed their families especially in developing countries where the families are quite large.

Marginalization and poverty have thus become common scenarios in rural areas particularly due to the cultural and traditional practices in these areas. In this paper, I seek to examine the causes of marginalization and poverty among the rural women. I will also attempt to propose a raft of recommendations to alleviate poverty and reduce marginalization of women in the rural areas.

Causes of marginalization and poverty among the rural women

Cultural practices and traditions.

Due to slow pace of development, many societies in the developing countries still practice anti-developmental cultural practices that are still deeply entrenched in their cultures. These practices tend to conspire with other poverty causative factors to ensure that rural women remain highly marginalized. A majority of these traditions are largely skewed to the disadvantage of women. Some of these practices include: circumcision of women, wife inheritance, polygamy, wife battery and sex abuse. The practice of wife inheritance and polygamy for example marginalizes women in the decision making processes by ensuring they do not have a right to make decisions over their lives.

The cultural practices tend to inhibit the women‘s access to economic resources and services as a result (Rural women in IFAD’s projects, 4). Decisions over their lives and property are made by their husbands and relatives which exposes them to intense abuse. Circumcision is usually imposed upon them which expose them to early marriages and medical complications especially when giving birth. It also further tends to demean them in the society. The predicament of rural women is thus largely determined by customary laws and social sanctions imposed on them by the society (FAO documentary repository Para. 7). This limits the women ability to make economic decisions thus condemning them to marginalization and abject poverty.

Unemployment

The problem of unemployment is particularly rampant in rural areas especially in developing countries where employment opportunities are limited. In such countries women are the worst affected due to lack of equal access to job opportunities. Women tend to be discriminated against in jobs and even when given those jobs are paid less relative to men in the same job groups. The lack of jobs plunges women deeper into poverty by denying them an opportunity to earn a living. This form of marginalization drives them into poverty. They are thus pushed into the realm of housewives in the rural areas while their husbands work in towns. This renders them to living in deplorable conditions hence reducing their economic and social welfare in the society. As a result of lack of meaningful employment, they are left to engage in back breaking tasks in the family farms like tilling, household chores, and occasionally in wage employment in large farming estates to earn a living. This usually has an adverse effect on their health.

Limited access to education

In many rural households, women do not enjoy equal education opportunities with their male counterparts. Some of these communities treat education as the preserve for the boy child thus limiting the access of girls to education institutions. Many times the parents tend to give preference to boys at the expense of girls who are married off earlier at tender ages further marginalizing them. This ensures they play the second fiddle to men in the social and economic arena. The failure to access education denies them an opportunity to build their capacities in terms of knowledge and skills required to be employed and also to engage in the informal sector. These alongside other factors ensure they are confined to poverty. The lack of education also reduces both their economic and social bargain in life.

HIV/AIDS pandemic

As a result of cultural traditions and practices, poverty, and inadequate education women are the worst affected by the HIV/AIDS pandemic in rural areas. Infection rates among women have been observed to be very high relative to that of men. This further exposes them to more suffering due to poverty. Poverty and poor diets combined with the inability to access drugs reduce their ability to work hence condemning them to early deaths. These combined with this stigma associated with the disease especially in the rural areas cause further marginalization of women leading to poverty. Studies carried among the rural women in South Africa indicated that women are affected disproportionately in relation to their male counterparts (Amnesty International USA, 2008). This is because as a result of the gender disparity, they have no control over their sexual lives.

Famine and disease

The rural areas are usually prone to disease and famine which makes women particularly vulnerable as they are the majority in those areas. Their deplorable hygienic conditions and poor dietary habits place them at a disadvantage compared to men. As a result, waterborne diseases, malaria, and dietary diseases are quite devastating to women. Hunger, famine, and malnutrition also cause serious havoc to women because women head their households and are thus left by their husbands to take care of their large families. As a result of poverty, they are economically burdened thus can not afford balanced diet which exposes them to dietary diseases.

Poor accessibility to credit facilities

Due to the cultural settings in the rural areas where women are denied ownership to property, they lack collateral and hence find it hard to access credit facilities from lending institutions. This hampers their ability to invest condemning them to the cyclic constellation of poverty. As a result the marginal propensity to save is very low due to their low productivity. This is a catalyst for poverty among the rural women. Their inability to own property has the effect of marginalizing them in the eyes of men.

Poor organization and underdevelopment of the local market

The local market which is the key source of informal employment in the rural areas is usually disorganized and underdeveloped dealing a cropper to the rural woman. This denies them a source of income and market for their produce which is mainly in form of raw material from farms. As are result, women have reduced opportunities of earning a living thus condemning them to a string of unending poverty. The markets are also usually located far from their homes which makes them inaccessible.

Inadequate access to basic social amenities

Basic social amenities such as hospitals and piped water are inaccessible to women in the rural areas which put them at a disadvantage compared to their counterparts in the urban areas. The women sometimes travel tens of kilometers in search of clean water and medical attention. In addition lack of adequate educational facilities hinders them from building their capacity and that of their children. The few ones available are beyond their means due to the poverty. This hampers them from advancing their knowledge and skills. It thus undermines both their economic and social welfare hence causing marginalization and eventual poverty.

Inadequate infrastructure

The rural areas also lack the basic infrastructure needed to spur economic development. For example, the women face difficulty in delivering their produce in the market as a result of poor roads. The areas are also served with a poor network of electricity which hampers development as a result of lack of energy supply. Telecommunication facilities are sometimes inadequate or unavailable altogether leading to poor flow of information which is a key component to development. Consequently the rural women are shut from the rest of the world and new technologies and products hence take very long time to reach them. This further leads to marginalization.

Gender disparity between men and women

The disparities play an important part in entrenchment of poverty among the women. The change in the family structure as a result of massive migration of their spouses to urban areas in search of better jobs has left women shouldering additional burden of providing for many dependents. This is compounded by lack of equal opportunities to economic resources between men and women. As a result, women have been placed at the receiving end of economic turmoil resulting to their heavy devastation. The disproportionate increase in poverty among women in rural areas in comparison to men reflects a feminization of poverty which hampers development of women (NGO Committee on Education, Chapter IV, Para. 1).

Recommendations to ease marginalization and poverty

Policy legislation.

Policy legislation should be enacted to allow women to take an active role in economic development. For example, it should be in a way that will enable them to borrow against their collateral hence enabling them to participate fully in investment activities along their male counterparts. This will help greatly alleviate poverty among the women. In addition to preventing marginalization of the women, the law should ban archaic traditional practices like wife inheritance, female circumcision, early marriage, and polygamy. All these tend to lower the position of women in the society which prevents them from advancing their social and economic goals. The law should also be able to protect women from sexual abuse and harassment which will have the effect of preventing their marginalization.

Promotion of girl child education

This will go along way towards empowerment of women by impacting knowledge and skills necessary for advancement of a good life. When women are educated they are able to decide their own destiny, make informed decisions, lead a hygienic life, and observe balanced diets. This leads to an improvement of the social and economic welfare of their households as a whole. Besides this, they are able to engage in gainful employment and also productive investments. Their families tend to live better quality lives as opposed to less educated ones.

Provision of social amenities

Provision of social amenities will help improve the social welfare of women in the rural areas. For instance, provision of accessible medical facilities will help reduce maternal deaths, child moralities and general improvement of women’s health status. This will help empower them further thus allowing them to participate at a larger extent in economic production hence helping alleviate poverty. In addition it will help them escape from marginalization. Education which is one of the key social amenities will ensure women are empowered to participate better in the social setup.

Provision of infrastructural facilities

This will help greatly in uplifting the stature of women in the rural areas. Such facilities as roads, electricity, and telecommunication networks will have been observed to have a very large multiplier effect on the lives of women. This will help open up the rural areas to economic development and hence creating employment opportunities for women. This will have an effect of increasing their quality of standards of life in the long run and thus contributing heavily towards alleviation of poverty in the rural areas.

Provision of affordable and accessible credit facilities

Easing the conditions of acquiring credit facilities will help spur economic activity among women in the rural areas. Microfinance in particular has been singled out to have a very positive impact on development of the rural areas. The resultant micro enterprises usually create a sizeable amount of job opportunities for women hence helping uplift their economic and social standing in the society. The employment opportunities also create some form of economic independence from their spouses which helps boost their household’s income. These then help ease the instances of poverty among the rural women.

Initiation of agricultural based programs

Since most of the rural women depend on agriculture, any project aimed at increasing agricultural production to ensure food security is guaranteed to these women is welcome news. This can be achieved through investment in the supporting framework e.g. physical infrastructure that is inclusive of roads, dams and water supply, and institutional infrastructure that includes marketing organizations and cooperative unions (4 th World congress of rural women 4).

Improvement of production technology

Provisions of cost effective and appropriate production technologies will help to evolve alternative methods of production that are higher yielding than the traditional ones. The modern scientific techniques in farm production will help increase the output per amount of input hence helping emancipate rural women from poverty and enhancing self reliance. The governments will thus be required to play an important part in facilitation of technology transfer to the rural areas so as to benefit the rural women.

Prevention of HIV/AIDS

Preventive measures will have to be instituted to curb the spread of the pandemic. Other measures shall have to be put in place to ensure that antiretroviral drugs are accessible at affordable rates so as to ease the effects of the disease on the rural women. This will ensure their productivity is increased due to the improvement of their health statuses. Further spread and new infections will have to be checked through careful monitoring and institution of preventive measures to check the spread. To do this the government and other stakeholders will have to ensure availability of counseling and testing centers, awareness programs, and availability of contraceptives at affordable cost to women.

Reduction of gender disparity between men and women

The long existing social economic disparities in power sharing must be addressed if any meaningful economic goals have to be achieved (NGO Committee on Education Chapter IV, Para. 1). The government should formulate reasonable micro economic policies to address the rapidly changing trends in order to rescue women from the growing poverty. Women ought to participate fully in equal capacity as their male counterparts in the formulation of macroeconomic policies. This participation will ensure that they have sufficient access to resources and economic opportunities which will enable them to achieve sustainable livelihoods.

Poverty and marginalization of women is a multidimensional problem that calls for a multidisciplinary approach to mitigate. All stakeholders need to be involved alongside women who are the main stakeholders. Alleviation of poverty among the rural women will call for equity in distribution of resources and greater access of women to educational facilities among others (Obeng 5). There is need for concerted efforts among the stakeholders to avail accessible competitive markets, rapid investment in physical and social amenities and ensure a stable microeconomic sector development in order to ensure sustainable economic growth and reduction of poverty among the rural women (Khan 1). The policy frameworks of individual nations also ought to be repealed to enable increased participation of women in economic development. Antidevelopment cultural and traditional practices and gender biases that are a big impediment to the development of the rural women also ought to be addressed amicably in order to eradicate marginalization of the rural women.

Works Cited

Amnesty International USA: South Africa: Rural women the losers in HIV response. Press release. 2008. Web.

FAO documentary repository “Asia and the Pacific region: Rural women’s equality challenges”. Regional office of Asia and the Pacific. Not dated. 2009. Web.

Khan, Mahmood, Hasan. “Rural Poverty in Developing Countries, Implications for Public Policy: Key Policy Components Needed to Reduce Rural Poverty”. 2001. Economic issue, no. 26. Web.

NGO Committee on Education. “Beijing platform for action: Strategic objectives and actions”. UN Documents. 2009. Web.

Obeng, A. S. “Women and Rural Poverty”: A Case Study of Kwawu South District of Ghana. African journals online Vol. 10, No 1 (2002). Web.

Rural women in IFAD’s projects: Women in the rural economy. 2009. Web.

4 th World congress of rural women. “United in our diversity: Working together towards the total emancipation of rural women from poverty and hunger”. Agriculture Land Affairs. 2007. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2021, November 25). Marginalization and Poverty of Rural Women. https://ivypanda.com/essays/marginalization-and-poverty-of-rural-women/

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Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Marginalization and Poverty of Rural Women." November 25, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/marginalization-and-poverty-of-rural-women/.

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Marginalization of Women in the Society

Today, most women in the society are faced with numerous challenges and problems. Some of the major challenges that women face in the society today include gender discrimination and marginalization. Despite various calls by human rights activists and non-governmental organizations to abolish and eliminate discrimination and marginalization of women, there are still numerous reports that indicate that women are highly marginalized in the present society.

This essay will look into details the various ways in which women have been marginalized in the society. It also looks at the negative impacts that marginalization has caused on the victims. The last paragraph gives personal views and suggestions on how marginalization of women may be reduced within the society. It postulates that various approaches and measures that may be taken to prevent further marginalization and discrimination of women.

Marginality in the Society

Marginalization refers to the act of perceiving or assuming that a particular individual or a group of individuals do not have certain characteristics, qualities or traits that would make them equal to other people in the society. A person who do not have certain traits that the society considers desirable may be marginalized from receiving certain benefits in the society or may be excluded from being involved in certain social activities within the society, for example, employment or getting access to quality education. Individuals who are marginalized in the society often live desperately lives as a result of the discriminations and maltreatments that they receive.

Through marginalization, the society often sets certain limits which an individual can reach or achieve, for example in the workplace, women have been marginalized towards top managerial positions or executives positions in most large organizations. The society believes that men can serve well as senior managers or chief executive officers than women. Due to this assumption, women who might be more qualified than their male counterparts may not be recruited for executive positions in most large organizations because they are viewed as poor managers or inferior beings.

In February 2010, Oprah Winfrey stated in her television talk-show, The Oprah Winfrey Show that approximately one hundred thousand women in United States of America have been marginalized from various white-collar jobs and executive positions in most large organizations, including state corporations. Marginalization of women in the workplace has resulted into increased discrimination of women in the workplace.

Gender Discriminations in the Workplace

Moreover, marginalization of women has also resulted into dominance of men in the workplace. Today, many powerful positions in most large organizations are dominated by men due to marginalization of women from holding such positions. In my opinion, this has resulted into gender discriminations in the workplace, inadequate utilization of the abilities and capabilities of women and gender imbalance at the workplace. Additionally, most women who get discriminated at the workplace based on their gender often get demoralized and discouraged from working.

Consequently, they develop low self-esteem, lack of self-confidence and lack of intrinsic motivation, hence may perform poorly at the workplace. This finally results into reduced productivity at the workplace which negatively affects the society as a whole. Marginalization of women in the society has also resulted into reduced number of female role models within our communities. In extreme cases, women who are leadership positions may also be demoted or dismissed from their employments without any solid reason.

In certain communities, especially in Africa and India, women have been marginalized towards educational opportunities, for example, girls are rarely awarded scholarships and educational grants. This has resulted into reduced numbers of educated women in those communities. Most traditional societies view women as housewives who should neither get education nor go to work.

In conclusion, I would argue that marginalization of person often results from various stereotypes and other preconceived notions that people develop in the society. Therefore, it is important for the society to avoid such destructive stereotypes and assumption about its members. As Oprah Winfrey states in her television talk-show The Oprah Winfrey Show , marginalization of women depicts serious flaws in assumptions that the society has developed towards women. I would suggest that the society should take the sole responsibility to ensure that women are not marginalized within the society in any way or manner whatsoever.

It is the responsibility of members of the society to guarantee and provide women with adequate support they may require in relation to employment, education, policy formulation activities among other roles. The society should make certain that the needs and concerns of women are fully addressed. Gender discrimination and other maltreatments that might be directed towards women should be highly discouraged, condemned and stopped.

Additionally, women should be empowered by providing them with adequate resources such as finances that would enable them start their own business. This would reduce over-dependence of women in the society. Women should also form professional groups where they can share their experiences on leadership and learn from one another.

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Germs, Guns and Steel

Eliot’s poems.

Unveiling Purpose and Agency in Kashmiri Women’s Participation in Militancy

• October 31, 2023
• Asia Pacific , Security & Conflict

The Kashmir conflict between India and Pakistan traces its origins back to the partition of British India in 1947, marking the beginning of a longstanding dispute that continues to ignite violence and unrest in the region.¹ However, a pivotal turning point emerged in the late 1980s when Kashmir experienced a notable surge in militancy.² Despite numerous efforts to foster peace, including negotiations and ceasefires, finding a lasting resolution has remained an elusive goal.³ One crucial element that has been overlooked throughout these peace-building endeavors is the active participation of women in militancy.⁴ The substantial presence of women in supporting and auxiliary roles within the militant movement has largely gone unnoticed by those striving for peace. The contributions of these women have been undervalued due to prevailing gender stereotypes that deny their agency and decision-making in supporting militancy. Overlooking their agency in militancy has directly translated to overlooking their agency in peacebuilding.

For example, in discussions about Kashmiri women involved in militancy, there is a tendency to overlook their active roles and reduce them to fulfilling maternal duties.⁵ , ⁶ This limited perspective fails to acknowledge the complexity of their engagement. Swati Parashar, a renowned scholar specializing in gender and militancy in South Asia, sheds light on this issue by examining a slogan from the 1990s: “ ay mard-e-mujahid jaag zara, ab waqt-e-shahadat aaya hai  (O holy warriors rise and awake. The time for your martyrdom has come).”⁷ The slogan calls upon holy warriors to embrace martyrdom, while women, assuming various roles, implore men to fight for the cause.⁸ Parashar’s analysis reveals a prevailing narrative that portrays women primarily as sacrificing mothers and their sons as heroic figures, disregarding the fact that not all women involved in the movement have male relatives affiliated with militant groups. By restricting their participation to maternal roles, these representations overlook the diverse experiences and agency of women in the region. To truly comprehend their contributions and challenges within the conflict, it is imperative to challenge and expand beyond traditional gender roles and narratives. By doing so, we can gain a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted dimensions of their involvement.

Some sources also explore how the absence of organized women’s groups advocating for gender justice and equality in Kashmir has had significant consequences, giving rise to militant-led women’s groups like the Dakhturan-e-Millat (DeM).⁹ These groups hold considerable influence over women’s support and involvement in militant organizations. In her analysis, Manisha Sobhrajani, a journalist based in Kashmir, sheds light on how fundamentalist women’s groups entice Kashmiri women into militant organizations by providing them with community and livelihood resources.¹⁰ Building upon this perspective, Urba Malik, a scholar specializing in gender and identity in the Kashmir conflict, highlights the struggles faced by half-widows, the estranged wives of missing or deceased militant fighters, in her article, “Democracy, Gender, and Armed Conflict: Exploring Women’s Narratives of Resistance in Contemporary Kashmir.”¹¹ Half-widows face numerous challenges, such as the denial of compensation and abandonment by their in-laws and families, compelling many who search for their missing husbands to turn to the DeM for solace and support.¹² As a result of this reliance, they become indebted to the group, eventually becoming involved with the Mujaheddin.¹³ This intricate web of circumstances illustrates the complex dynamics that drive women’s participation in militant activities in Kashmir, revealing the urgent need for organized women’s groups to work towards gender justice and equality to counterbalance the influence of such militant-led organizations. At the same time, it propagates a narrative of women as victims trapped into militancy for survival– portraying their association with militancy as one driven by haplessness rather than conscious ideological reasons.

Similarly, the depiction of Kashmiri women by the Indian security forces often paints a distorted picture, presenting them as passive victims coerced into hiding or supporting militants.¹⁴ According to this portrayal, these women lack agency in their decision-making and hold no ideological sympathy for the militants.¹⁵ Their actions are simply attributed to fear of retribution or violence.¹⁶ This one-dimensional narrative is widely propagated by media outlets, including the internet, TV, and newspapers, which frequently depict these women as being duped into their involvement.¹⁷ This representation was further amplified in the 2000 Bollywood film  Mission Kashmir , where a Kashmiri girl is manipulated by her childhood friend, a militant seeking revenge.¹⁸ Eventually, she cooperates with the police to expose his intentions. This cinematic portrayal reinforces the prevailing image of the Kashmiri woman caught in the crossfire between conflicting ideologies and victimized by the forces surrounding her. However, by reducing their involvement to indirect, involuntary, and circumstantial roles, these representations fail to acknowledge the multifaceted nature of women as conscious political actors. They overlook the complexity of women’s motivations and the diverse range of reasons that lead them to participate in militancy, thus offering an incomplete and limited perspective.

Therefore, this essay aims to bridge the understanding gap regarding women’s participation in militancy in Kashmir by asserting that their involvement is a means of social and political empowerment. It begins by highlighting the marginalization of women in social and political spheres within Kashmir. The essay then explores their auxiliary roles within militancy, arguing that these roles serve as a pathway to empowerment. However, the essay also recognizes the limitations of empowerment within the context of militancy. As a result, it indicates the potential for the government to capitalize on these limitations by establishing alternative avenues that foster female empowerment through non-violent means. By addressing this gap in understanding, the essay contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of women’s portrayal and participation in militancy and offers pathways for empowering women in Kashmir.

Marginalized Voices: Women’s Struggles within Kashmiri Society

In Kashmiri society, women experience marginalization across various aspects of their lives, particularly concerning the gendered consequences of security forces’ misconduct. One significant event that exemplifies this is the Kunan Poshpora incident of 1991, where Indian security forces subjected women in the village to mass sexual assault.¹⁹ Extensive documentation, including survivor testimonies²⁰ and investigations by human rights organizations, underscores the targeted and gendered nature of the violence, revealing the systematic subjugation of women.²¹ More notably though, it is the aftermath of the Kunan Poshpora incident that sheds light on the gendered treatment of women and their subsequent marginalization within society. Apart from the immediate consequences of the violence, the women in the village faced societal backlash and stigma²² as their honor and reputations were called into question due to the assaults they endured.²³ This is exemplified by the experiences of Shakeela Dar, a rape victim who struggled to find a suitable husband for her daughter.²⁴ In interviews with Urba Malik, she recounts how prospective in-laws deliberately provoked, insulted, and mistreated her daughter based on her status as the child of a rape victim.²⁵ These social responses reflect deeply ingrained patriarchal norms that place the burden of responsibility on women, reinforcing gender inequalities and perpetuating their marginalization. The women of Kunan Poshpora continue to suffer from the stigma associated with being from a village where such violence occurred.²⁶ They face immense challenges in their daily lives while concealing their pain and trauma, leading to tragic cases of suicide.²⁷ While it is essential to recognize the experiences of men who may have also suffered mistreatment and human rights abuses in the Kunan Poshpora incident and other instances of security forces’ misconduct, the lived experience of the female survivors of the Kunan Poshpora incident highlights a targeted and gendered impact on women and not men.²⁸ This underscores the unique nature of female marginalization within the context of these incidents.

The subjugation of women in Kashmir is also exemplified by the marginalization faced by half-widows—women whose husbands have gone missing during the ongoing conflict, leaving them in a state of ambiguity regarding their marital status—in Kashmiri society.²⁹ One form of marginalization experienced by half-widows is social stigmatization and isolation within their communities.³⁰ They are often labeled as “unfortunate” or “cursed,” leading to their ostracism.³¹ Within their own families, they are denied inheritance rights and excluded from decision-making processes.³² The experiences of Atiqa and Tahira, two half-widows who were unjustly denied their rightful share in the family property, highlight this exclusion.³³ Despite the existence of inheritance laws that entitle women to a portion of the family estate, male relatives took advantage of their vulnerable position to exploit them and claim the property for themselves.³⁴ This denial perpetuates economic instability and exposes the deeply ingrained gender biases prevalent in Kashmiri society, reinforcing the marginalization of half-widows.

On a more political front, the denial of government assistance based on the alleged associations of their disappeared husbands with terrorism adds another layer to the marginalization faced by half-widows.³⁵ Khalida’s story serves as a vivid example of this struggle.³⁶ After her militant husband disappeared, Khalida faced numerous unsuccessful attempts to secure job opportunities.³⁷ In desperation, she turned to the government’s Special Recruitment Order (SRO) program, which promised job opportunities to all Kashmiri citizens.³⁸ However, Khalida was denied a job through this program.³⁹ When she sought support from her local political representative, Minister Ali Sagar, hoping for assistance with the SRO, she was met with disdain and derogatory comments regarding her husband’s alleged involvement with a militant group.⁴⁰ By denying government assistance to half-widows based on the actions of their disappeared husbands, the authorities contribute to their continued marginalization. This perpetuates a cycle of discrimination that hinders their ability to rebuild their lives and maintain their dignity, further emphasizing the marginalization faced by half-widows in Kashmiri society.

Moreover, the Indian government’s recent revocation of Article 370 in Kashmir, integrating a previously more independent Kashmir more directly under the central government, has further marginalized women in the region.⁴¹ This is reflected in the remarks of politicians who suggested that Indian men could now easily find Kashmiri brides, reducing women to mere objects of desire and reinforcing harmful stereotypes.⁴² Such misogyny did not confine itself to offline spaces but spread virulently across various social media platforms.⁴³ Disturbingly, the removal of Article 370 coincided with a surge in online searches for phrases like “How to marry a Kashmiri woman” on search engines like Google,⁴⁴ further emphasizing the dehumanization of Kashmiri women and reducing them to mere commodities. These demeaning attitudes and the widespread objectification of Kashmiri women highlight the deep-rooted marginalization they face, perpetuating a culture of inequality.

From Grievances to Empowerment: Unraveling the Gendered Dimensions of Female Militancy in Kashmir

When delving into the gendered dimensions of female grievances in Kashmir, it is crucial to examine how these specific concerns influence women’s decisions to join the ranks of militancy. As women assume supportive roles within these movements, their motivation to participate may stem from a desire for increased social standing and empowerment. Within the context of militancy, women contribute by providing vital assistance such as provisions, shelter, secure routes, and medical aid to militants.⁴⁵ Additionally, female wings within militant groups aid the families of combatants, file petitions to search for missing militants, and recruit politically active women from educational institutions.⁴⁶ By assuming these roles, women have gained public trust and credibility within society, a stark departure from their previous confinement to the domestic sphere as homemakers. This transformation is exemplified by Asiya Andrabi, a member of the Mujahideen’s (militant organization) women’s wing, who recounts how senior militants regularly sought her input to mobilize auxiliary support from women before implementing major combat strategies.⁴⁷ Furthermore, Andrabi often found herself approached by widows of the Mujahideen seeking socio-economic assistance.⁴⁸ Through their interactions with both men and women in their communities, women’s engagement in militancy enables them to become trusted figures,⁴⁹ elevating their social status and granting them positions of authority.

Therefore, in exploring the gendered aspects of female grievances in Kashmir and their impact on women’s decisions to participate in militancy, it is possible that women might engage in these movements to seek higher social status. However, it is important to consider alternative perspectives that suggest women primarily take up auxiliary roles due to the predominance of men in direct combat. But even if this were the case, the organized and sustained nature of female participation across Kashmir indicates a broader ambition and a desire for social transformation among women. This can be seen in the long-standing presence of women’s wings in militant organizations such as the Muslim Khawateen Markaz (MKM) and DeM, which have gathered a membership of over 500 women throughout Kashmir over a span of 35 years.⁵⁰ While ideological motivations, familial pressures, and coercion by militants are significant factors for women’s involvement in militancy in Kashmir, it is crucial to integrate a gendered perspective without disregarding other motivating factors. Thus, rather than invalidating any specific motivations, the aim is to add a new dimension that acknowledges the gendered aspects within the broader discussion.

In addition to seeking higher social status, women in Kashmir may participate in militancy as a means to attain political agency and empowerment within a society deeply rooted in patriarchal norms and traditional gender roles. From a political perspective, their contributions to the movement encompass acting as human shields and guards, utilizing burqas to smuggle arms and militants, and providing support during raids.⁵¹ By fulfilling these supportive roles to men engaged in direct combat, they establish themselves as political agents actively contributing to the cause of militancy. This status as political agents is particularly significant in a patriarchal society like Kashmir, where cultural and religious traditions confine women to caregiving roles and limit their involvement in political activities.⁵² Furthermore, women often assist militants by engaging in attacks on security forces and facilitating the escape of militants.⁵³ Employing tactics such as stone pelting, organizing protests, and participating in civil disobedience, female participants are depicted as agents entrusted with the protection of their male counterparts, diverging from the stereotypical portrayal of women as passive figures in need of rescue.⁵⁴ Notably, news reports often highlight the roles of female participants in militancy, providing them with publicity, holding them accountable for their actions, and acknowledging their roles as conscious political agents.⁵⁵ , ⁵⁶ Therefore, women may willingly choose to support militancy and actively assume the status of political agents. This desire is explicitly expressed by a Kashmiri college teacher who describes her decision to act as a human shield for militants as a conscious choice to embrace a “public role.”⁵⁷

Here, it is crucial to understand why women might perceive militancy as the most viable path to attain political agency and empowerment. In the context of Kashmir, militancy emerges as a significant avenue for Kashmiri women to assert their political agency and pursue empowerment precisely because mainstream channels offer limited opportunities for political representation and growth.⁵⁸ With minimal gender-based political reservations in state assemblies or similar councils, except for the  panchayat  (village council), women find in militancy a pathway to exercise their agency, advance in ranks, and even provide strategic counsel to senior militants.⁵⁹ Female militant groups actively promote increased participation and empowerment for women, with women assuming leadership roles within their respective wings.⁶⁰ Anjum Zamarud Habib, leader of the MKM, contends that women’s participation in militancy enables them to “take forward the  jazba  (zeal) for  azaadi  (freedom).”⁶¹ The use of the term “take” implies active movement and underscores women’s agency in making decisions. This perspective underscores how women proactively shape their roles as political agents in militant organizations. This also becomes particularly attractive in societies like Kashmir, where women are often denied political agency. In contrast, the promises offered by the government may appear less appealing, further strengthening the appeal of militancy as a channel for political empowerment for women in Kashmir.

Unveiling the Constraints: Women’s Limited Agency in Kashmir’s Militant Groups

While it may initially appear that militant groups in Kashmir offer women opportunities for empowerment and increased agency, it is crucial to recognize that these organizations also impose limitations on the expression of such agency. Despite aspiring to be active political participants and protesting against oppressive regimes, women often find themselves confined by militant groups to auxiliary roles or limited indirect combat roles.⁶² Mothers and wives shoulder the societal responsibilities of their male family members and may assist them as human shields during military confrontations.⁶³ When assigned the role of suicide bomber, women are treated as mere instruments, outfitted with explosives and directed by male militants to detonate themselves.⁶⁴ These prescribed roles , strip women of agency and reduce their identity and political involvement to serving as tools controlled by men. Even in more direct combat roles, women are relegated to using their bodies as shields without being recognized as conscious political agents capable of making independent decisions, including the selection and targeting of adversaries. This paucity of female physical autonomy underscores the hesitancy of militant organizations to acknowledge women as conscious political actors capable of making informed military choices on the ground.

Furthermore, it is notable that militant organizations are gradually veering away from involving women in combat-centric roles.⁶⁵ This shift is evident in the diminishing number of female bombers since the early 2000s, as highlighted by Swati Parashar, a political scientist specializing in female insurgency in South Asia.⁶⁶ Parashar’s observation becomes intriguing when juxtaposed with the views expressed by Asiya Andrabi, a prominent female militant. Andrabi argues that it is “against the dignity of a Muslim woman that the parts of her body be strewn in a public place. If a combatant or a suicide bomber is a woman, her dead body is bound to fall or be scattered in a place full of men.”⁶⁷ In reducing a woman solely to her physical body, Andrabi undermines the broader capabilities and roles that women can fulfill. Moreover, her claim that it would be disastrous to have a woman’s body in the presence of men implies a sense of shame associated with women, a characteristic that she does not extend to men. This notion of shame creates a gendered distinction, portraying women as shameful and unsuitable to die publicly while disregarding any mention of men or their supposed shame in witnessing the death of a woman. Andrabi’s statement, given her influential position in the Mujahideen’s female wing, exposes the subordinate depiction of women within militant organizations. It also suggests that despite their relatively higher level of empowerment within these organizations, women still lack the means to achieve true equality with men.

Recent intelligence reports suggest that women might participate in militant training camps, such as those operated by militant organizations like Lashkar-e-Taiba.⁶⁸ These camps are said to provide rigorous training in guerrilla warfare.⁶⁹ However, it is important to critically examine the purpose of such training and consider the recipients’ credentials. In many cases, most women involved in these camps are wives or relatives of high-profile militants, and their training duration is significantly shorter than that of men.⁷⁰ Lasting only 21 days, this limited and basic combat-focused training could be seen as serving primarily self-defense purposes.⁷¹ These circumstances raise important questions about the denial of female agency in actively using weapons for offensive actions. The justification of self-defense for the wives of prominent militants raises two significant points. Firstly, it suggests that women are often perceived as inherently passive, resorting to violence solely for personal safety rather than as a means to advance broader ideologies. Secondly, it implies that only women connected to higher-status men are considered capable of employing violence, thus linking a woman’s position to her relationship with a man. These instances demonstrate the constrained agency granted to women, which is also evident in cases of suicide bombing. Women are denied their status as independent military actors and are confined to tightly controlled auxiliary roles. Therefore, while militancy in Kashmir may offer women an opportunity to assert agency through alternative forms of resistance against patriarchal norms, it ultimately subverts these norms in a limited manner.

The struggles faced by women in Kashmir are deeply rooted in societal constraints and marginalization, which demand immediate attention and empowerment. While some women have found avenues for social and political agency through their participation in militancy, it is crucial to acknowledge the limitations imposed within these organizations that restrict their autonomy and perpetuate gender inequality. To address these complex gender dynamics and pursue empowerment, alternative non-violent approaches must be embraced.

For women in Kashmir to truly experience empowerment and for peace to prevail, it is imperative for the government to recognize and address the limitations imposed by militant organizations. Rather than resorting to violence, women should be encouraged to pursue non-violent means to achieve empowerment. The Indian government can draw inspiration from successful examples like Rwanda and Armenia, implementing their effective strategies. First and foremost, creating an environment that values women’s voices and involves them in policymaking is crucial. This can be achieved by implementing a quota system similar to Rwanda’s, which has successfully increased female representation in decision-making bodies.⁷² By actively shaping policies and representing diverse interests, women can contribute to gender equality and empowerment in politics.

Secondly, the government should invest in training programs that enhance women’s leadership skills, following Armenia’s successful example.⁷³ By providing opportunities for leadership development, women can become effective agents of change within their communities, leading to greater participation in decision-making processes. One way of doing so is by enhancing women’s access to economic opportunities. In post-genocide Rwanda, the government prioritized economic initiatives for women, such as establishing cooperatives and microfinance programs.⁷⁴ The government of Kashmir can also support initiatives that provide women with entrepreneurship training, access to credit, and opportunities to participate in the formal economy.

True empowerment lies in valuing women’s voices, experiences, and aspirations, providing them with equal opportunities, education, and the freedom to make choices for themselves. Government plays a crucial role in shaping a society that celebrates women for their strength, intellect, and individuality. By challenging prevailing stereotypes and misconceptions, the government can foster an environment where women are seen as agents of change rather than passive participants. The journey towards empowering women in Kashmir is undoubtedly complex, but it must be undertaken to ensure a just and equitable society. By recognizing the latent potential of women, valuing their contributions, and creating an environment that supports their aspirations, a path can be paved for a more inclusive and peaceful Kashmir. It is only through such efforts that the struggles faced by women can be overcome and a society that embraces gender equality and empowers all its members can be achieved.

¹ Outlook Web Desk, “The History of Kashmir Conflict and Its Various Phases,” https://www.outlookindia.com/, April 3, 2022, https://www.outlookindia.com/national/the-history-of-kashmir-conflict-news-189840.

⁴ Tehmeena Rizvi, “Kashmiri Women for a Shared Future,” Policy Perspectives Foundation, November 2, 2020, https://ppf.org.in/opinion/kashmiri-women-for-a-shared-future.

⁵ Swati Parashar, “Gender,  Jihad , and Jingoism: Women as Perpetrators, Planners, and Patrons of Militancy in Kashmir,”  Studies in Conflict & Terrorism  34, no. 4 (March 16, 2011): 309, https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2011.551719.

⁶ Rita Manchanda, “Guns and Burqa: Women in the Kashmiri Conflict,” in  Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond Victimhood to Agency , ed. Rita Manchanda (New Delhi: Sage Publishers, 2001), 53.

⁷ Parashar, “Gender,  Jihad , and Jingoism,” 309

⁹ Sobhrajani, “Women’s Role in the Post-1989 Insurgency,” 79.

¹¹ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 79

¹² Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 719

¹³ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 723.

¹⁴ Hafsa Kanjwal, “Women in Kashmir,”  South Asia Graduate Research Journal  20 (season-03 2011): 59.

¹⁸ “Mission Kashmir,” Indian Cinema – the University of Iowa, accessed October 30, 2023, https://indiancinema.sites.uiowa.edu/mission-kashmir.

¹⁹ Urba Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict: Exploring Kashmir,”  AGU International Journal of Research in Social Sciences & Humanities  6, no. 1 (2018): 717.

²¹ Asia Watch and Physicians for Human Rights, “Rape in Kashmir: A Crime of War,”  Human Rights Watch  (HRW India, 2007), https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/INDIA935.PDF.

²² Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 717.

²⁹ Aliya Bashir, “Kashmir’s Half-Widows Shoulder the Burden of a Double Tragedy,”  The Guardian , October 11, 2010, https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2010/oct/11/1.

³⁰ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 721.

³¹ Sunayana Kachroo and Danish Renzu, “The Half Widows in Kashmir,” Medium, August 31, 2018, https://medium.com/the-wvoice/the-half-widows-in-kashmir-fef80c6b88e9.

³² Safina Nabi Grantee, “How Kashmir’s Half-Widows Are Denied Their Basic Property Rights,” Pulitzer Center, January 26, 2022, https://pulitzercenter.org/stories/how-kashmirs-half-widows-are-denied-their-basic-property-rights.

³⁵ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 721.

⁴¹ Devina Neogi, “Women’s Struggles in the Kashmir Militancy War,”  Journal of International Women’s Studies , 7, 23, no. 6 (May 2022): 7.

⁴⁵ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁴⁷ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 65.

⁴⁸ Malik, “Democracy, Gender and Armed Conflict,” 723.

⁴⁹ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 67.

⁵⁰ Parashar, “Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism,” 304.

⁵¹ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁵² Nusrat Ali, “Women in Kashmir: Caught between Patriarchy and Conflict,”  Kashmir Reader , January 15, 2021, https://kashmirreader.com/2021/01/16/women-in-kashmir-caught-between-patriarchy-and-conflict/#:~:text=Kashmiri%20society%2C%20like%20other%20societies,treated%20as%20inferior%20to%20men.

⁵³ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁵⁴ Neogi, “Women’s Struggles in the Kashmir Militancy War,”1.

⁵⁵ Aaliya Anjum, “The Militant in Her: Women and Resistance,”  Al Jazeera , August 2, 2011, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2011/8/2/the-militant-in-her-women-and-resistance.

⁵⁶ Masrat Zahra and Peerzada Sheikh Muzamil, “In Photos: How Women’s Roles Are Changing in Kashmir’s Conflict,”  The New Humanitarian , April 1, 2021, https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/photo-feature/2020/07/14/Kashmir-military-conflict-violence-women.

⁵⁷ Seema Kazi, “Between Democracy and Nation: Gender and Militarisation in Kashmir” (PhD diss., London School of Economics and Political Science, 2007), 48.

⁵⁸ Condoleezza Rice, conversation with author, Stanford, May 12, 2023.

⁵⁹ Iqbal, “Through Their Eyes,” 167.

⁶⁰ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁶¹ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 67.

⁶² Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 64.

⁶³ Husain, “The Other Face of Azadi,” 66.

⁶⁴ Swati Parashar, “Feminist International Relations and Women Militants: Case Studies from Sri Lanka and Kashmir,”  Cambridge Review of International Affairs  22, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 235–56, https://doi.org/10.1080/09557570902877968, 248.

⁶⁷ Manisha Sobhrajani, “Jammu and Kashmir: Women’s Role in the Post-1989 Insurgency,”  Faultlines  19, no. 1 (April 2008): 71.

⁶⁸ Pradeep Thakur, “Let Training Women Militants,”  The Times of India , April 6, 2006, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/let-training-women-militants/articleshow/1862696.cms.

⁷⁰ Manchanda, “Guns and Burqa,” 78.

⁷¹ Thakur, “Let Training Women Militants.”

⁷² UN Women, “Revisiting Rwanda Five Years after Record-Breaking Parliamentary Elections,” UN Women, 2019, https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2018/8/feature-rwanda-women-in-parliament.

⁷³ “Women in Politics | United Nations Development Programme,” UNDP, accessed October 30, 2023, https://www.undp.org/armenia/projects/women-politics.

Khushmita Dhabhai

Khushmita Dhabhai is an undergraduate at Stanford University. Her areas of interest include studying conflict resolution, peacebuilding, statecraft, political philosophy, constitutional law, and the role of ethics in international affairs. Her regional focus is in the Asia-Pacific.

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Photo essay: A glimpse into the lives of Afghan women

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Since August 2021, Afghan women and girls have been grappling with increasingly restrictive decrees limiting their participation in all aspects of social, economic, and political life. These have confined millions of women to their home, restricting their important contributions to society.

Their already dire situation has been compounded in recent months by humanitarian crises. First, devastating earthquakes rocked western Afghanistan in October 2023. Then, since November 2023, hundreds of thousands of Afghans have been forced to return after a Pakistani decree on undocumented migrants went into effect. According to International Organization for Migration (IOM) data , an estimated 80 per cent of those affected are women and children.

To showcase the myriad struggles and resilience of Afghan women, UN Women and the IOM are organizing two joint photo exhibitions, at the United Nations Office in Geneva from 8 to 22 March and at United Nations Headquarters in New York from 11 to 22 March 2024, during the first week of the 68th session of the Commission on the Status of Women , an annual global meeting of Member States, gender equality champions, and experts.

This photo essay includes a selection of the anonymized photographs * and stories from this exhibition. The names and other details of women and girls featured have been changed for their protection.

Many Afghans who left shortly after the Taliban takeover in August 2021 fled to neighbouring countries, such as Pakistan. In recent months, legal and economic conditions have made continuing to live abroad nearly impossible, forcing many to return to an unknown fate back home in Afghanistan.

Female-headed Afghan families face additional challenges.

Habiba is one of them.

“I lived in Pakistan for two years”, says Habiba. “We faced lots of problems there. They would tell us, ‘We will drag Afghan immigrants out of Pakistan’, and that they wouldn’t let us stay. … Because we didn’t have any documents or visas, my children couldn’t go to school in Pakistan.

“We packed all our stuff, we prayed, and it was late at night when we left the house. Due to the rush of cars and people, we spent all night at the border. We spent a cold night, because we didn’t have enough warm clothing. Then, in the early morning, we started the drive back to Afghanistan. …

“We pray that my children wouldn’t starve and face any difficulties. We wish to have a better life here. … I ask the international community to stand with us and help Afghan people, especially returnees.”

Returnees must stay in temporary shelters before heading to the IOM Transit Centre, or their hometowns.

Salma, a mother of six, recently returned from Pakistan.

“One day, it all came crashing down around us”, says Salma. “The Government announced that they would be deporting all immigrants without proper documentation. We went there seeking a better life, and now we were being punished for it.

“I was filled with worry and anxiety as we packed up the few belongings we had and prepared to leave the only home our children had ever known. Where would we go? What would happen to us? Would we ever find a place to call home again? But even amid all this uncertainty, I knew that I had to stay strong for my children. They looked up to me, and I couldn’t let them see how scared and helpless I really felt. So, I put on a brave face, and told them that everything would be okay. …

“We left Pakistan with nothing more than the clothes on our backs and a suitcase full of dreams.”

For many women who have not lived in Afghanistan for years, returning to a place where they have few rights and freedoms and cannot go out in public without a mahram (male escort) has been jarring.

As a counter-narrative to the Taliban’s campaign to render Afghan women invisible, UN Women created  “After August” , a digital space to document and share the experiences of Afghan women.

Several of their stories and randomly paired photographs are featured in the exhibition. Among them is Belqis , who was forced to sell one of her daughters.

“After the Taliban takeover of the country last year, I had to sell my 6-year-old daughter for 100,000 afghani to pay off the expenses of the rest of the family”, says Belqis, a mother of three girls and six boys from Ghor. “I have to provide for the family. We don’t have tea at home. No soap. It is a bad situation.”

Before the Taliban takeover, Fatana was a student and vice-president of a youth union in Nuristan. She says she became a protester after watching the achievements of a lifetime disappear:

“I want to raise the voices of these innocent women to the international community, so that it no will longer just monitor and react, but act instead—act for the benefit of the brave women of my country, because we do not get anything from reaction! … My message to the world is to raise your voice with us, women, and don’t be silent. …

“Despite all the restrictions and torture, we women have not given up and we will not! … We have been projecting our voices more into the world, and we will continue on this path with our other sisters until the last moment of our lives.”

As a defence lawyer, Joweria used to take on women’s and children’s rights, child marriage and domestic violence cases. Now, she can no longer practice law.

“Today, I am imprisoned in my own home simply for being a woman. Worse yet, I faced severe security threats that have forced me to leave my home. The place I lived for years, where I was respected by everyone, no longer had a place for me. … In the blink of an eye, I went from the throne to the ground, and the day came when I couldn’t even afford 10 afghanis for transportation.

“In secret, I’ve been providing educational opportunities from my home for several girls who are deprived of the right to go to school. … I’ve raised my voice many times to change the current situation. But it seems that here, ears are deaf, and eyes are blind. No one sees us, and no one hears our voices. Still, I know that, in the end, success will be ours.”

Sohaila, a former parliamentary reporter from Takhar, is unemployed. Despite the restrictions, she’s started collecting and sharing stories about women online:

“Sleepless nights haunted me, and hearing the news of the dissolution of Parliament and closure of related offices shattered me. The Taliban stripped me and all Afghan girls of the spirit of change through knowledge and awareness. …

“Most media outlets in Afghanistan do not hire female employees and journalists. Despite that, I was not discouraged and started collecting stories of women and presenting them through online platforms to ensure that the voices of Afghan women are heard and not stifled. This is the least I can do as a woman for other Afghan women.”

While most girls her age are in school in other countries, 15-year-old Negina is stuck at home in Bamyan:

“I am making the most of my current captivity. … For the past six months, I’ve been teaching 12 neighbourhood children who, due to poverty or other reasons, couldn’t go to school. We hold daily one-hour classes in one of the rooms in our house. I’ve been teaching them subjects like math and Dari, and, fortunately, they can now read and write. … Although they’ve deprived me of my education, I have taught 12 other individuals, and this kind of fight against ignorance and illiteracy will be victorious, with time.”

Mahnaz, from Farah, is a former university student forced into marriage:

“I cried out loud when I got engaged. I felt helpless and found myself in a situation where I had no say in my decisions. I was in my second year of university, studying law and political science, and I aspired to work in the judicial system to protect women’s rights in our country. Unfortunately, my dreams were shattered after the return of the Taliban.

“Many of my friends have faced similar fates, giving up their hopes and marrying against their will. For all girls who have been unable to complete their education, marriage is not a choice but a forced reality.”

Women’s rights activist, author and poet Shabnam says her dreams may have been shattered, but not her will.

“I didn’t accept defeat. I, alongside other courageous women, raised our voices to protest the injustices of the Taliban. We went to the streets to protest, despite all the challenges and lack of support, both domestically and internationally. The Taliban hadn’t expected such courage from women. It wasn’t until they realized that we posed a significant threat to their regime, that they attempted to suppress us. …

“[A] Taliban intelligence group raided my house in the middle of the night, and on that night, my [husband was beaten in front of my] two young children, and my other family members faced the worst possible treatment by the Taliban, leaving eternal trauma etched on their souls and minds. After that night, I had no way to return home, and I was in hiding in my own land, seeking my rights. … Despite all these difficulties, I won’t stop.”

These stories and images capture the hardships that so many Afghan women are experiencing, but they also bring hope in their remarkable strength and resilience, as they find their own unique ways to resist.

• Gender discrimination
• Fundamental freedoms
• Women’s rights
• Ending violence against women and girls
• Gender equality and women’s empowerment
• Human rights

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Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Gender Roles — Gender Roles In Society

Gender Roles in Society

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Marginalization of Women Immigrants

Introduction.

Marginalization is a social process that significantly limits specific populations in terms of access to personal needs and requirements that are available to the larger society. Women immigrants are a group of individuals who have been ignored due to their mute exclusion from society. Therefore, women immigrants are a diverse population that is marginalized due to the misunderstandings that affect the identification process and negatively affect immigrant women’s day-to-day experiences (Dillon, Ertl, Corp, Babino, & De La Rosa, 2018).

There are numerous aspects of healthcare that negatively affect these women’s well-being as the government does not have a fully-fledged plan on how to improve the life experiences of immigrant women. There is a need to reduce the struggle to survive among this marginalized group and provide immigrant women with more opportunities to gain access to proper healthcare. The current paper aims to outline the background of immigrant women’s marginalization and discuss crucial aspects of this issue in detail to conclude the paper with a plan of how care providers could overcome the marginalization issue.

Background of the Issue

In 2017, the total number of immigrants across the United States accounted for approximately 7% of the country’s population (Dillon et al., 2018). Women, hinting at the fact that there are many undocumented families with possible mixed immigration status, represent almost half of that immigrant population. Given that the number of immigrants is cumulatively increasing, representation of women immigrants is a national issue that leaves the majority of immigrant women uninsured and deprived of proper health care (Sabri & Granger, 2018).

As Sabri and Granger’s (2018) research also shows, approximately 45% of the female immigrant population is uninsured. The lack of insured immigrant individuals also impacts the number of uninsured immigrant children, even if the family is mixed, and at least one of the parents is a US citizen.

Current changes introduced into the US immigration policy are most likely to contribute to a reasonable decline in the number of illegal immigrants. However, the impact of the policy cannot be predicted at the time. The lack of coverage for women immigrants and their children may lead to increased morbidity, leaving the government responsible for the revised use of Medicaid and other non-cash programs helping immigrants settle down and gain access to the essential services (Dillon et al., 2018). Given the decline in the number of non-documented immigrants, it may be safe to say that the healthy development of the immigrant population is threatened by the strict immigration laws that are negatively affecting women and their children.

Economic Issues

This hints at the fact that workforce participation among immigrant women are hindered by both visible and invisible challenges, which may include (but not be limited to) underappreciation, the lack of work-life balance, societal pressure, and other barriers. Limited English proficiency significantly reduces the amount of income for women immigrants as they also get deprived of access to adequate legal status. As Abuelezam and Fontenot (2017) suggest, professional occupations and managerial positions are almost unavailable to women immigrants as they only obtain related positions in approximately 20% of the cases due to critical misrepresentation.

The trend of economic marginalization also continues among that 20 % of women immigrants who were able to attain a managerial position as they do not receive a respectable wage that would respond to the basic needs of women immigrant population. This forces immigrant women to pick transportation and production jobs that are known for smaller wages, lack of respect for the labor, and inadequate employment requirements (Vu, Azmat, Radejko, & Padela, 2016). Compared to the US-born women, their immigrant counterparts have to pass on office, and administrative support jobs as the majority of them are taken by the local women who might not even have the required qualifications except for being a US citizen.

Social Justice Issues

As a social justice phenomenon, women immigrants are having issues that are related to the post-immigration stage, primarily due to the lack of understanding from the local population and their ultimate reluctance to helping the immigrants to settle. Social justice aspects, therefore, determine the future health trends and cultural identity of women immigrants because the US society responds to the issue of immigrant marginalization in a variety of ways that range from positive to entirely negative (Goodman, Vesely, Letiecq, & Cleaveland, 2017). For instance, women immigrants could be deprived of certain services or stigmatized owing to the cultural stereotypes and challenges associated with the process of acculturation.

In order to facilitate the process of overcoming challenges presented above, immigrant women have to improve their social position by building a unique social network, which they could use for social support and empowerment (Goodman et al., 2017). The biggest disadvantages immigrant women may experience due to racism, victimization, and the unwillingness of the local population to approve of the given immigrant’s socioeconomic status. Social justice may also relate to miscommunication, the lack of structural support for immigrants, and psychological barriers affecting women immigrants both mentally and physically, leaving them marginalized.

Ethical Issues

Since the updated regulations on immigration, the US experienced the advent of several ethical issues related to the marginalization of women immigrants. First of all, it is the threat of detention, which is ultimately affecting women with children the most (Vu et al., 2016). On the other hand, if a person is undocumented, they will have to find a solution to the issue of receiving high-quality care despite being illegitimate.

For immigrant women, this raises the concern of how they could evade harmful consequences despite being marginalized and deprived of proper healthcare. Therefore, immigrant women are continually putting in danger those care providers who choose to help them, as care delivery to immigrants is illegal (Goodman et al., 2017). There are practically no workarounds for these ethical issues as the majority of immigrant women are too afraid to uncover their existence to the government. It ultimately generates avoidance and unnecessary health issues that are more complicated due to the avoidance and marginalization.

A Brief Plan to Address Marginalization

Educate the community.

The first step would be to provide the community with all the required information in order to promote an understanding of how immigrant women are marginalized and why they need assistance in the first place. This would help reduce the prevalence of negative stereotypes and create a positive environment where income, creed, and gender would not shape interpersonal relationships. This will be the first step as it may attract more individuals to the problem of women immigrants marginalization and lead to the development of volunteer groups.

Foster Effective Partnerships

The second step would be care providers developing partnerships with the given marginalized population, allowing immigrant women to have a voice and let the community know of the issues that they encounter when trying to access health care. This relationship would become beneficial to both care providers and women immigrants as they will increase awareness regarding marginalized populations and start working on the renewed care provision strategies together. Patient-provider collaboration would reduce the occurrence of misinformation, promote accountability across different organizations, and give the marginalized population a chance to speak out.

Create Support Groups

The last step would be to create support groups for the marginalized population to gain more insight into their view of healthcare and how it should be provided to patients with specific needs. By including women immigrants into the discussion, care providers are going to ensure that there is a support system for a specific marginalized population that does not interfere with the process of providing care to the US-based families. These support groups would also serve as a source of counseling assistance for women immigrants who are suffering from different aspects of marginalization (such as racism, for instance) the most.

The marginalization of women immigrants is an articulated issue across the United States that has been amplified by the decisions that turned the immigration policy into a strict action plan with no workarounds and backdoors. The current paper outlined the statistics on women immigrants, showing that the issue is rather prevalent due to multiple aspects – economic, social, and ethical – depriving the marginalized population of proper access to healthcare. In order to overcome these challenges, the author of the current paper proposes to introduce educational programs for the community, foster interprofessional and interpersonal partnerships, and continuously build support groups to protect women immigrants from racism and misunderstanding.

Abuelezam, N. N., & Fontenot, H. B. (2017). Depression among Arab American and Arab immigrant women in the United States. Nursing for Women’s Health , 21 (5), 395-399.

Dillon, F. R., Ertl, M. M., Corp, D. A., Babino, R., & De La Rosa, M. (2018). Latina young adults’ use of health care during initial months in the United States. Health Care for Women International , 39 (3), 343-359.

Goodman, R. D., Vesely, C. K., Letiecq, B., & Cleaveland, C. L. (2017). Trauma and resilience among refugee and undocumented immigrant women. Journal of Counseling & Development , 95 (3), 309-321.

Sabri, B., & Granger, D. A. (2018). Gender-based violence and trauma in marginalized populations of women: Role of biological embedding and toxic stress. Health Care for Women International , 39 (9), 1038-1055.

Vu, M., Azmat, A., Radejko, T., & Padela, A. I. (2016). Predictors of delayed healthcare seeking among American Muslim women. Journal of Women’s Health , 25 (6), 586-593.

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Home / Essay Samples / Entertainment / The Handmaid's Tale / Women Marginalization in T”he Handmaid’s Tale” By Margaret Atwood

Women Marginalization in T"he Handmaid’s Tale" By Margaret Atwood

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